Tuesday, September 13, 2022
CLANNISM AND CONFLICT AMONG THE AJUURAAN, DEGODIA AND OGADEN PASTORAL SOMALI CLANS OF WAJIR COUNTY, KENYA MOHAMED HUSSEIN RAHOY (BSc) REG NO: C50INKU/PT/24554/2010
https://ir-library.ku.ac.ke/bitstream/handle/123456789/13473/Clannism%20and%20Conflict%20among%20the%20Ajuuraan....pdf.txt;jsessionid=DD0C76FE7E755A105827701F93E907C2?sequence=5
Saturday, September 3, 2022
The dangerous play of oromosation and anti Somali sentiments ( Daarood Jabarti Al Hadrami) Concerned About Dir, Oromo, and Oromization of Somali Pennisula- This Daaroods are the Same Imbeciles that brought Tigray Ethiopian Army in Mogadishu And Who Were Celebrating in Garowe to Kismayu
D- Block Stands For Daarood Block Very Funny
The dangerous play of oromosation and anti Somali sentiments ( Daarood Jabarti Al Hadrami) Concerned About Dir, Oromo, and Oromization of Somali Pennisula- This Daaroods are the Same Imbeciles that brought Tigray Ethiopian Army in Mogadishu And Who Were Celebrating in Garowe to Kismayu, and Jigjiga.
The Same people who destroyed the whole Somali history and made our ancient nation into Arabs who migrated from different parts of Arabia at different times starting from 1500 to 1700. These Jabartis are taking about the integrity of Somalinimo
https://www.somalispot.com/threads/the-dangerous-play-of-oromosation-and-anti-somali-sentiments.58261/
Please Join the Discussion and read the irrational Daarood
D-Block is code name Used by Daaroods online forums
(Daarood Comment on Dir Conference) We all heard of Dir conference held in Addis Ababa capital of Ethiopia. It was not a innocent meeting of Dir people but something more sinister! For a long time writers and intellectuals tried to construct the argument as a native (Dir) vs non native (Daarood Who are Arabs). It happened in the civil war when all clans combined on a single 'invader' clan.
(Daarood Comment on Dir)Many have criticised the war against Ethiopia a war not for Somalinimo but a war to unite the invader clan.We have many folks who display that sentiment often hardcore Somalilanders and Central/Southern Somalis but all other clan that view the Daarood-Block as an invading clan and not native to Africa but who is powerful and marginalises all other clans.They see that Somalinimo as a social construct of the D-Block. 1991 was the year of the natives when Oromo's celebrated the butchering of that clan that us keeping Somalia together under Somalinimo.Oromo's played a leading intellectual role in constructing that idea.That failed to eradicate the 'invaders' the same with Somaliland's secession which they supported too.
(Daarood Comment on Dir) These clans aligning themselves to Oromo are running away from what they perceive as D-Block hegemony and subjugation.This of course was the rhetoric in 1991. We see this as continuation of that. Their goals are to rid the Daarood-Block from the entire Horn of Africa.
(Oromo) World they see 'native' Dirs as their extension who was duped by their mischievous Daarod-Block invader in-laws to identify as Somali.
The invader vs native plays a huge role in Oromo intellectualism.
This was adopted in 1991 'crush/expel the invader' purge of 'natives' vs D-Block.
Many of her people committed atrocities on the basis and belief they were doing a good deed by purging invaders out of the country. (Poor Daarood Insecurity From 1991 Hawiye atrocities)The rationale was that these D-Blocks aren't native or Somali therefore their killing and expulsion is justified. The battle cry was put them back on boats and send them back. This is what united them!
World that is true that thought pattern of native vs invader failed in 1991.
Oromo's moved to Mogadishu and conducted their business from there.
(Daarood Comment)Now they want to claim all Dir clans as lost Oromos not only the clans you mentioned.Some Dir are playing along because their hatred of D-Block is greater than Oromo.
We Somalis don't have any secrets the siding with Oromo is twofold.
If you look it from the Oromo viewpoint it is to push eastwards to get to the coast. Being that large and landlocked isn't good for them.
(Daarood Comment)Some ignoble Dir are pushing this idea because they want to break Daarood-Block hegemony and push along the Oromo push simply for hatred and carrying a chip on their shoulder.
(Daarood comment)Their plan is for the long run convert Dirs filled with hate to Oromo and incorporate their land into Oromia.Claim more and more land. First to fall Jigjiga. Then with the help of Oromosised Somalis push further inland until they reach the coast. They will do this by applying the Oromo card. The only people who do not or can't be Oromised are the Daarood-Block and it is them that is keeping Somali construct alive and Oromos need to break.They can only do this by employing Somalis to carry out that task.
(Daarood Comment- what hypocript the Arab claiming,I came to Somalia 1600 and found Gallas all over says he loves Somalinimo)
(It was Tigrey Jabartis brother the Daarood who invited under Cabdlullahi Yusuf to the capital)
(Daarood Comment)I believe in Somalinimo more than reernimo!Being Somali is a unique feeling. Our language is the mostbeautiful.This will be lost with Oromosation because this guys are similar they are a greater threat than any other ethnicity in the horn.We need to counter it with our beautiful language and poetry.
(Daarood Comment On Dir Oromo relationships )Peripheral subgroups assimilation and seekening alliance is different from a whole clan being 'incorporated'. The distinction is for the intellectual eye yet the layman he is he's trying to hide the Oromo agenda to regards Oromosation of a whole Somali clan like the Dir by equating minor subgroups assimilation seeking protection by adopting 'Oromo identity' which is different to what is being discussed on this thread.Who does someone from Djibiuti, Burco or Boorama seek protection from by adopting an Oromo identity?
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Daarood Waa Labo Wajiilayaal Xanuunsanaya, Waa Cancer Gurada Somaalida Ka Dul baxay, Waa Cudur halis ah. Ilaahow Cafimaad sii. Si umada Somaliyeedna u badbaado!
