Sharaf Maxamed Cali Wardheer - Surre Reer Agoon oo loo magacaabay Wasiirka kaluumeysiga iyo Khayradka Badda Galmudug State

Mamulka Galmudug Axmed Ducaale Geelle Xaaf ayaa wuxuu magacabay 22 Wasiir-Laba Wasiir oo Beesha Dir Surre ayaa ku jiray oo kala ahaa:

Mamulka Galmudug Axmed Ducaale Geelle Xaaf ayaa wuxuu magacabay 22 Wasiir oo isugu Kuwa cusub iyo kuwa horey xilal uga hayey wasiiradii madaxweynihii hore ee Cabdikariin Xuseen Guuleed.
August 22, 2017
Laba Wasiir oo Beesha Dir Surre ayaa ku jiray oo kala ahaa:

1. Maxamed Cabdi Maxamed - Wasiirka Wasaarada Cadaaladda iyo Arrimaha Garsoorka, Dir- Surre

2. Maxamed Xuseen Maxamed- Wasiirka Wasaaradda Bey'adda, Dhirta iyo Daaqa - Dir  Surre Qubeys

https://www.warqaad.info/akhriso-magacyada-iyo-beelaha-wasiirada-galmudug-ee-la-magacaabay/

Madaxweynaha Maamulka Galmudug Axmed Ducaale Geelle Xaaf ayaa shalay magacaabay wasiiro ka kooban ilaa 22 wasiir oo isugu jiray kuwa cusub iyo kuwa horey xilal uga hayey wasiiradii madaxweynihii hore ee Cabdikariin Xuseen Guuleed.

Haddaba waxaan waqti badan kubixinay  sidii aynu u heli laheyn beelaha ay kasoo kala jeedaan Wasiiradii uu Magacaabay Xaaf.

Halkaan hoose ka akhriso wasiirada, Beelaha ay kasoo kala jeedadan sida ay Qabiilada u qeybsadeen xilalka

1- Maxamed Cabdi Maxamed , Wasiirka Wasaaradad Cadaaladda iyo Arrimaha Garsoorka, Dir.
2- Maxamed Xayir Nuur, Wasiirka Wasaaradad Arrimaha Gudaha iyo dowladaha Hoose, Mareexaan.
3- Saciid Siyaad Shirwac, Wasiirka wasaaradda Maaliyadda iyo horumarinta Dhaqaalaha, Habargidir Saleebaan.
4- Cismaan Ciise Nuur, Wasiirka Wasaaradad Amniga Gudaha, Habargidir, Ceyr
5- Mursal Cabdiraxmaan Axmed, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Awqaafta iyo Arrimaha Diinta, Dir, Fiqi Maxamuud
6- Xasan Maxamed Warsame, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Kalluumeysiga iyo Kheyraadka Badda, Mareexaan
7- Daahir Xasan Xuseen, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Howlaha Guud iyo dib u dhiska, Murusade
8- Cabdulqaadir Cabdullaahi Warsame, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Ganacsiga iyo Warshadaha, Mareexaan
9- Maxamuud Aadan Cusmaan, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Warfaafinta iyo dhaqanka, Abgaal, Waceysle.
10- Cabdullaahi Cali Maxamed, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Gaadiidka Cirka iyo Dhulka, Habargidir, Saruur
11- Ibraahim Xasan Guureeye, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Waxbarashada, Mareexaan.
12- Axmed Dubad Cali, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Boostada iyo Isgaarsiinta, Murusade Sabti
13- Axmed Dhiblaawe Casir, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Beeraha iyo xanaanada Xoolaha, Abgaal, Waceysle.
14- Maxamed Xuseen Maxamed, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Bey’adda, Dhirta iyo Daaqa, Dir, Qubeys
15- Naciimo Maxamed Maxamuud, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Caafimaadka, Shiiqaale/ Caagane
16- Hodan Cabdullaahi Shire, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Haweenka iyo horumarinta Xuquuqda Aadanaha, Habargidir Sacad.
17- Axmed Mire Cali, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Shaqada iyo Shaqaalaha, Habargidir Ceyr
18- Cali Yuusuf Xuseen, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Dhallinyarada iyo Isboortiga, Habargidir Saruur .
19- Cawil Xirsi Xasan , Wasiirka Wasaaradda Biyaha iyo Korontada, Duduble/ Awdareen.
20- Maxamed Aadan Qalabxoor, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Dekadaha iyo Gadiidka Badda, Habargidir, Sacad
21- Sahro Colaad Cabdi, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Qurba-joogta iyo dhiiragelinta Maalgashiga.
22- Shire Xirsi Maxamed, Wasiirka Wasaaradda Gargaarka Bini’aadanimada iyo daryeelka Naafada, Habargidir, Saruur.

Ahmed Roble
wardoon.net@gmail.com

Xiligii Axmed Gurey 1540 kii Beesha Mareexan wexey Ka Mid Aheyd Beesha Dir Habar Awal Maxamed Xiniftrire- Marrhan Clan Was A Dir Clan 1540 Accouringing to Fatuh Al Habash

I. M. Lewis states:[23]

The Marrehan and the Habar Magadle [Magādi] also play a very prominent role (...) The text refers to two Ahmads's with the nickname 'Left-handed'. One is regularly presented as 'Ahmad Guray, the Somali' (...) identified as Ahmad Guray Xuseyn, chief of the Habar Magadle. Another reference, however, appears to link the Habar Magadle with the Marrehan. The other Ahmad is simply referred to as 'Imam Ahmad' or simply the 'Imam'.This Ahmad is not qualified by the adjective Somali (...) The two Ahmad's have been conflated into one figure, the heroic Ahmed Guray (...)

The first of the tribes to reach Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi were Habar Magādle of the Isaaq clan with their chieftain Ahmad Gurey Bin Hussain Al-Somali,[24] the Somali commander was noted to be one of Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi's "strongest and most able generals".[25] The Habar Magādle clan were highly appreciated and praised by the leader Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi for their bravery and loyalty.[26]

Xiligii Axmed Gurey 1540 kii Beesha Mareexan wexey Ka Mid Aheyd Beesha Dir Habar Awal Maxamed Xiniftrire- Marrhan Clan Was A Dir Clan 1540 Accouringing to Fatuh Al Habash

1) Xiligii Dawlada Siyad Barre waxaa ay Mareexanka isku dayeen in ay sheegtaan Axmed Gurrey oo shaki ku jirin in uu Dir Yahay.

2) Daroodka sida ay taarikhdooda beenta ah ku sheegan Darood Ismaiil Jabarti wuxuu ka yimid Zaibida, Yeman oo uu ku Aasan yahay Ismaail Jabarti oo dhintay 1645 tii.

3) Axmed Gurey Darood marnaba ma noqon karo waayo Odeygii dhalay Darood Ismail Jabarti wuxuu dhintay oo lagu aasay Zabaida, Yeman 1645kii. Axmed Gurey wuxuu dhintay ilaahey ha u naxariistee 100 dhalashadii Ismaail Jabarti kadib. Marka Taarikhada Darood sax maah, Axmed Gurey ma noqon karo Darood ee waa Dir.

4) 1980 kii  beesha Mareexan xiligii  Siyaad Barre Dowladii Mareexanka waxa ay isku dayeen in ay Turjumaan Fatuh Al Xabash oo uu Siyaad Barre Af Somali u turjumay. 1983 dii Siyaad Barre ayaa joojiyay in Fatuuha Al Habash lagu qoro Af Somaali buugii la turjumayna waa la gubay. Sababta keentayna waxaa cadaatay buuga Fatuux Al Xabash inuu Darood ku sheego Axmed Gurey iska daa e in uu Mareexanka sheegay in ay ka soo jeedaan beesha Maxamed Xiniftire Dir ee Habar Awal. Arimo badan oo tariikhda Darood aqabad ku noqonaya oo ku tilmaamaya in Mareexan iyo Beelo kale oo Darood ay ka soo jeedaan Dir in ay buuga ku qoran yihiin.