1) Daarood Waa Reerkii Caasimada Somalia Soo Galiyay Ciidaan Tigreeya oo Gabray Hor kacayo
2) Iyo Ajanabi Kale, Waa Dadkii Gobolka Banaadir Gaday oo Zanzibaar iyo Talyaani Dilaal U ahaa Majeerteen Iyo Gobroon Geldi Labada Sixiroole, Halka Beesha Direed Biimaalna La dagaalameysay cadawga Talyaaniga iyo Guumeystii Muslimka ahaa Barqash Sayid
3) Daarood Siyad Bare Iyo Daarood Waxa ay lahayeen Somali Abo Oromo Waa Soomaali iyaago inkiraya Oromo ineey jirto, Baale Aruusadii ka timid Waa Daarood Beey dhaheen,Af Oromoda Fartooda Nin Dir Qoray oo Gurgure Madaxweyne Dir lacagta iyo waxa walbna Dowladii Daarood ee Siyaad Barre ayaa Bixinineysay . Daarood waxey Dheheen Geri Jaarso Iyo Geri Baabili Baa jir oo Gerri u kala baxaa . Orommo Waa Daarood Guji waa Absame .. Amxaaro iyo Tigreey Xabashidu waa cadoow beey dheheen
4)2004 Daaroodkii hadan Waxa ay Goaansadeen in Tigreygii Iyo Amxaradii aya Yihii Jabarti Ismaaiil Waxa ay dhaheen Somalia noo qabta Cabdulallahi Yuusuf Majeerteen oo Tigrey Jabarit Ismaciil Noqda ayaa Casimaadii Somalia Cadoowgii Somalia ee Ab iyo Isir aan nacbeen keenay xamar iyo Yamyam Iyo Qadaadweeyn. Daarood Waxa ay bilaabeen in aya Dhahaan Oromo Somali Abo Maahaa .. Tigrey Iyo Amxaaraa aha. Oromo waa cadoowga Somali. Dagaalo ayay Somali iyo Oromo Muslim ka dhex kiciyeen iyagoo Tigreey Adeegsanaya.
5)Daarood Ogaadeen Iyo Harti oo Xildhibaanadoodi Somaliland ilaa Cagjar Dir beey Dagaal ku Bilaabeen oo Dheheen Dir Waa Cadowga Somali oo Oromo Cadow ah ayaay Wataan. Dir Waa Oromo ..Daarood kii Dhulka Somalia Ogadenya U baxshaa mar kali Somalinimodii xasuustay oo Somali State u baxshay Dalkii Dirna Yiri Somali Maaha Waa Cadowga Somalida..
6) Dhulka Jaarso Ee Kiilka Oromada lagu daray Ogaadeen Baa Ka Iibiyay Region 4 hadan. Ogaadeen Waxay Canfar iyo Tigrey hoosta kala Gorgortameen oo Canfart ku Wareejiyeen dhulkii Ciise Dir. Daarood ragii Ruush, Rwanda, Tigrey, Talyani Ingriis Uganda Ajanabir walba u shaqeeynaya ayaa manta le Dir yeesan shirin Oromadaa naga faaideysaneysa, Dir ha la qabto Somalinimaan rabnaa, waa Ogaadeenya ragii la baxay, Oo Oromada Somali Aboo Yiri hadan leh Tigrey iyo Habashi Baa Darood Jabarti Habashi Abo ah
2006 Daarood Tigrey IYo Xabashi Amxaaro Waa Jabarti Buu Yiri Iyo Daarood Jabarti Gabray Beey Keeneen Dirna Waxa ay ku dhaleeceenayaan Oromo Noqoteen haddi Aad Addis Ababa Ku shirtaan ama Oromo la hadashaan , Waa ragii lahaa Oromo Waa Somali Abo Oromo Waa Darood oo Waako Guuto iyo Arisigii Baali Yiri Waa Sada Daarood Iyo Guji waa Absame
1-Daarood Sida Ugu Fiican Ee looga Waalo waa Isaaq/Ciise/Gadabuursi Waa Walaalo, Dirka Inta Soo Hadhayna Iyaagaa Abo Iyo U ah Dheh , Naftaa ka baxeysa
2-Kadibna Oroma Iyo Dir Waa Walaalo Dheh oo Shir Addis Ku Sameysta, Daarood Heart Attack ayaa ku dhacaya Daarood Waa Dadkii Farta Oromada Qoray Xiligii Academiada Siyaad Barre Iyagoo Nin Dir Gurgure Aha Adeegsaday, Dadkan ku Dhihi Jiray Oromo Waa Somali Abo ama Samaale Walaalkii , Siyaad Barre Waxa uu Dhihi jiray la dagaalama Tirey Amxaaro, Somali Abo Oromo Waa Walaaleheen. Siad Barre continued to seek a negotiated settlement with the military regime in Addis Ababa that would allow for selfdetermination in the Ogaden. Only when his diplomatic initiative appeared to fail did Siad Barre agree to extend formal recognition late in 1975 to the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF), which had recently been reorganized by new leaders who had been schooled in the old SYL. Operating in the Ogaden, the WSLF was committed to the Greater Somalia concept. Linkedto it was the Somali-Abo Liberation Front, which incorporated dissident Oromos and had its sphere of operations in Bale, Sidamo, and Arsi. Somalia also backed and armed the Ethiopian People'sRevolutionary Party, a Marxist-Leninist group dedicated to establishing a civilian communist government, that fought a viciousunderground war against Ethiopia's military regime.Tens of thousands of Muslim Arsi and Guji Were forced to became Daarood and incorporated into Merehan and Ogaden tribesman. Forced Daaroodization was reinforced once proud Arsi Muslim brothers were made to defect and could not return to their homalands. The cultural destruction that was imposed on Borana brothers who were expeled by Daarood invaders who entred southern Somali 1900 was imposed on the proud muslim brothers of Bale who are truely a people close to Somali in cultural and religous wise but Oromo nonetheless.
Today the Daarood of Ethiopia are enemies of Oromo brothers and were subservient to Tigray TPLF. What a hypocracy of the Socalled black false Banu Hashim pretenders.
THE STRUGGLES OF ABDIRAHMAN MURSAL. c.1896-1929 Abdirahman Mursal was one of the Ogaden leaders who had early contacts with the British colonial officials dating from 1896.