Taarikho badan oo quracan oo ka mid ah Xarla waa Daarood iyo in qabiilka Darood oo dhan gabigiisu uu Dir iyo Hawiye noqdaan looga baqay ayaa joojisay in Fatuux Al Xabash la joojiyo.

Ma Dhabaa hogamiyaha Cusub Ee Al shabab Wuxuu ka soo jeedaa Beesha Dir Bajimaal ? Please Comment and Tell Us more About Bajimaal Dir

Anonymous said...

http://aftahannews.com/?p=19080

http://www.allidamaale.com/maxaad-ka-taqaan-hogaamiyaha-cusub-ee-al-shabaab/

Baraawe(Aftahannews):- Hoggaamiyaha cusub ee Kooxda Al-Shabaab u magacawday Amiirka guud ee Al-Shabaab Sh. Axmed Cumar (Abu Cubeyda), ayaa inta laga hayo taariikhdiisa oo kooban aannu idiinku soo gudbinaynaa Warkeennan.


Inkasta oo aanu Abu Cubayda ahayn nin aad uga dhex-muuqday xubnaha Kooxda ee aadka loo yaqaan magac ahaan iyo muuq ahaanba, balse waxa la sheegay in uu ku dhashay magaalada Qallaafe oo dhulka Ismaamulka Soomalida Ethiopia sannadkii 1970-kii, kuna soo barbaaray halkaas oo uu Waxbarashadiisa ku qaatay sida la weriyey.

Sannadkii 1990-kii, ayaa wuxuu yimid Magaalo-xeebeedka Kismaayo, waxaanu ka noqday magaaladaas Macallin Dugsi Qur’aanka lagu barto oo aad caan uga ahaa magaaladaas.
Muddo ka dibna wuxu ka mid noqday Ciidamadii Raaskambooni ee uu watay Sheekh Xasan Turki, kuwaasoo markii danbe ku biiray Maxaakiinta Muqdisho sannadkii 2006, waxaana ay dagaallo qadhaadh la galeen Hoggaamiye-kooxeedyadii Muqdisho ka jiray iyo Ciidammada Dawladdii Federaalka Ku-meel-gaadhka ahayd ee Madaxweynihii geeriyooday ee Cabdillaahi Yuusuf Axmed.
Hoggaamiyaha cusub ee Al-Shabaab Axmed Cumar (Abu- Cubeyd), ayaa kasoo mid noqday Saraakiisha sar-sare ee dagaal-gelinta, waxaana uu sidoo kale soo noqday Guddoomiyaha gobollada Bay iyo Bakool ee Al-shabaab, waxaana uu ahaa gacanta hoose ka dib markey si hoose ay isu fahmeen Axmed Cabdi Godane burburkii Maxaakiinta ka dib.

Abu Cubeyda ayaa waxa kale oo ay Saaxiib dhaw ahaayeen Axmed Cabdulqaadir (Isku-dhuuq) oo duqeyn Mareykanku ay ku dileen horraantii sannadkaan aynu ku jirno ee 2014-ka.
Mahad Cumar Cabdikariim oo hadda la baxay magaca Axmed Cumar (Abu Cubeyda) waxay Habro-wadaag yihiin sida qoraalkan taariikhdiisa laga helay lagu baahiyey Hoggaamiyihii Al-Shabaab Axmed Cabdi Aw Maxamuud Godane, waxaana Axmed Godane Hooyadiis waxaa la yidhaahdaa Cibaado Warsame, halka Mahad Cumar Hooyadii lagu magacaabo Fadumo Warsame.

Hooyooyinka dhalay ayaa Walaalo ah labadan hoggaamiye ee midna la dilay midna booskiisii buuxiyey. Godane iyo Abu Cubeyda waxa dhalay laba Gabdhood oo da’ ahaan isku xiga ama isku dhalasho xigay, waxaana weyn Abu Cubeyda Hooyadiis Faadumo. Cibaado Warsame iyo Fadumo Warsame waxay qabiil ahaan u dhasheen Beesha Isaaq, gaar ahaan Garxajis, Habaryoonis, Raaska Reer Sugulle.

Amiirka cusub ee Ururka Al-Shabaab ku caleemo-saarteen Baraawe, wuxuu qabiil ahaan u dhashay Beesha Bajamaal oo dadka qaarkiis ay ku sheegaan in ay la dhasheen beesha Biyamaal ee Dir.

aftahaninc@gmail.com
Aftahannews.com
Hargeysa/Somalilnd.

Peoples of the Horn of Africa (Somali, Afar and Saho): North Eastern ..., Part 1
By I. M. Lewis

The bursuk are a small Dir tribe to the east of Harar and are mainly cultivators. According to Burton, payment of blood-compensation is unknow amoungst them and fighting does not give rise to the interminable feuds characteristics of the nomadic Somali.

Other Dir groups which have not succeeded in maintaining their tribal autonomy so successfully as the Bimal in their dispersal from the north, are the Dabrui ( Dabruube) living amoung the Bimal of Merca, the Bajumal amoung the Shebelle Negroids, the Gorajno with the Garre, the Madaweni amoung the WaGosha and in Abyssina, and the Madeluk found amoung the Ogaden, Helai, Shebelle, in Jubbaland and at Serenlei and Margherita.

Bajimaal Dir Clan Notes: are a Dir group from the Qalafo Kallafo area. The area is inhabited by Hawiye and Bantu associated clans. Also the Bajimaal Dir ( Including Gadsan/Surre/Madaluug) with Associated bantu clans and The Bah Gerri Ogaadeen Clan

5. Gumare

Da'are-Niman
Moyko
Bajimal+Gasar 
(Hawiya + Rer Bare)

6. Shabelle

Niman-Gobyal
Dhurdhere
Bajimal (Dir)
7. Shubo
Gobyal-Bulo Olow
Shuubo
Gasar (Hawiya+Rer Bare)
8. Hobay
Bulo Olow-Budul
Budul
Hobay (Hawiya+Rer Bare)