THE STRUGGLES OF ABDIRAHMAN MURSAL. c.1896-1929 Abdirahman Mursal was one of the Ogaden leaders who had early contacts with the British colonial officials dating from 1896. He fought against the British colonial agents especially Lt. Will, and Capt. Tanner who were sent hy the British consul in Zanzihar to explore the hinterland of Kismayu in 1897.43 Afterwards Ahdirahman M ursal became a colonial agent who served Briti.sh expansion in jubiland very well , especially during the time of the first sub-commissioner, J.W.c. Jenner from 1897-- 1900. He took part in many expeditions against the Marehan and the Mohamed Zuheir clans who resisted British rule at this time and took a leading role in the expedition of f903 against the Mohamed Zuheir for the murder of Jenner in 1900. He Hved in Serenli area on the west bank of the Juha River where most of his followers grazed their livestock. Like all Somali leaders of that era , he wanted to take advantage of British rule and therehy serve his own interests rather than those of British imperialism. To achieve this end, he clashed several times with the British Colonial officers such as Capt. Salkeld, the Assistant 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid. 38 District Commissioner for lubaland, and Mr Hope, the Provincial Commissioner in 1909. After 1910, Abdirahman Mursal came under suspicion of creating intrigue among the clans especially between the Marehan and the Auliyahan; and Captain Bois, the officer in charge : . of Serenli, where Abdirahman was based, decided not to utilize his services as government agent in northern lubaland province.44 Abdirahman Mursal was the chief of the Auliyahan sub-clan in Serenli district in northern lubaland province and therefore had to safeguard the interest of his sub-clan c·rom rival clans notably the Marehan who were expanding southwards from Ethiopia. There were constant raids and counter-raids between these two neighbouring clans in the period 1896-1917, especially as both groups were migrating from the turmoil in the north caused by Sayyid Mohamed Abdille Hassan's resistance to not only British rule but also Abyssinian and Italian colonialism. The Marehan and the Auliyahan came with a lot weapons which they used to raid each other and the neighbouring clans. The new Governor of the Protectorate in 1913, Sir Henry Belfield, adopted the policy of observation and did not intervene on behalf of any clan. The British were neutral as far as these two clans were concerned. This ean be understood because the British were heavily engaged during this period in suppressing the struggles waged by Sayyid Mohamed Abdille Hassan, 'the Mad Mulla', in British Somaliland. The British were also engaged in various 'punitive' expeditions against the Kikuyu in 1901, Kipsigis in 1902 and 1905, and the Giriama in 1914. Hence the British officials whether in Nairobi or London did not want to engage themselves with the Ogaden Somalis in lub~land as it ·would require ·a lot of uncalled-for exp,enses. So the policy formulated by London and Nairobi to the officers on the spot was to observe but not to act on the situation. However, 'by 1919 the situation in northern lubaland had become serious'45 and lawlessness became the order of the day. The British administratIon was forced to brIng peace between these two traditional enemies. Whereas the Marehan were prepared to observe the truce negotiated by the local administrator, Captain Elliot. Abdirahman rejected the peace deals until the Marehan had brought back looted livestock. Elliot had no choice but to give an ultimatum to Abdirahman and his people to obey government orders. It was at this stage 44. Ibid. 45. Moyse-Bartlett, Kings African Rifles, p.434. 39 that Abdirahman requested to be given a day to consult with his elders concerning the ultimatum. Instead of coming to the negotiating haraza, however, Abdirahman and his people sacked Fort Serenli on the evening of 10 March 1916. The unsuspecting British forces at the ·c • fort were mercilessly routed and the District Commissioner, Captain Elliot, was murdered by Abdirahman Mursal 'with his own hand' . 46 The Auliyahan then began systematic looting of government stores and even the local business community was not spared. The ~ - - government was forced to evacuate Fort Serenli to Kismayu in the south and Moyale to the north west. For two years Abdirahman Mursal was the authority in northern Jubaland and the British could do nothing as it was the peak of the First World War. The sacking of Serenli was unique, in lubaland' s history because' of the vast damage that had befallen the British in the Jubaland,47 and it was only comparable to the lawlessness and destruction of both property and looting that was taking place in British Somali land in the north in the same period. The casualties were disheartening for 'over 35 IK.A.R] soldiers were killed and about 50 civilians lost their lives,48 during-the sacking of Serenli. The Auliyahan looted the town for two days and the remainder of the loot was !hrow?jIito the River luba. The other Somali clans, however, according to Abdille Hassan Illey, 'viewed the whole scenario with a lot of apprehension. They claimed that the Auliyahan did not know what to do with the sugar that was looted and had thrown it into the river so that their camels could drink sweetened water'. 49 Yet this was a scorched-earth policy adopted by the . -- -' Auliyahan to 'deny the British forces supplies if they were to counter-attack Abdirahman's forces,50 used in South Africa. - It was not until August 1917 that the 5th K. A. R under Lt. Col. Barret was despatched to Serenli to deal with the Auliyahan. But the Auliyahan had already retreated with their stock towards the upper re"clches of the Juba River and w.yre not even in Serenli. Hence Captain Martin of the 5th K.A.R was sent to capture Abdirahman dead or alive. In this operation against the Auliyahan, 'over 5,000 camels were brought in, 402 large-bore rifles and 16,000 46. KNA, Microfilm, 533/391/4. 47. Interview with Abdille Hassan Illey, Wajir, March 1996. 48. Moyse-Bartlett, Kings African Rifles, pp.434-435. 49. Interview with Abdille Hassan Illey, Wajir, March 1996. 50. Ibid. 40 rounds of ammunition,51 were captured by the British forces. As for Abdirahman, he escaped to Ethiopia where he lived as a senior chief of the Auliyahan until his death in 1937.52
The 'kitaab gaabs' power to heal the sick through prayers, especially those with mental imbalances.
Dalleo has noted that 'occasionally sheiks rose to prominent positions,73 because they possessed some divine powers which the ordinary), nomads held in awe. Those divine powers that seem to be derived from their holiness included the power to heal the sick through prayers, especially those with mental imbalances. 74 They were also known by the people to possess some kind of 'love potion' which they used to give to jealous . -- .' wives to prevent their husbands from marrying another wife. The 'kitaab gaabs' (short book owners), as they were traditionally called, were also feared by the people as they seem to have possessed knowledge that ordinary Somalis did not have . These 'kitaab gaabs' -were not highly learned in the Quranic scriptures though they knew some specific verses of the Quran which enhanced their trade. The Somali respected them more out of fear than anything else . The 'Kitaab gaabs' did not like to share their knowledge with the wider community in case .' they lost their market since they were highly in demand.
73. Dalleo, 'Trade and Pastoralism', p.4.
The infamous 'kalalut' war between the Abdwak and the Mohamed Zubeir -The Abdwak were saved Auliyahan
The infamous 'kalalut' war between the Abdwak and the Mohamed Zubeir sub-clans of the Ogaden forced the former to migrate from the Lorrian swamps in the Wajir District to the south towards the Tana River in 1909. The Abdwak lost a large number of fighting men and were forcefully evicted by the powerful Mohamed Zubeir from their traditional grazing grounds. 69 The Abdwak were saved by the mediation efforts of other Ogaden sub-clans, notably the Auliyahan, who, feared that the Abdwak might disappear as a sub-clan.
69. Kenya Census Book 1979 (Garissa Provincial Library, Kenya Government, Nairobi, 1979), p.70.
The Ogadens (Kablalah Daarood) Were Sheegat to Rahanweyn who expelled Them And The Ogaden (Daarood) had to escaped They became sheegats to the Wardeey Of Waamo And Degoodi Who welcomed Daarood Mareehan and Ogaden.
How the Daarood destroyed the Degoodi and Wardeey Cali who welcomed them
The Ogadens who were among the first Somali clans to have displaced the Wardeey from Jubaland came in two major waves. 4 The first wave commenced in the early l800s and was. characterised by slow penetration in which the search for grazing has been cited as the main reason behind the migration. At this stage the Ogaden were a small group that became sheegats (clientship) of the dominant Rahanwein clan who were settled in the upper reaches of the Juba river. The Rahanwein.a~e a by-product of the inter-marriage of the various Somali clans and the Wardeey . The Rahanwein, for this reason, speak a different dialect of Somali called ' Mai mai'. The second wave, starting 10 the mid 1830s, was composed of a larger group which numbered over four hundred fighting men who tried to evict the Rahanwein but could not do so after several bloody battles. 5 The Ogaden had to escape from them and cross to the west bank of the Juba river. They became sheegats to the Wardeey who lived here. While the Ogaden lived with the Wardeey from the 1840s to the 1 ~50:. ~ their numbers were being - continuously increased by new arrivals from Ogadenia and Mudugh region in what became -.:- Ethiopia and Somalia. After gaining numerical strength the Ogaden mercilessly fell upon their host and drove them from the west bank of the Juba river the by mid 1870s.6 The Ogaden threat was a long term one since it took them more than two decades to achieve dominance over the Wardeey in the Juba region.
The immediate threat to Wardeey of the Juba, however, came from other areas. The Bardera settlement under Sheikh Abiker along the Juba River, for one, continuously raided the Wardeey. Turton notes that the defeats suffered by the Wardei as a result of the Bardera settlement had 'seriously weakened them at a time when they were being harassed by a more tenacious enemy further west' . 7 Turton has further noted that the Wardei were wrongfully labeled as Gaalo Madow along with the Degodi whom the Ogaden expelled from Dolo Bay Dollo Ado and Murille Hawiye and the Garre.
The name Wardie which means 'look at') were continuously attacked by the Garreh and a host of other clans who lived in the north western parts of the Wardei country , to such an extent that by the mid-1840s 'the northern limits of the Wardei were generally represented as being somewhere to the south of Bardera and no further north than Dif'. The balance of power between the Wardei and the Ogaden who lived among them had been one of equal strength for a number of years 'and the stalemate on the Juba continued for a number of years'. 9 It is likely that the Ogaden were just waiting for an opportune moment to become independent of the Wardei whom they held in contempt.
1) The Wardeey Occupied El Waq to Mandera all the way to Borana land..
2) The Wardeey were weakened by small pox epidemic at the time.
3) The Wardeey were attacked by Borana, Ajuuran, and some Rahanweyn along with their treacherous Daarood host whom they gave protection as (Kablalah) but included Absame and Harti plus Sade Mareehan.
The treacherous Daarood Mercilessly Attacked their Wardai hosts who saved the from Rahanweyn.
This opportunity presented itself in 1865 when 'the Wardei were struck by a plague of smallpox which according to them, was hrought into Afmadu by the new Somali immigrants,.l1 As a result of this manifest weakening of the Wardei they were attacked on all fronts and it is no surprise that they could not defend themselves but had to tlee for their lives. According to Turnbull , 'the main contlict was in the east; and the actions fought at Afmadu, on the Deshek Wama, and at EI Lein are still- spoken of by the tribe' .12 The Ogaden and Daarood were at this point led by the grand old man of the Abd Wak, Abdi Ibrahim , the Sultan, while there were a number of ' invasion commanders 3 under him: Abd(Ibrahim was noted for his bravery and skill in war strategy which eventually led to the Ogaden dominance in the Jubaland. His remarkable leadership qualities are still remembered to this day by the Ogaden. Notable among his commanders were Magan Yussuf, the Sultan of the Mohamed Zubeirl Ogaden, and Hassan Be~jan of the Abdalla/Ogaden.
The Daarood, Rahanweyn of Bardheere Jamaca, and many others hostile to Wardai united and attacked from all fronts.
The Ogaden clan and there Daarood helpers were a united clan under the apt and recognised leadership of Abdi Ibrahim as the Sultan of all the component sub-clans. It was for convenience and safety that they remained united in the face of stiff opposition not only from the Wardei but also from other Hawiye clans on the left bank of the Juba. 14 A group of warriors numbering two to three hundred were at any given time on a raiding assignment to the Wardei and the latter though always prepared to defend themselves were no match for the determined and skilful Ogaden who believed they were waging a Jihad or a holy·war against what they viewed as the 'Galla madow' or 'the black infidels' .15
The Wardai, Gaaljecel, Awaramalleh, and Sheikhal who were defeated and people of Oromo clans were forcefully incorparated into the Daarood. Most of the Geergiir Galamadow (Gaaljecel, Awaramalleh and Hawiye tribes) were incorparated into Harti and many Wardai /Sheikhal became sheegat to Ogaden.