9. Qodi

Budul-Burdhinle
Mustahil
 Jidle+ Habar Gidir Hawiya) + Rer Aw Hasan  + Dir

 2.2 Territorial distribution of local clans in Gode zone
Gode zone is one of the areas in Region 5 inhabited by diverse groups of different clan origin. This social diversity is carried further by the presence of a distinct farming group, constituted of an association of Hawiya and Rer Bare, who live in mixed permanent agricultural settlements along the banks of the Webi Shabelle River in Kallafo district. This cultivating mixed group is known in literature as Rer Bare. The Rer Bare, who are associated with the Hawiya in Gode zone, physically resembles minority Bantu cultivating groups that occupy downstream Webi Shabelle and Juba rivers in southern Somalia.
Out of the six districts in Gode zone, two are largely occupied by Hawiya clans (the border districts of Ferfer Fer and Mustahil), two by Ogadeni clans (Gode and Dhanan), while the remaining two are socially mixed and therefore jointly controlled by the Dir and Ogadeni clans of Kallafo and Iimey (see Table 2 for the distribution of clans in the districts of the Gode zone).
Hawadle and Jidle Hawiya clans form the largest groups in the border districts of Fer Fer and Mustahil respectively. Tolomogge and Rer Ugas Nur form the largest Ogadeni clans in Gode and Dhanan districts respectively. Bah Geri clan of the Ogaden and associated Hawiya and Rer Bare form the dominant groups in Kallafo, while Iimey district is jointly controlled by the Duba of the Dir family and Rer Ammadin of the Ogaden. As Table 2 illustrates, the italicised clan represents the largest group of the district. Smaller groups living with the dominant group are not underlined.
Table 2: Distribution of clans in the districts of the Gode zone
Name of the District
Largest Clan/Clans
1. Fer Fer
Hawadle (Hawiya), Rer Aw Hassan (Religious Lineage)
2. Mustahil
Jidle (Hawiya), Habar Gidir (Hawiya), Rer Ise
3. Kallafo
Bah Geri (Ogaden)/Hawiya Bajimaal Dir and associated Rer Bare
4. Gode
Tolomogge (0gaden)
5. Dhanan
Rer Ugas Nur (Ogaden)
6. Iimey
Dubo (Dir or Hawiya?)/Rer Ammaadin (Ogaden) and Galameys
2.3 Current politics Election results of three constituencies in the region, including Gode, were cancelled by the Electoral Board to the dissatisfaction of the Ethiopian Somali Democratic League (ESDL), which anticipated victory. Therefore, the federal and regional parliamentary elections were rescheduled and held on 19 August, 1995. Three different political organisations won seats in the elections (see Table 3).
Table 3: 1995 election results for the Gode electoral constituency
Political Organisation
Federal Parliament
Regional Parliament
ESDL
1
4
ONLF
3
0
WSDP
1
0
The results of the election indicate the mixed social composition of the population in the Gode zone. Three political organisations fielded candidates: the Ethiopian Somali Democratic League (ESDL), the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the Western Somali Democratic Party. The ESDL won the largest number of regional council seats (4) and became the zonal representative in the federal parliament. Non-Ogadeni groups in the Gode zone, the Hawiya and the associated Rer Bare and the Dir unanimously support the Ethiopian Somali Democratic League, which unites a coalition of more than a dozen Somali clans in the Somali Region. They believe that they are relatively well-off under the ESDL administration in terms of power sharing and distribution of political resources. This is particularly true in the case of small groups that were politically marginalised under previous ONLF-dominated administrations. For example, the Rer Bare in Kallafo were not represented in the past administrations, but now have two representatives in the regional council - both of whom are executive members of the council.
Disappointment with mismanagement and malpractice of previous administrations is also partly responsible for the support of the ESDL by non-Ogadeni entities in Gode zone. There is a widespread perception that the ESDL is determined to uproot corruption and establish an effective administration that serves the interest and well-being of the public. If the ESDL fails to capitalise on this popular support or does not carry out expected administrative reform and economic benefits, it will certainly lose the wider support and appeal it currently enjoys in this zone and throughout the region.
Among the Ogadenis there has been a significant shift of support from the ONLF to the ESDL in Gode zone. This is based on the perception that Ogadeni clansmen will be better off under ESDL administration than the presently divided ONLF. Therefore, the Tolomogge Ogadeni clan in the Gode district supports the ESDL.
The only member of the Western Somali Democratic Party (WSDP) who won a seat in the regional parliament belongs to Awilyahan clan of the Ogaden. Some members of this large Ogadeni clan live in Gode zone, although the majority of its clansmen live in the neighbouring Afdher zone. The second president of the regional administration, Hassan Jire, who himself is Awilyahan, is the chairman of the WSDP. The formation of this party followed the establishment of the Ethiopian Somali Democratic League at the beginning 1994, which consolidated the factional political association and also ended ONLF’s domination of the regional administration. Therefore, it would appear that the WSDP was created as an attempt to form an Ogadeni dominated Darod political organisation that could balance the ESDL.
 
III. ECONOMY
3.1 Food production
Two distinct economic and ecological zones dominate the physical landscape of the lowland areas in the Gode zone. The most prominent geographical feature is the sparsely populated vast pastoral region that supports the seasonally migrating nomadic clansmen who herd a primary stock of camels and additional flocks of sheep and goats. The monotony of the barren rolling lowland grazing areas growing often scarce and variously distributed surface grass, scant shrubs and acacia trees, is broken by a relatively verdant cultivated farming flood plain stretching along the forested banks of the Webi Shabelle corridor. Maize and sorghum are the staple crops produced by hoe cultivators living in permanent villages along the banks of the river. In good years, such as the present year, this farming belt in the Gode zone produces a grain surplus which is consumed by both the pastoralists in the region and those in neighbouring Somalia.
As elsewhere in the region, the predominantly nomadic economy does not produce all its food requirement. The traditional nomadic diet of mainly milk and meat is increasingly supplemented with grain purchased from the local markets of Gode, Kallafo and other towns. From 1977 until as recently as 1994, large scale relief grain delivered to the camps in Eastern Hararghe and Somalia was widely traded in this linked economic zone to satisfy the pastoralist grain demand.
This wheat grain, which was traded in the local markets in the region, has been substituted this year by a bumper harvest in the agricultural belt of Gode zone. Locally produced maize and sorghum in the Gode area have replaced the relief wheat as the main cereals traded in the markets of the region and are also currently sent to neighbouring Somalia.
Settlement and cultivation along the Webi Shabelle River led to the growth and development of permanent villages. This contrasts with the ephemeral and temporary nomadic encampments that appear or disappear across the range lands depending upon the distribution of nomadic resources of pasturage and water, which are determined by the erratic and bimodal rainfall. Permanent agricultural villages, particularly those in Kallafo district credited with a long history of cultivation, are generally compacted and densely populated. On the other hand, the nomadic areas are relatively sparsely populated. The collapsible nomadic hut is the main dwelling for the pastoralists, while the relatively durable mud and wattle hut with a conical roof is the common dwelling for the farming groups.
Production strategies of the old agricultural groups, most importantly the Rer Bare, differ markedly from those of recently established settlements that are chiefly populated by resettled drought affected nomadic groups or returnees with strong pastoral background. Crop production is also more diversified among the cultivating village groups in the established agricultural settlements in Kallafo district. In addition to the staple crops of sorghum and maize grown by both groups of farmers, cultivators in the old villages grow secondary crops of cow pea, sesame and, to a lesser extent, vegetables. These secondary crops not only diversify the mainly agricultural diet of these farmers but are also used to exchange for cash. It is also common among the peasants in the established agricultural villages to keep with them between one to three milk cows to satisfy the domestic need for milk, since milk is the preferred diet for infants and is also taken with the staple diet of maize.
Resettled nomads and returnees in the newly established agricultural settlements commonly practice a mixed economy of crop production and livestock husbandry (cattle and flocks of sheep and goats). Cattle, which are usually associated with settlement and cultivation, replace the fast and frequently moving camel herd as the primary stock. However, these recently sedentarized families cannot keep their large cattle herds in the settlement all the time. Therefore, except the few milk cows which are kept for domestic use, most of the cattle are raised in grazing regions outside the settlement. A member of the settled family moves with the cattle or the task is entrusted to a nomadic kinsman in the hinterland. Since their traditional land is confined to the flood plains along the banks of the river, raising a large number of cattle in grazing areas controlled by antagonistic nomadic clans is not an option for the farmers.
The large number of animals raised by settled nomads has additional advantages lacked by the primarily cultivating groups. For example, animals and animal products can be turned to cash more readily; therefore families with large herds can realise more than the cost expended on essential commodities. This surplus income could be invested in trade or female cattle to increase the herd. Nevertheless, the labour demand at the peak agricultural seasons constrains the practice of mixed economy as a viable enterprise. Owners of large cattle herds use hired labour to carry out vital agricultural tasks such as preparation of land, weeding and harvesting, although casual labour is difficult to find at the peak of the agricultural seasons. Shortage of hired agricultural labour is most acute in the planting season when every farmer is tilling his land.
If an enterprising farmer manages to realise a large income from the sale of agricultural products, livestock, or from both, he is most likely to replace the income with one of the following forms of desired investment in the rural areas of the region: women, cattle, guns and trade. Also, although traditionally nomadic, Somalis carry weapons, and since the recent crisis, the possession of a Klashnikov has become a legitimate defensive weapon that is vital for the protection of ones’ life and property. Nevertheless, the deadly Klashnikov and other modern weapons tend to be misused by irresponsible people, and pose a problem that will not go away until a viable rule of law is established in those remote areas such as Gode zone.
In addition to the prestige associated with having more than one wife, having numerous children is promoted as they are a possible labour force on the farm, and since the nuclear family is the main unit of production. Shortage of labour and irregular supply of river water for irrigation are foremost among the factors restraining agricultural production in the area. The most rudimentary agricultural implement, the hand hoe, is still used for tilling the land. The traditional ox-plough, which is employed in the highland regions of the county, in Jijiga and in the north-west agricultural region of Somaliland, is not known in the farming areas along the Webi Shabelle River on both sides of the border.
In an average year the river floods twice: during the main gu’ rainy season (April-June) and minor deyr season (November-January). Planting takes place during these two periods when the river is also flooded. Since rainfall is erratic and often scarce, sufficient flooding of the river and favourable rains are imperative for a good harvest.
Maize is the principal staple crop produced by the cultivators in the Gode zone. Other important food crops grown in the area are sorghum, sesame, cow beans and pumpkins. Small-scale fruit and vegetable plantations are also increasing in the Kallafo and Gode areas. Mostly started by returnees, these motorised commercial farms produce sufficient fruits and vegetables (guava, banana, papaw, mangoes, lemon, oranges, tomatoes, etc.) for local consumption.
3.2. Distribution of goods: markets and trade
Common economic interest between rival clans and unstable association of clans controlling their areas of influence allows an effective network of trade linking the economic and cultural zones of the Ethiopian Somali Region and Somalia and "Somaliland". This "trans-clan" robust trade network effectively distributes imported manufactured goods and local produce across the connected economic zone. The economic and social interaction in the region is more important to the well-being of clansmen in Gode zone and in the other zones of the Ethiopian Somali Region than the minimal link the region has had with the relatively developed highland areas of the country.
As elsewhere in the region, Gode zone is intricately linked to neighbouring Somalia and the self-proclaimed "Republic of Somaliland". Along the banks of the Webi Shabelle River, which extends to the agricultural region in southern Somalia, flood recession agriculture is practised by farming minority groups. Moreover, sections of the local Ogadenis and Hawiya are "trans-national", with clansmen living on both sides of the practically notional border.
The dominant pastoral economy in Gode zone is diversified by riverine agriculture that produces surplus grain in good years. Live animals produced in this region are exported to the Gulf states via the northern ports of Berbera, Bosaso and Mogadishu. The proceeds from exported live animals are used to purchase manufactured goods and food stuff. Manufactured goods and food items imported from the Gulf countries through the Somali ports enter the Gode zone through local trade centres, most importantly Gode and Kallafo towns. These local trade centres are connected to Mogadishu and Bosaso ports through land a transportation network via Beletwein and Baidhawa towns. Gode and Kallafo towns are also connected by road to Dhagahbur, the most important trade centre in the interior of the Ogadeni sphere of influence. Dhagahbur has vital trade links with other trade centres in "Somaliland" and southern Somalia.
As in other parts of the Ethiopian Somali Region, distribution of goods between the Gode area and highland regions of the country is relatively limited in scope. Nevertheless, this region receives some agricultural goods produced in the highland areas of Hararghe. The most of important of these is chat. Though some supply of chat is sent from Dire Dawa with Ethiopian Airlines on its scheduled flights to Gode, this mild but addictive narcotic is regularly sent by road from Jijiga to Gode and Kallafo towns. Other goods, such as coffee, alcoholic drinks and teff, which are mostly consumed by the highlanders in the urban centres in the region, are brought from Harar town. Due to religious beliefs, Somalis do not generally consume alcohol and prefer very sweet tea to coffee. The region also receives vegetables, mostly onions and potatoes, produced in the highlands of Hararghe. These agricultural products are also exported across the border to Somalia.
In a good year, the riverine peasant agriculture along the banks of the Webi Shabelle River produces a surplus of sorghum and maize. The yield from the gu’ season has been very good this year, and therefore Kallafo and Gode markets were busy buying and selling maize and sorghum. Part of the production from the zone is locally traded and goes to the interior towns of Dhagahbur and Kebridheherre. Nomadic families in the Ethiopian Somali Region exchange the proceeds from the sale of livestock for sorghum. Sorghum is the preferred staple food among the Somali nomads on both sides of the border. Hence some of the sorghum produced in Gode zone is sent to "Somaliland" through Dhagahbur. The reduction of relief wheat grain delivered to the camps in Eastern Hararghe and food assistance to Somalia is also a factor that has brought about a demand for sorghum in "Somaliland" and Somalia. Maize produced in the Gode region is sent to southern Somalia through Beletwein and Baidhawa, where maize rather than sorghum forms the staple diet.
3.3 Cash economy
Gode and Kallafo markets operate on a number of currencies. The Somali Shilling, Ethiopian Birr and US Dollar are freely exchanged by local traders, usually shop and store owners. There are no specialised money dealers exchanging these currencies and the "Somaliland" Shilling, such as those found in Harta Sheikh town in Eastern Hararghe, functions as an important trans-shipment centre for manufactured goods entering Ethiopia. Even though Gode is the only town in the region outside Jijiga that is served by a bank, exchange of different currencies in the interior market centres in Gode zone takes place informally outside the bank. Thus, private business people who run enterprises such as restaurants, shops and wholesale stores, as well chat dealers, deal with exchange money as a supplementary activity. Merchants also undertake another important banking function, acting as a repository of money deposited by their customers who are mainly kinsmen. Some traders also use the money deposited with them to invest in business, and offer credits to trusted kinsmen.
In the chat trade, having the right cash to get the desired commodity makes the exchange of money a vital part of the business. Since chat is grown in the highlands of Hararghe where Ethiopian Birr is the accepted currency, dealers in the interior towns of Gode zone, where the common currency is the Somali Shilling, need to exchange Somali Shilling to Ethiopian Birr. The regular need for Birr by the chat dealers insulates this currency from devaluation and fluctuation. Therefore, Birr is the second most desired currency after the coveted US Dollar. Although traders like to keep their cash in either Birr or US Dollars, both currencies are in short supply in Gode and Kallafo. Money remitted by relatives abroad, which is paid to beneficiaries in the zone by money transfer dealers based in Addis Ababa, and wages of the government staff, are the chief sources of Birr.
The bank in Gode has little control over the flow and exchange of currency in the zone. This reduces its major activity to transferring government funds for state projects and salaries of government employees. In spite of the fact that some Somali traders have Birr accounts in the bank, it is more common among business people from the highlands to have bank accounts.
3.4. Who are the traders
Gode town has two distinct market places. The old market place, mainly south of the telecommunication office, is dominated by traders from the highlands. This section of the town also contains the bars and restaurants that serve highlander traders and government employees. North of this lies the rather straggling new market which is dominated by Somalis.
Shops, stores and the open market that crowd in front of the dusty streets containing these enterprises sell similar but a wide range of manufactured goods: clothes, utensils, food (both imported and local) and condiments, detergents, perfumes, and lots of other essential items. Although the old market dominated by the highlanders appears to specialise in clothes, lack of specialisation is the most important feature of the market in Gode and elsewhere is the zone.
Excluding chat, which is handled by Somali traders, goods brought to the zone from Harar (there is little trade in manufactured goods from the closer but less accessible Bale area) are dealt with by highlanders. More manufactured goods are imported by Somali merchants from Somalia and "Somaliland". It is very difficult for non-Somalis to be involved in the trade of goods from Somalia, because it is not only risky, given the absence of a security forces of a central authority, but also because kinship ties play an important role in business transactions among the Somalis.
Security of the life and property of a Somali trader, or that of any Somali, is ultimately guaranteed by his corporate kin group. Fear of reprisal from his kinsmen ensures the security of trucks and goods moving outside the sphere of influence of a merchant’s group. Thus, if a trade truck or merchandise belonging to a member of ‘X’ group is robbed by bandits belonging to ‘Y’ clan, closely related kinsmen of the victim will avenge the loss by taking possession of a trade truck or goods belonging to a close clansmen of the miscreant. In addition, the Somali customary law and the sharia strongly sanction the inviolability of private property. In contrast to the respect afforded by the Somali to private property, there is a remarkable lack of similar cultural sanction protecting the public property which makes it easy for miscreants to vandalise and abuse it. This implies that NGOs and government organisations working in remote areas of the Ethiopian Somali Region have to take precautions to protect vehicles and other valuable assets, or else obtain the trust and co-operation of the beneficiary groups. If convinced that a development agent is doing good work, the beneficiaries take interest in the safety of the vehicles and property of the external agent.
Annex
Segmentary lineage politics
The all-pervasive and highly segmented social formation is an important feature of the Somali culture. In this system of formed segmented and often opposed social units, clan is the most important political unit. Large political units or associations are notoriously unstable, since they depend upon the political context and are usually formed in opposition to others. Despite the highly segmented nature and fluid social situation of the traditional Somali polity, important levels of political grouping could be discerned. Clans belonging to three large families of clans inhabit the Gode zone - Darod, Hawiya and Dir. In anthropological terms, these large groups are described as clan-families. The Somali population in the Horn of Africa is divided into the six large clan families of Darod, Hawiya, Isaq, Dir, Digil and Rahanwein. Since members of these large groups are usually widely distributed across the boundaries of the neighbouring countries in the Horn, an exact association at this level is often symbolic.
Within the clan-family, the most important political unit is the clan. Traditionally, this marks the upper level of political action. In the wake of the downfall of Siad Barre's centralised regime and the following disintegration of the Somali society, the clan emerged as the most stable political unit. The clan and some of the large sub-clans have a nominal head commonly known as suldaan or ugaas.
In our case, the Ogadeni (Darod), Hawiya (an association of Hawiya and Rer Bare) and Dir clans, whose clansmen dominate the affairs of the different districts in the Gode zone, act as independent political entities. Each clan subdivides to constituent lineages whose co-operation or opposition is based on actual or perceived collective interest. Nevertheless, co-operation and solidarity of clansmen could be mobilised when its corporate interest is threatened by an antagonistic group.
Pervasive but often diffuse loyalty to kin groups is strengthened by contractual treaties defining payment and receipt of compensation for homicide and minor damages. These customary ties form the basis for the most stable political unit within the clan, the dia-paying lineages. The strongly bound kinship ties binding kinsmen belonging to closely related dia-paying lineage, is supplemented by a common contractual treaty sanctioning members to pay and receive collectively blood compensation (dia) and minor damages.
The Hawiya and the associated Rer Bare in Kallafo district
The Hawiya and associated Rer Bare in Kallafo wereda are probably the prototype peasant community in the Shabelle Valley on the Ethiopian side of the border. Their social composition is distinct from that of recently settled Somali farming clans which still retain the pervasive kinship-organised political culture. These farming communities in Kallafo district are composed of an association made of two diverse social groups who show distinct physical characteristics. One section of this association, the Rer Bare, have Bantu features similar to those of the minority farming communities in southern Somalia, while the other section are actually sedentarised, and mainly Hawiya groups.
The mixed Hawiya and Rer Bare agricultural groups are segmented like the Somali social clans. Each farming associated mixed segment functions as an independent unit in relation to similar cultivating units and also in opposition to the predominantly powerful pastoral Somali clans. Nevertheless, the unifying forces that claim common ancestors and ties to a fixed territory have not produced any significant intermingling between the mixed Hawiya and Rer Bare groups. The institution of marriage maintains this social distinction, for Somalis do not allow intermarriage with their Bantu allies who have more pronounced African features.
The Hawiya and associated Rer Bare farming groups distinguish themselves into two social categories, known in Somali as bah iyo boqor. This literally translates to "subjects" and "kings". This clear distinction which falls along ethnic lines defines the differentiated hierarchical status of the Somalis (mainly Hawiya) and the Rer Bare division. The latter are classified as "subjects" or "commoners", while the Somali are acknowledged as "aristocrats" or the "ruling group". Thus, it is no wonder that many of the ancestors of the Rer Bare belong to the Hawiya "aristocrats". Another idiom, hair texture, is also commonly used to differentiate between the two associated settled groups. The "noble" Somalis are known as those with the soft hair (jileyc), while their Rer Bare associates are described as those with thick hair (jareer).
The mainly Hawiya and Rer Bare associates are said to be the descendants of two ancestors, namely Badbedan and Kunle. Each of these two associated groups is further sub-divided into three important sections that are further segmented into small lineages. Except two sub-divisions of the Badbedan, Ali Mad and Dagine, who are largely composed of Rer Bare, these mixed settled communities usually consist of a mixture of mainly Hawiya and Rer Bare. Because of internal discord in the past, the Ali Mad and Dagine seem to have formed independent and exclusive Rer Bare groups (see Figure 1). The Bajimal contains a large number of Dir, while Rer Gedow, Rer Ise, and Gasar contain a large number of Hawiya groups, most importantly the Ajuran.
It is important to bear in mind that ethnic labelling in the socially mixed farming communities of Gode zone, and particularly in Kallafo district, is very sensitive. It is also very flexible. The primarily pastoral groups in the zone tend to despise these settled agricultural groups, who themselves despise nomads. Although the Rer Bare generally acknowledge the "aristocratic" status of the Hawiya, they also tend to assert their independence as a separate entity and demand equality with their Somali associates. 