Having displaced the Wardei from the Juha region the Ogaden were no( co ntent to settle down but continued their southward expansion since the loot from the Wardei was an appetizing reason to continue their raids. The availahility of fresh pastures in the conquered lands coupled with the availability of surface water, especially after the rainy seasons around Afmadu and the Deshek Wama in the southern Juhaland, were other compelling factors that encouraged the Ogaden to continue their raiding forays into the Wardei country . As a result, the \yardei were being pushed south and westwards at the end of every rainy season.]6 Added to these incentives, there was also population pressure due to constant emigration from Ogadenia and the northern regions especially hy the Galti Ogaden and Galti Marehan .. 17 These new immigrants made it their practice to raid and to loot everything that carn.e their way especially as they had come from the north with no livestock of their 0~~ .]8 The Wardei were continuously impoverished after every raid as they never seemed to successfully repulse them while the Ogaden accumulated large herds of cattle. The Ogaden migration towards the Tana in the 1 860s and 1870s, was one of struggle to wrest control of the land from the Wardei ~ The Ogaden were firml y estahlished along the hanks of the Tana River by the 1870's, having virtually conquered and suhordinated the..Hawiye and Wardai to Daarood domination. According to Turnhull the attack of 1865 by the Daarood when the Wardei were weakened by plague was so unexpected and so violent that the Wardei were utterly lost their fighting will.
How The Ogadeen And Mareehan host of the Degoodi attacked and subjected the people whom welcomed them and forced many Degoodi to became (Sheegat or Flee) and seek refuge with the Garreh Dir clans of Mandera.
For example the Degodia migrated from Addo in what was to become the Ethiopian province of Bale to the NFD of the Kenya Colony in the 1910.The Degodia movement into Kenya was by slow penetration and infiltration. This migration was largely due to the rer Afgab of the Auliyahan sub-clan who were exerting pressure on the Degodia. After suffering a number of camel raids the Degodia opted to move to the sanctuary: of the British Protectorate that was being established on the fringe of their country in the 1900s.
The Degodia appear --to be most recent immigrants to the Northern Frontier District. They came to settle in Mandera and Wajir districts as recently as 1900 and later. 32 The Degodia migrated from a place in southern Ethiopia called Addo, as result of the inter-clan wars and the scarcity of pastures in that area. The Ogaden pressure in the southern Ogadenia and Bale regions of what was to become the Ethiopian Empire, especially the wars waged by the Rer Afgab Auliyahan and the Marehan, forced the Degodia to migrate to the Garreh country in the vicinity of Mandera of what was to become the Kenya Colony. 33 While in the Garreh country in Mandera area, they sought permission to graze their camels from the Garreh r - - Sultan, Shaba Alio, who allowed them to do so unsuspectingly. After two decades, the Degodia population increased considerably and their competition for both water and pastures led to constant conflicts with the Garreh. 34 Having attained numerical strength, the Degodia continually harassed and raided the Garreh, until the latter could not take any more. But the Garreh on their own could not challenge the Degodia clan in warfare.
Memoir on the Western or Edoor Tribes, Inhabiting the Somali Coast of N.-E. Africa, with the Southern Branches of the Family of Darrood
I have made use of the word Edoor to distinguish the descendants of Isaakh from those of his fellow-countryman Darrood, but it may be as well to observe that the western tribes are averse to the appellation, and invariably correct the person who styles them Edoor, by telling him that the Edoor are the Galla tribes. The Mijjertain told me that the Galla family into which Sheikh Isaakh married was called " Durr,"(Dir Misspelled) and from that is derived the namc of "Edoor ;" and the Haber Gerhajis, on the other hand, retaliate by quoting " Darrood " as an offshoot from the same Pagan source.
Memoir on the Western or Edoor Tribes, Inhabiting the Somali Coast of N.-E. Africa, with the Southern Branches of the Family of Darrood, Resident on the Banks of the Webbe Shebeyli, Commonly Called the River Webbe Author(s): C. J. Cruttenden Source: The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London , 1849, Vol. 19 (1849), pp. 49-76
Thursday, September 1, 2022
BRAVE BIIMAAL DIR /PORTUGEES ZANZIBAR
BRAVA. A coastal city in the South founded probably in the 10th century by Arabs or Persians and governed at that time by a council of chiefs. More Arab and Persian immigrants came to Brava, and by the 12th or early 13th century, Somalis from the north were moving in. By the 15th century, Brava rivaled Mogadishu as a center of trade. In 1503, Portuguese seamen captured vessels carrying some of the leaders of Brava and forced them to place the city under Portuguese protec¬ tion. When the leaders repudiated the agreement in 1506, Portuguese ships bombarded the town and looted it. Brava was defeated, and remained under Portu¬ guese domination until the middle of the 17th century, when the Iman of Oman ousted the Portuguese. The city then remained under the nominal control of the Sultans of Oman and Zanzibar until 1888 and was the center of Zanzibari government for the Benadir Coast. In the 17th century, the Tunni Somali arrived in the environs of Brava. Thereafter, they and the descendants of the original Arab and Persian inhabi¬ tants, who had intermarried with Negroid and Somali Bride Wealth 26 groups, constituted the city's permanent inhabitants. In 1840, the city was attacked by the tariqa of Bardera, which found allies among the BimaL In-rebuffing this attack, the Tunni allied themselves with the Geledi, who ruled the hinterland beyond the port. Brava was some¬ thing of a pawn in the later Bimal-Geledi wars, and in 1871 appealed to the Sultan of Zanzibar for protection. In 1875, Egyptian warships appeared at Brava. They withdrew a year later, under pressure from the British, and the Zanzibari increased their force and built a wall around the city. In 1888, the Imperial British East Africa Com¬ pany obtained from the Sultan of Zanzibar a 50-year concession to Brava and the other Benadir ports. Great Britain transferred this concession to Italy in 1889. Brava was administered by the Filonardi Com¬ pany (1893-1896) and the Benadir Company (1898-1905). In 1905, the Italian government purchased the Benadir ports north of the Juba River from the Sultan of Zanzi¬ bar and placed them under direct government control. From its earliest history, Brava was an im¬ portant center of trade, particularly for livestock and ivory exports, and was at one time the most important Benadir port. The merchants of Brava served as middlemen between Arabian, European, and American merchants (mid-1800s) and the peoples of the interior. When the caravan routes became disrupted, when there was a drought, or when the livestock of the area were struck by disease, Brava suffered. All these factors as well as the abolition of slavery and the development of other ports more suitable for ocean-going vessels combined in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to undermine the city's prosperity and led to its decline
BIIMAAL MAXAMED DIR MERKA