Peoples of the Horn of Africa (Somali, Afar and Saho): North Eastern ..., Part 1
By I. M. Lewis

The bursuk are a small Dir tribe to the east of Harar and are mainly cultivators. According to Burton, payment of blood-compensation is unknow amoungst them and fighting does not give rise to the interminable feuds characteristics of the nomadic Somali.

Other Dir groups which have not succeeded in maintaining their tribal autonomy so successfully as the Bimal in their dispersal from the north, are the Dabrui ( Dabruube) living amoung the Bimal of Merca, the Bajumal amoung the Shebelle Negroids, the Gorajno with the Garre, the Madaweni amoung the WaGosha and in Abyssina, and the Madeluk found amoung the Ogaden, Helai, Shebelle, in Jubbaland and at Serenlei and Margherita.
 
 

Gurreh Council of Elders Summit-Quranyow branches into Asare and Furkesha In the Ward representative seats, the Asare were reserved for three seats while the Furkesha managed to get three on their part.

By: Ahmed Abdirashid

BANISA, MANDERA—The much awaited grand Gurreh Council of Elders Summit has Sunday announced new political direction that left many furious and delirious in equal measure.

Gureh Council of Elders and other professionals from the larger Gurreh community have been streaming to Banisa Sub -County in the past days on a mission to sketch new political landscape that will see the whole community gear up in one direction in the coming 2017 election.

With over 30 seats up for grabs in the county, the Gurreh Community converged in Banisa sub county to share among themselves various seats, among the sub clans of the community to avoid disintegration of the larger tribe, though some politicians were reported to be unhappy with the decisions.

The Gureh is divided into two main branches: Tuuf and Quranyow.  Tuuf is made up of Ali  and Adola  while Quranyow branches into Asare and Furkesha
In the Ward representative seats, the Asare were reserved for three seats while the Furkesha managed to get three on their part. Rer Ali , the sub clan which Al Roba hails from were given three seats while their counterpart Adola managed to scoope 6 seats.

In the Constituency level, the Furkesha were reserved to vie for Mandera West and Mandera North seats .Rer Ali will battle it out for Women rep and Elwak seats while Adola will vie for Banissa constituency.


 The gubernatorial post was reserved for the Asare Sub Clan.

We understand that the Banna has withdrawn their candidature, instead settling for other posts including Cabinet Secretary in the national government should Jubilee government secure re-election in next year. The current Cabinet Secretary for Industrilisation, Adan Mohamed is from Mandera County.

The Sub Clans were given five days to forward the names of their preferred candidates who are expected to be in the ballot in the coming General Elections.

However, it’s reported that some prominent politicians including the incumbent governor Ali Roba are not happy with the elder’s decision for he was expecting to retain his position. It’s reported that ten out of the 16 Council of Elders have voted against the disgruntled leader with only six voting in favor of him. The other prominent leader who could not make the cut are the current Mandera Women Representative, Fathia Mahboub and Mandera Senator Billow Kerrow.

Team up with other tribes   

Reliable sources in the Summit have intimated to Kulan Post that the Guarreh clan want to team up with the minority tribes in the county where the Deputy Govenor is set to come from.

The Garre of Mandera County - Garre Quranyow Maxamed Xiniftire Dir

The entire history of the independent Kenya has witnessed the northeastern part of Kenya’s vulnerability to natural calamities and bad governance – thanks to a political culture where opportunism supersedes principle. Many families are yet to recover from such unending episodes of calamities. Education, as evident in the national examinations performance, is always the poorest. Armed banditry and clan warfare has become the trade mark of the region. Cases of gross human rights violations have been documented, though not exhaustively. Being one of the most systematically marginalized communities, pastoralists have virtually no say over the political and administrative changes that have impact on their lives. Moreover, physical boundaries of ancestral lands continually bring problems between clans.


Garre, a cushitic people found in Somalia, Ethiopia and Kenya. they are estimated to be 700,000 persons living in Kenya. In Kenya majority of the population found in Mandera district are known for their pastrolist as livelihood form. Mandera District ( Garre District) of NorthEastern Province was named after the indigenous and predominant Garre Community by Sir Vincent Glenday, Chief Shaba Alio and the Prominent Elder, Aw Gababa Alio in 1900.


According to a report in the Kenyan National Archive (PC/NFD/Monthly Report 1914/1927), the town of Mandera was made the District Headquarters in 1910 and remained the capital of the Northern Frontier District (NFD) until it was moved to Meru in 1919. Only Garre inhabited Mandera by then. This name persisted till 1930, before it was changed to what was later come to be known as Mandera District. It is also a known fact that the Dogodia (Degodia) are the predominant community in Wajir and the Ogaden in Garissa. However, this is not to suggest that each district is inhabited exclusively by the one tribe or clan.
The issue of boundary between the two districts of Wajir and the Gurreh District was resolved in 1924. According to a report from the Kenya National Archive (DC/MDA/3/3 – MDA/24) a public baraza held in Elwak by DCs from Moyale, Wajir and Mandera and representatives of the Gurreh and Dogodia (Degodia) discussed issues of boundaries between Wajir and Mandera. A definite boundry was laid for the Wajir of Dogodia (Degodia) and the Garre District from Boloble area to the Italian Somaliland boundary. This boundary was reciprocal. It is therefore a known fact on files and records in the Kenyan National Archive that the two communities inhabited two different regions during and after the colonial era in the country.
Although the Garre community is tolerant and accommodative to all of its neighbors – such gesture of hospitality has been take for granted and abused by the many who later came to reside in the Gurreh District.
The recent move by the Dogodia (Degodia) community to seek an exclusive administrative region of their own in the Garre land in Mandera that is likely to be converted to new constitency, is a blatant and open aggression that cannot be tolerated by any civilized community in this nation. Our brothers have never been tolerant to any community living amidst them in the vast Wajir District and should expect less in this regard.


Ancestral lands are valued more than anything else in ones life, hence a hot bed of tension.


Land issues have been identified as one of the major causes of conflict in Kenya, particulrly in Mandera, the marginalized district of Northeastern Kenya. This violence is blamed on the invading clans from the neighboring clans with expansionist mind and the government, which is insensitive to land issues in the region. Importation of evaders and being registered as voters in other peoples ancestral land is surely a catalyst for disenfranchment and future inter-clan conflicts that is likely to be followed by a scenaria recently experienced in Elwak ” Bring your gun or you die”

Wariye herari o hindiya ka helay qoys Habar Yonis Mahe Dir

Sheikh Bashir Yussuf One of The Fathers of Somali Nationalism and Independency - Sheikh Bashir Habar Jeclo Maxamed Xiniftire Dir

The Daarood Revisionist History of Siad Barre never mentions the Bimaal Dir Resistance and on of the Great hero's of Somali Nationalism what shame




Sheikh Bashir Yussuf (Somali: Sheekh Bashiir Yuusuf, Arabic: الشيخ يوسف بشير‎, born c. 1905 in Taleh, northern Somalia) was a Somali religious leader.

In 1945, Yussuf emerged as a leader in the former British Somaliland. Yussuf, who is said to have been related to Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan on his mother's side, was devoutly religious and of a philosophical nature, a conscientious practitioner of the mystical sect of Salihiyya based in Saudi Arabia. He hails from the Habar Jeclo clan of the Isaaq.
The popular impression at the time among the British colonial officials in Burao was the nationalistic teachings of Farah Omaar. Conversely, Yussuf was collecting arms and men with a view to establish his authority over the northeast portion of the protectorate. It was also freely rumoured that it was his ultimate goal to drive out the British; he was strong enough to lead a religious expedition against British rule. He organized headquarters in the east of the Burao region of the former British Somaliland, and quickly attracted a following because of his genius and religious influence.
During May 1945, Yussuf's force raided the European officials and military areas like the District Commissioner's residence in Burao. Before being counterattacked, Yussuf managed to move his troops during the night and retreated to his domain. His force was greatly outnumbered, possibly by hundreds. These men held a number of hills, which rose steeply from the light bush beside the wide sandy riverbed, which is known as Togdheer. There were only a few men to cover a front of 900 yards, and most of them had never been in action before, but they were determined that no British troops should force their way in unchallenged. The fight they gave was a lesson in determination which the British troops signally failed to emulate. Yussuf himself was in his natural element when fighting in the bush, but here he was given a position to hold and had no opportunity to use his bush tactics.
The British campaign against Yussuf's troops proved abortive after several defeats as his forces kept moving from place to place and avoiding any permanent location. No sooner had the expedition left the area, than the news traveled fast among the Somali nomads across the plain. The war had exposed the British administration to humiliation. The government came to a conclusion that another expedition against him would be useless; that they must build a railway, make roads and effectively occupy the whole of the protectorate, or else abandon the interior completely. The latter course was decided upon, and during the first months of 1945, the advance posts were withdrawn and the British administration confined to the coast town of Berbera.
Yussuf settled many disputes among the tribes in the vicinity, which kept them from raiding each other. He was generally thought to settle disputes through the use of Islamic Sharia. He was attributed with the possession of supernatural powers, and gathered around him a strong following.
Death.
The British administration recruited Indian and South African troops to fight against Yussuf and had intelligence plans to capture him alive. When he was eventually killed, Yussuf became a martyr and was held in great reverence. His family took quick action to remove his body from the place of his death at Geela-E.g. mountain, about 20 miles from Burao.


Shiekh Bashir Yussuf haji yusuf was born in round 1905 in Taleh east of Lasanod.
In 1945, a brave religious leader called, Shiekh Bashir Yussuf,emerged in the former British Somaliland. Shiekh Bashir, was devoutly religious and of philosophical nature, conscientious practice of the mystical sect of Salihiya based in Saudi Arabia. Shiekh Bashir was collecting arms and men with a view to establish his authority over the northeast portion of the protectorate. It was also freely rumoured that it was his ultimate goal; he was strong enough to lead a religious expedition against the British rule. He organized head quarters in the east of Burao region of the former British Somaliland, quickly attracted a following because of his genius and religious influence, and suddenly during May 1945, raided the European Officials and military areas like District Commission’s residence in Burao. In many occasions, hundreds of rounds were fired and before being attacked, he managed to move with his troops during the night and retreated to his domain Bashir’s little force was outnumbered, possibly by 100s. These men held a number of hills, which rose steeply from the light bush beside the wide sandy riverbed, which is known Tog-dheer. There was a few to cover a front of 900 yards, and the most of them had been in action before; but were his determined that no British troops should force their way unchallenged and the fight they put up was a lesson in determination which the British troops signally failed to emulate. Bashir himself was in his natural element when fighting out in the bush, but here he was given a position to hold and, however much stuff the British showered on him. He had no opportunity of using his bush tactics. He just to stay put and take it, and certainly he did this and others well and died in dignity.

The British campaign against him provide abortive after several defeats as his forces kept on moving from one place to another to avoid any permanent location. No sooner had the expedition left for the area, the news traveled fast among the Somali nomads across the plain. The war had exposed the British administration to humiliation especially Mr Jember and his team. The government (the as quite cabinet) came to conclusion one time that another expedition against him would be useless; that they build a railway, make roads and effectively occupy the whole of the protectorate, or else abandon the interior completely. The letter course was decided upon, and during the first months of 1945, the advance posts wren withdrawn and the British administration confined to the coast town i.e. Berbera.