BIMAL. The Bimal are the largest Dir clan-family group. They have occupied the town of Merca and its hinter¬ land since perhaps 1690 when their traditions claim they overthrew the representatives of the Sultan of Ajuran. Predominantly pastoralists, the Bimal from time to time controlled the caravan trade routes to Merca. They also engaged (and continue to engage) in agriculture in the lower Shebelle area. When the im¬ portation of slaves for farming became widespread in the mid-1800s, the Bimal grew rich and powerful, ex¬ changing agricultural products as well as livestock and goods from the interior (ivory, hides, skins, horses, slaves) for imported goods at Merca. The Bimal engaged periodically in wars with the Geledi, their traditional rivals, who controlled the trade routes to Mogadishu and Brava and a great share of the wealth of the Shebelle farming country; the two clans were opponents in the Bardera wars. In this rivalry, the Bimal sought assistance from the Sultan of Zanzibar, who established a garrison at Merca in the 1860s—the only Zanzibari garrison on the coast at the time. In the recurrent Bimal-Geledi wars, the politically cohesive Bimal were largely successful, kill¬ ing at least two powerful Geledi sultans. Italian efforts to abolish slavery and engage in trade were strongly resisted by the Bimal, as well as by sections of the Geledi, both of whom depended on slaves to cultivate their farms and both of whom were engaged in the caravan trade. The Bimals’ resistance to the Italians began in 1896. They besieged an Italian Bio 24 garrison at Merca in 1904, and repeatedly ambushed and attacked Italian-led troops. The Italian administra¬ tion decided to "pacify" the area, but the "Bimal re¬ volt, " which began in 1905, was not crushed until 1908. In their "revolt, " the Bimal gained some as¬ sistance in the way of firearms from Sayyid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan, the Salihiya leader of the jihad in the north. Some of the Salihiya followers in the south broke with the Sayyid in 1908 after he was denounced by the Salihiya leader in Mecca, and the split among the Salihiya undoubtedly worked to the advantage of the Italians in "pacifying" the Bimal. In these battles, the Italians appear to have received some assistance from the Geledi sultan. See HAJI ABDI ABIKAR
BARDHEERER fake land based jihaad GAALO MADOW STORY - banadir coast history
BARDERA (Tall palm). A town on the Juba River, about 150 miles inland, founded in 1819 as the site of one of 21 Benadir Coast the first jamaha in southern Somalia. The settlement may have been affiliated with the Qadiriya Sufi order, although some authorities feel that its puritanical regu¬ lations point to links with the Ahmadiya.
The founder of the settlement, Sheikh Ibrahim Hassan Jebro, died shortly after his arrival in Bardera. He was succeeded by Ali Dure. The community outlawed the use of to¬ bacco, abolished frivolous dancing, compelled its women to wear the veil, and condemned the ivory trade. In 1836, the settlement entered a militant phase, first under Sheikh Abiker Aden Durow, then under Sherifs Abdurahman and Ibrahim. The reformers de¬ clared a jihad (holy war) against the "lax" Muslims of the region, and in 1840 sacked the coastal town of Brava. In 1843, Bardera was besieged and destroyed by an alliance of the Tunni of Brava and the Geledi, whose trade in ivory and other products was interrupted by the militant Bardera religionists. In the 1843 war— a vivid event in Somali oral tradition—Bardera found allies among the Bimal, old enemies of the Geledi. Bardera was not reoccupied until the 1860s. Throughout the late 19th century, Bardera was governed by a series of fundamentalist Muslim sheikhs who engaged in sporadic warfare with the Galla inhabi¬ tants of the right bank of the Juba. Bardera's leaders also apparently condoned the attack on the ill-fated von der Decken expedition which ascended the Juba River as far as Bardera in 1865. The remains of the German explorer's boat can still be seen in the rapids above Bardera. Though never openly hostile to the Italian colonizers who arrived in the 1890s, elements of the Bardera community may have collaborated with the der¬ vishes of Sayyid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan. The town is today an important religious settlement.
BENADIR COAST. The southern coastal area from Itala (Adale) to Kismayu. The area came under the nominal control of the Sultan of Oman in the late 17th century. When the seat of the sultanate was permanently shifted to Zanzibar in 1840, the Benadir Coast fell under the close scrutiny of the Sultan of Zanzibar, from whom Britain and Italy acquired it in 1888-1889. BENADIR COMPANY (1898-1905). This company, the Societa Anonima Commerciale Italiana del Benadir, replaced the Filonardi Company in administering the Italian-controlled ports of the Benadir Coast, after a two-year period of Benadir Cotton 22 direct government control. It, like the Filonardi Com¬ pany, did little to upset the traditional Somali political and social system. The Benadir Company was largely organized by Antonio Cecchi, an avid colonialist who initially hoped to build up agricultural concessions in the Benadir and carry on trade with the Somalis of the interior. After Cecchi was killed in 1896, the company was headed by Ernesto Dulio. It was unable to estab¬ lish any agricultural enterprises and its staff was torn by internal disputes. The threat of Somali uprisings and Ethiopian incursions and a scandal stemming from the continuation of the slave trade and domestic slavery also contributed to the company’s failure. In 1905, the Italian government assumed direct responsibility for the Somali areas.
BENADIR COTTON. A cotton cloth produced at Mogadishu, Brava, and Merca. The cloth, plain or striped, in red, yellow, blue, and other colors, with a white back¬ ground, is handwoven by men. It is used locally and has been an article of export since the 14th century, if not before
Documentary:1940- Yadii Ayaa Beesha Daarood Waxa Ay Maqleen (Sheikh Weyn Ee Direed Aw Buube Ee ilaa 1300 Loo Yiqiin Wali Duula)) Markaasay Hindiseen ama Ka Xadeen Sheekadii Aw Buube- Sheikh Daarood Wuu Duuli Jiray (( Magaciisu Wuxuu ka Yimid)) Taayuur ((Duulaagii Flying Saint))
1889 Kii Ilaa 1969 Qoraayaashii Westernka oo
Awbube is an ancient town in the Awbare district.[3] It was a center of activity during the Golden Age of the Adal Sultanate.[4][5] Called after its patron Somali Saint and Hero Awbube, known as the "Flying Saint", who was instrumental in the spread of the Islamic faith into the Abyssinian hinterlands, [6] a hero of many early battles which some accounts mention was against the Ethiopian Empire and earlier inhabitants of the region. He was mentioned by name in Futuh al Habasha where the armies would visit his tomb and seek blessings through him and his family in their battles against the Portuguese and Abyssinian armies.[7][8][9]
Shihab al-Din Ahmad mentions the Patron Saint Awbube by name in his famous book Futuh al Habasha. He states:
A huge conical elaborately shaped tomb has been built on top of the grave of the Patron Saint.[11] According to historical accounts, both the celebrated patron Saints Awbare and Awbube hail from the ancient Dir clan family.[12] Both the tombs of the celebrated patron Saints Awbare and Awbube are much frequented and under the protection of the local Gadabuursi Dir clan who dominate the region in which they are buried.[13][14]
Documentary:1940- Yadii Ayaa Beesha Daarood Waxa Ay Maqleen (Sheikh Weyn Ee Direed Aw Buube Ee ilaa 1300 Loo Yiqiin Wali Duula)) Markaasay Hindiseen ama Ka Xadeen Sheekadii Aw Buube- Sheikh Daarood Wuu Duuli Jiray (( Magaciisu Wuxuu ka Yimid)) Taayuur ((Duulaagii Flying Saint)).
Qorayaashii reer Galbeedka Ee booqday dhulka Daarood -Midwalaba Tagay Bari ma Soo tabin Daarood Duul Duuli Jiray. Sheekada Daarood waa Duulaa 1940dii ilaa 1950dii ayay Daaroodka ka soo qaateen Waliga caankee Direed Sheikh Awbuube oo ilaa qarnigii 1300 la dhihi jiray wuu duuli jiray.
Mida Kale Waa Been Magaca Daarood Waa Magac Kushitig Ah oo Ku Saleeysan -OOD ama kii Ooday oo Waxaa Jira Qabiilka Weyn Ee Muddulood waa kii Mudulka Ooday Iyo Daarood Kii Daarta Ooday Al Daahira ama Al Dayuura iyo Sheekadaas waa sheeko cusub oo Manaqibka Daarood dhawaan lagu daray iyaadoo laga soo eegtay Sheeikh Aw Buube oo Qarnigii 1300 ka hor noolaa.
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Dhageeyso Ninkaas, Wuxuu Leeyahay Isaaq waa carab 200 Sano Daarood ka hor ayuu Ciraaq ka yimid beentiisa. Maxaase ka galay isaga muu abtirsiintiisa hagaajisto. Isaaqoo ay iyagu daaroodku ilaa sheegeen inuu Dir yahay ilaa Guba ayuu sheeko xariirkiisi ku soo daray.
Daarood Ilaa Qamaan Ilaa Harti Dhulbahante Isaaqa Dir beeyku sheegaan. Oo iyaagaa ugu yeeri Jiray, iidoor Isaaq Waa Dir . Dhageeyso Labawajiilinimada Daarood gabeygan::
MAJEERTEEN IYO DAAROOD WAA KUWAAS LABA WAJIILINIMADOODA. DHAGEEYSO NAAGTAA MAJEERTEEN::
Captain H.G.C Swayne R.E. (1895) describes the areas near and around Awbube in the Gadabuursi country, in his book Seventeen Trips Through Somaliland:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Awbube
DARDAARANKII SHARMAARKE IYO CABDIRISAAQ XAAJI XUSEEN ILAA MADAXDII SIYAAD BARE --- WAA DIR KALA ILAALIYA KALA DHANTAALA SIIBA SADEXDA WAQOOYI DAGAN QOFWALBA OO DIRKA KOONFUR AYAA KUU SEEGAYA
Arab Immigrant theory Never made sense and has been Disproven By DNA NONO of Socalled Shariffs have the J1 Quraish DNA Marker of Arab Genes
Durther than coincidental. Nor could those customs and traditions be regarded as an acquisition through minimal acculturation, notwithstanding the Somalis’ deep predilection for Arab pedigree, which in ancient times was used as a qualification for the gain of access to the top seat of rulership. One of the most critical literatures on the Arab origin and homogeneity of the Somali people, whose contributors mostly consist of contemporary Somali professors and other distinguished scholars, professor of history, Mohamed Mukhtar comments that the Somalis’ claim for Arab origin “remains enigmatic,” arguing, “One would wonder, in the first instance, how the offspring of just two individual Arabs could become not only the dominant people of the northern part of the peninsula, but also the majority of the whole Somali nation today.”24 However, Mukhtar blames the concerned scholarship and Somali authorities in his retribution that, “Efforts have been made to discourage scholars from studying other Somali themes. Valuable sources for the study of Somalia’s past were ignored, among them, Arabic, Italian, French and German sources.”25ualeh wrote in the opening pages that all the Somali clans come from different Arab immigrants who escaped from persecution in Arabia; their port of entry was Mait and that Issak was the last to arrive – a reason why he (Issak) established himself in Mait town on the coast of Somaliland. Dualeh said: It is widely believed that the Dir was the first to arrive at the Somali coast, followed by the Hawiye and the Darod. The last to arrive was the Issaq clan, whose habitat today is the original point of entry for all the other Somali clans, the present Somaliland. The other Somali clans that preceded them have filled the hinterland, and therefore the Isaq was forced to live at the coastal areas.26 In his argument, the ex-army man turned diplomat points out that the Somali people belong to either one of the five groups of Dir, Issaq, Darod, Hawiye and Digil-Mirifle, all amalgamating into a one Somali tribe which otherwise consist of: “…A confederation of genealogically un-related clans. There are also a number of minority clans. There are no blood-links or other affinity between these five clans, or for that matter between the smaller clans… The commonality is the language and the religion…
The Invention Of Somalia: The Daarood, Hawiye and all were tribes who were Dir prior to 1400-1500 and gradually they Daarood suddenly asserted their indenpendency under Harit confederacy and saparated from Dir while still retaining the (Dir- Aji) part of decent name but developed a fake Arab decent in 1500 while still claiming to be Aji Noble lineal decendent of Dir. Hawiye recently also developed a Irir ancestory while still retaining the Aji name. Read the Invention of Somalia.