Shiekh Bashir, settled many disputes among the tribes in the vicinity, this kept them from raiding each other, and was generally though to be the side of Islamic Sharia. He accredited with the possession of supper nation of supernatural powers he gathered around him a strong following. Sough after he was eventually killed and became a martyr held in great reverence. The impression then among the British colonial officials in Burao, was the teachings of Farah Omaar of nationalism still remained and were not extinguished. The British administration had managed to recruit and brought Indian and South African troops to fight against him and had intelligence plans to capture him alive. Those who claimed they had participated the war against him felt cheated of victory and wither away out on the volt than to welcome them back to the fold with a promise rewards. The British administration did not offer back compensation to the families who lost their love once (Muqadamin). Nevertheless, this appreciation is not compensation for the family’s disappointment and abhorrence of the policy of the British government towards the death of Shiekh
Literary struggle of poems called for the people to rise against the colonial policies and revenge for the corpse of Sheikh Bashir which was refused for burial and displayed instead as an exhibition in Polyneices’ punishment where his body was kicked and spat upon as a tactic to intimidate and humiliate the people. Haji Adan Afqaloc, a native of Erigavo composed two historic national poems. “Raqdii Bashiir”, “The Corpse of Bashiir” and “Gobonimodoon” while in Burco Jail. (Interestingly enough, Mahatma Gandhi and Kwami Nkurumah had been to Bur’o jail.) Previously, the rise of Sheikh Bashir came after the colonial adminstration punished the Habarjeclo by confiscating one thousand of their camels and charging extortionate money for the release of each camel. His struggle was short-lived after units of police officers attacked his fort and killed him and all of his followers. The poem in English goes:

Sheikh Bashir was hanged in daylight, at a house near you,
His body torn out by bullets,
And still covered with wet blood,
They kicked and insulted him
Then watched him with contempt
When the unwashed body was thrown outside,
And refused burial, you were all a witness.
There were others killed playfully,
About which nothing was done
The body of Qayb-diid is still warm
Though an old man, Farah was sent to jail
And now like a beggar he roams the outside world
They refused him rights over his family and wealth
The unjust man (British) is punishing everybody.
What the English always wanted, the people of India refused
The houses of Punjab and the gold that they hoarded there
have been denied to them
Now they look back at them with nostalgia
The celebration is for Muhammad Ali (Egypt)
And the French are leaving Syria that they conquered
They withdrew from Beirut, and Lebanon.
Many ships will arrive at our ports,
They will bring here (Somaliland) those thrown out by the
stream of shit,
The place where you pasture Daawad (the land), the infidels
will settle,
A man who owns a car and an aeroplane will force you to
work on his farms,
Few would survive such humiliation.

Video iyo Sawiro Beesha Gadsan Cabdulraxmaan- Beesha Gadsan Warar iyo Video ku sabsan deeganadooda

Madaxweyn Farmaajo oo Ziyaaro u Tagay Qabrigii Sheekh Yuusuf Direed Sawiro

https://goobjooge.net/madaxweynaha-soomaaliya-oo-duco-loo-geeyay-qabriga-sheekh-yuusuf-direed-daawo-sawirro/

Liiska Magacyada Iyo Qabiilada Wasiiradda Cusub Ee La Dhaariyay.-On February 10, 2015

AKHRISO: Liiska Magacyada Iyo Qabiilada Wasiiradda Cusub Ee La Dhaariyay.

 On February 10, 2015

Shabakada Xogta.com ayaa ay akhristayaasheeda usoo bandhigeysaa Magacyada iyo Qabiilada ay kasoo jeedaan Wasiiradda cusub ee 66 Wasiir ka kooban ee manta lagu dhaariyay magaalada Muqdisho.
Wasiiradaan oo 5-tii bishaan uu soo magacaabay R/wasaare CCC Sharmaarke ayaa lagu qeybsaday qaabka 4.5 oo ay Soomaalida xiliyadii ugu dambeeyay wax ku qeybsaneysay , waxaana muddo dheer iyo is jiid-jiid Siyaasadeed kadib Xukuumada cusub manta ay heshay codka Kalsoonida ee Xildhibaanada Barlamaanka Soomaaliya.

Hadaba qeybta hoose ka akhrista Magacyada iyo Qabiilada ay kasoo jeedaan Wasiiradda 66-Wasiir gaaraya ee Kalsoonida manta ka helay Golaha Shacabka.

BEESHA DIR

1. Maxamed Cumar Carte Qaalib R/wasaare Dir/Isaaq Habar-awal/Sacad muuse/Nuux Ismaaciil/Reer gadiid
2. Axmed Xasan Gaboobe {Ugaas Bile} wasiirka Beeraha, Dir/Biimaal/Gaadsan
3. C/salaan Hadliye Cumar Wasiirka arrimaha dibadda {Guddoomiyihii hore ee Bankiga dhexe Soomaaliya}, Dir/Gadabuursi, Makaahiil
4. Nuur Faarax Xirsi Wasiirka Dekedaha gaadiidka iyo Badda, {Safiirka hore Maleesiya u fadhiyey dowladda} Dir/Isaaq/Habaryoonis
5. C/Laahi Sheekh Cali Baqdaadi, Wasiirka Awqaafta iyo Arrimaha Diinta/Dir/Reeer Aw-siciid
6. Maxamed Cabdi Xayir Maareeye, Wasiirka warfaafinta/Dir/Isaaq/Habarjeclo

BEESHA DAAROOD

1. C/qaadir Sheekh Cali Diini, {Taliyihii hore ee ciidamada xoogga dalka} Wasiirka Gaashaandhigga, Daarood/Mareexaan/Reer-diini
2. Guuled Xuseen Qaasim Wasiirka Boostada iyo Isgaarsiinta, Daarood/,Ogaadeen/Maxamed Subeer/Reer isaaq
3. Khadra Bashiir Cali Wasiirka Waxbarashada, Daarood/Leelkase.
4.Cali Axmed Jaamac {Jangali} Wasiirka Gaadiidka & Duulista Hawada, Daarood/Dhulbahante
5. C/llaahi Axmed Jaamac {Ilka-Jiir}, Wasiirka Cadaaladda, Daarood/Warsangeli/Dubeys

DIGIL IYO MIRIFLE

1. Maxamed Aadan Ibraahim {Fargeti} Wasiirka maaliyadda, Digil & Mirifle/Boqol-hore/Disoow
2. Eng. Saalax Sheekh Cusmaan Muuse Wasiirka Howlaha guud & dib u dhiska, Digil & Mirifle/Gelledi
3. Dr. Xaawo Xasan Maxamed Wasiirka Caafimaadka, Digil & Mirifle/Hadamo/Gaaljeel
4. Xuseen Maxamuud Sh. Xuseen Wasiirka Dastuurka, Digil & Mirifle/Dabarre
5. Maxamed Xasan Aadan Saahiyow, Wasiirka Korantada iyo biyaha/Digil & Mirifle/Geledle

BEESHA HAWIYE

1. C/raxman Maxamed Xuseen Odowaa Wasiirka arrimaha gudaha & Federaalka {Guddoomiyihii Jaamacadda SIMAD}, Hawiye/Habargidir, Saleebaan/Dashame/Obokor
2. C/raxman Yuusuf Cali Caynte Wasiirka Qorsheynta & Iskashiga caalamiga, Hawiye/Murasade/Foor Culus/Habar Ceeno
3. Maxamed Mukhtaar Ibraahim Wasiirka Batroolka iyo Macdanta, Hawiye/Gaaljecel/Doqondiide
4. C/risaaq Cumar Maxamed wasiirka amniga gudaha, Hawiye/Xawaadle/Ibraahim Ciise.
5. Maxamed C /Laahi Nuux, Wasiirka Dhalinyarada Iyo Isboortiga/Hawiye/Gugundhabe/Jidle.

BEESHA SHANAAD

1. C/weli Ibraahim Muudeey Wasiirka Shaqada iyo Shaqaalaha, {Guddoomiye ku xigeenkii hore ee Barlamanka} Beesha shanaad/Reer-aw Xasan.
2. Siciid Xuseen Ciid wasiirka Xanaanada xoolaha, Dhirta & Daaqa, Beesha shannaad Carab Maxamud saalax {Meheri}.
3. Maxamed Cumar Ceymoy, Wasiirka Kalluumeysiga iyo Kheyraadka badda/Beesha Shannaad/Jareer-weyne
4. Sahra Maxamed Cali Samatar wasiirka Haweenka & hormarinta xuquuqda aadanaha, beesha Shannaad Tumaal/ Ciise Cadde.
5. C/Raxmaan Cabdi Cusmaan, Wasiirka Ganacsiga iyo Warshadaha/Beesha Shannaad/Ajuuraan.
LIISKA WASIIRO-DOWLAYAASHA

BEESHA HAWIYE

1. Mahad Maxamed Salaad Wasiiro-dowlaha Madaxtooyada/Hawiye/Habargidir/Cayr/Ayaanle
2. C/laahi Maxamed Nuur Wasiiro-dowlaha Maaliyadda/Hawiye/Abgaal/Agoonyar
3. Xasan Maxamed Jimcaale Wasiiro-dowlaha arrimaha Dastuurka, Hawiye/Duduble/Maqalsame
BEESHA DAAROOD

1. C/rashiid Maxamed Xidig Wasiiro-dowlaha arrimaha gudaha iyo Federaalka, Daarood/Ogaadeen/Makaahiil
2. Daa’uud C/raxmaan Cumar Wasiiro-dowlaha amniga gudaha/Daarood/Awrtable
3. C/laahi Bille Nuur Wasiiro-dowlaha waxbarashada/Daarood/Majeerteen Dashiishle
BEESHA DIREED

1. Maxamed Cali Xagaa Wasiiro-dowlaha Gaashaandhigga, Dir/Ciise
2. Maxamed Xasan Aadan Wasiiro-dowlaha ganacsiga iyo warshadaha, Dir/Surre/Qubeys
BEESHA DIGIL IYO MIRIFLE

1. Maxamed Cabdi Xasan {Bikoos}, Wasiiro-dowlaha warfaafinta/Digil & Mirifle/Hubeer
2. Maxamed Xuseen Isaaq Fanax, Wasiiro-dowlaha Gaadiidka iy o duulista Hawada/Digil & Mirifle/Leysaan
3. Khaalid Cumar Cali Wasiiro-dowlaha arrimaha dibadda, Digil & Mirifle/Bagadi.
BEESHA SHANAAD
1. Burci Maxamed Xamsa Wasiiru-dowlaha xafiiska R/wasaaraha ee bay’ada iyo deegaanka, Beesha Shannaad/Barwaani.
2. Caadil Sheegow Sagaar Wasiiru-dowlaha xafiiska R/wasaaraha ee xiriirka Baarlamaanka/Beesha Shannaad/Garjante.
3. Shariif Maxamed Xasan, Wasiiru-dowlaha Xafiiska R/wasaaraha ee arrimaha dib u habeynta maaliyadda/Beesha Shannaad Banaadir.
LIISKA WASIIRO KU XIGEENADA
BEESHA SHANAAD
1. Fahma Axmed Nuur wasiir ku xigeenka Caddaaladda Beesha Shanaad/Bannadiri
2. C/laahi Colaad Rooble wasiir ku xigeenka warfaafinta Shanaad/Jareer-weyne/Reer-Shabeele.
3. Maxamed Cumar Geedi wasiir ku xigeenka Howlaha guud iyo dib u dhiska Beesha Shanaad/Cowrmale
4. C/casiis Saalax Carmaan, wasiir ku xigeenka beeraha, Beesha Shannaad/Carab Soomaal/Yamani
5. C/naasir Maxamed Cali, Wasiir ku xigeenka amniga gudaha, Beesha Shannaad/Yibir
BEESHA DIGIL & MIRIFLE
1. Maxamed Kheyrow Maxamed wasiir ku xigeenka Ganacsiga iyo warshadaha, Digil & Mirifle/Hariin
2. Xaaji Cali Sh. Maxamed Nuur wasiir ku xigeenka arrimaha iyo Federaalka Digi & /Mirifle Shan caleemood
3. Muumina Sh. Cumar wasiir ku xigeenka Haweenka iyo hormarinta xuquuqda aadanaha Digil & Mirifle/Tuni.
4. Cismaan Libaax Ibraahim, wasiir ku xigeenka shaqada iyo shaqaalaha, Digi l & Mirigle/Gawaaweyn
5. Macalin Cali Aadan Cabdow, Digil & Mirifle/Jirroon
BEESHA HAWIYE
1. Cusmaan Maxamed Cabdi {Cusmaan daalo} wasiir ku xigeenka caafimaadka, Hawiye/Mudullood/Ujeejeen
2. C/raxman Kulmiye Xirsi wasiir ku xigeenka Gaashaandhigga Hawiye/Shiikhaal
3. Xirsi Adan Rooble wasiir ku xigeenka wasaaradda gaadiidka iyo Duulista Hawada Hawiye/Habargidir/Saruur
4. C/laahi Sheekh Cali Qaloocow, Wasiir ku xigeenka Qorsheynta iyo iskaashiga caalamiga/Hawiye/Dagoodi.
5. Axmed Cali Kediye, wasiir ku xigeenka arrimaha dibadda/Hawiye/Habargidir/Sacad/Reer-hilowle

BEESHA DIR

1. Cabdalla Xuseen Cali wasiir ku xigeenka Gaashaandhigga Dir/Biimaal
2. Xaamud Cali Xasan wasiir ku xigeenka Waxbarashada Dir/Ciise
3. Saciid Jamac Maxamed Qaalib wasiir ku xigeenka Kalluumeysiga iyo Kheyraadka Badda Dir/Isaaq/Cidigale
4. Jamaal Xasan Ismaaciil wasiir ku xigeenka boostada iyo isgaarsiinta Dir/Isaaq/Arab
5. C/xakiin Cige Guuleed Wasiir ku xigeenka Korantada iyo Biyaha Dir/Gadabiirsi/Habar-cafaan
6. C/naasir Maxamed Gaarane, Wasiir ku xigeenka Xanaanada xoolaha, Dhirta iyo daaqa/DirSurre/Faqi-Muxumad

BEESHA DAAROOD
1. Maxamuud Xayir Ibraahim, Wasiir ku xigeenka maaliyadda/Daarood/Majeerteen
2. C/laahi Yuusuf Xasan Allankey, Wasiir ku xigeenka Dastuurka/Daaroow/Mareexaan
3. Cusmaan Aadan Dhuubow, wasiir ku xigeenka dhallinyarada iyo Isboortiga/Daarood/Absame/Bartire
4. Maxamed Axmed Kulan, Wasiir ku xigeenka Badroolka iyo Macdanta/Daarood/Majeerteen/Cali Saleebaan
5. Axmed Cusmaan Ibraahim {Daqarre}, Wasiir ku xigeenka Dekedaha gaadiidka iyo badda, Daarood/Mareexaan Reer-xasan
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Beelaha Gobolada Dhexe oo loo Qeybiyey Ergada Shirka ( Surre oo Helay 35 Xubnood)

Beelaha Gobolada Dhexe oo loo Qeybiyey Ergada Shirka

May 16, 2015

Guddiga farmasamada shirka maamul u sameynta gobolada dhexe ayaa ergada shirka u qeybiyey beelaha dega gobolada dhexe oo ah 11 beelood.
Shir maanta ka dhacay xarunta Kafaalo ee magaalada Cadaado ayaa waxaa goobjoog ka ahaa wasiirka arrimaha gudaha Cabdiraxmaan Odawaa iyo odayaasha dhaqanka, sida soo socota ayaana wax loo qeybiyey

1. Beesha Mareexaan 67 xubnood
2. Beesha Maxamuud hiraab(Duduble) 35 xubnood
3. Beesha Sacad 26 Xubnood
4. Beesha Ceyr 26 Xubnood
5. Beesha Saleebaan 26 Xubnood
6. Beesha Saruur 26 Xubnood.
7. Beesha Murusade 53 Xubnood
   

Beesha Waceysle 35 Xubnood

1. Beesha Dir 35 Xubnood ( Dir waa Surre ulajeedadu)
2. Beesha Sheekhaal 17 Xubnood
3. Beesha 5-aad 17 Xubnood
   

Waxa ay qeybtani tirada guud ee ergada ka dhigeysaa 363, iyada oo horey guddiga uu u sheegey in ergada ay noqoneyso 350 xubnood.
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