We will share the Southern Dir theories which support this theory. All who claim the Aji name are and were part of the Dir clan and later Fission and diffrent fussions created our clan system of today and all calim Aji which is the name of Dirs Father and some say its a nick name of Dir himself
Horn of Africa? Even if we accept the idea as that, how can we justify an Arab naming his children Sab and Samale, Cushitic names he was unaware they existed? For the section of the traditions which suggest Jaberti Ismail as the Arab newcomer marrying Dir’s daughter Donbira, we encounter a controversy because we hear some traditions opinionating the descent of Dir and Hawiye from Irir, who also came from Samale, one who tracks Hiil as his agnatic forefather. This version seems to support the thought that Dir fathered both the Ishak and the Darod, as Ioan M. Lewis illustrates.10 More suspicion encompasses the origin of some of the names in the ‘abtirsi’ genealogy, like ‘Kombe’, which can be classified as ethnic Bantu rather than a Semitic Arab name. Whatever the case, it is rather hard to regard credibility to any of these traditions because of their inconsistency and the controversies that make none of them plausible. Most of the Somali progenitors have their traditions based on imitations of either ancient Arab stories or other Cushitic traditional heroes found on a tree or watering animals from a well. Abdalla Mansur’s11 details on the subject reveal not only the confusion surrounding the topic but they also devaluate the authenticity of Qureishite genealogy of those who deem a high regard for the affiliation of their identity to an Arabite eponym. This specification being a basis for Somalia’s claim for Arab origin, which some scholars justify was exacted by population pressure from that region of Southern Asia in the proximity of Somalia, coupled with a recent Somali migration from the north Horn to the south of the country, have misled many seasoned scholars by placing northern Somaliland as the point of origin of the Somali race. As Professor Gunther Schlee enlightens, “Not only the more general historians (e.g. Low 1963: 321) but also the best specialists (e.g. Hunting Ford 1955:19; 1963:65-6; I.M.Lewis 1955: 45; 1980: 22-3) have succumbed to this error.”12 In a similar contention, Ali Abdirahman Hersi comments on the trend as “…puzzling,” explaining the implausibility of the theory as he states, “ Stranger yet is the fact that so many authorities have persisted in these far-fetched and untenable explanation.”
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Traditions ENO PAPER The oral traditions go that, in the beginning, an Arab immigrant arrived somewhere along the shores of what is located in the northern coastline of Somalia. He was washed away on the shores after experiencing trouble with his dhow, which was wrecked. He was received by the local residents in the area, married from them and caused an unusual human germination of massive multiplication, demographically outnumbering the host community. One Sheikh Ismail Jaberti, as he was called, became a symbol of a rare case as an immigrant hero who later became the factor behind the biogenesis as well as genealogical ‘transformation’ of an entire race of black Africans into what Ali Jimale ironically describes as “Arabs with a tan.”4 Douglas Colins writes about a tradition, which suggests that this ‘noble’ Arab was cast adrift many centuries ago as a boy and upon reaching manhood, fathered the Darod clan through his marriage to a local girl called Donbira. According to Collins, it was “Bereda, a small coastal fishing village,” that his informant Yusuf told him as the place where “Darod, an Arabian noble, many centuries ago was cast adrift as a small boy and later in life married a Somali girl named Donbirro and so founded the great Darod section of the Somali people.”5 A very peculiar situation arises in the implement of the traditions regarding the arrival of Darod as an individual, whether as a boy or a grown-up, or even if we consider, for the purpose of this discussion, that Jaberti Ismail begot him. Throughout the traditions, we are told about the coming of Darod, Issak or Ismail Jaberti (some traditions putting as Jaberti Ismail) as individuals who married from the local communities. Later, we find in the lineage construction that all the Somaloid stock, including Digil, Issak, Reewing (Mirifle), Darod, Hawiye and many others have descended from Samaale whose ascendancy is connected to Hiil, then Aqil and then further back to Qureishite lineage of Mohammed, the Prophet of Islam. In another tradition, ‘A Handbook of Abyssinia’ presents that the eponymous ancestor, one Sheikh Jaberti “was wrecked on the NE. Coast where he settled and died, leaving a son Darod, the father of the Darod branch,”6 who was later to foster the ‘noble’ people that make the great nation of the Darod clan, whose descendant sub-branches constitute the Marehan, Majerten, Ogaden, Dhulbahante and others. For this reason, the 19th century scholarship consisting of certain writers from the colonial regimes that occupied Somalia, have focused on the northern part of the country as being probably the cradle of the Somali nation since it was believed as the entry point through which the Arabs had arrived. Commenting on one of such writers, specifically Lewis, Christine Choi Ahmed says that the “first and best-known scholar to examine Somali society… almost all his field work was done in the northern Somaliland.”7 Yet Lewis himself acknowledged the paucity of factual substance in the content of the Somali traditions, often lacking in precision in dating and in names.8 The more peculiar scenario about Somali genealogy is in its lack of even two identical lineages in the more than five versions leading to the Arab ancestral father Aqil. Although generations of people kept the concept alive through the rehearsal of ‘abtirsi’ the count of the genealogy, few have thought of the nature and origin of names, which sound more Cushitic/African than Semitic/Arabian. Several of the same lineages are also often counted inconsistent with one another; for example, whereas some count 23 forefathers to their ancestor, others do fewer generations. The occurrence of such divergences and inconsistencies invite the notion that every Somali group has concocted at will a supposed chain of names to represent phoney ancestors of unreal existence. Some of these traditions narrate about the arrival of an Arab immigrant who dug a well in a strange newfound land. He helped a young herdswoman to water her flock from ‘his’ well. After sometime, her father who had been surprised by the good health of his animals followed her. Upon arriving at the site of the well, the Arab immigrant refused to open ‘his’ well unless and until the girl’s father promised him a marriage to his daughter. After he was made the promise, the Arab immigrant removed the cover from the mouth of the well and watered the flock. Though doubtful the tradition is, what is so certain about it is its contradiction with the Somali saying of “wax la yaqaan guurso, wax la yaqaan ha laguu dhalee”, which encourages marriage to someone known so as to foster offspring whose origin is known and propitious. This narrative though, seems to be a reconstruction of a modified replica of the Qur’anic story of Moses9 who, after committing a crime, emigrated from his home to a strange land where he helped to water animals for two sisters. He was called for by their father and upon agreement of providing service for several years, Moses was promised marriage to one of them. After the completion of the stipulated duties, Moses married the girl and later acquired prophethood from God. The dissimilarity of the two traditions lies in the fact that Moses was watering the two girls’ small ruminants from an existing well whereas in the Somali traditions, Darod dug the well himself in a strange land. How only one man could dig a well in a territory where he was alien, and how he acquired the tools are arguments that the oriental anthropologists and historians did not investigate substantively. The tradition also suggests that perhaps no other citizens either knew about this well or used it to water their flocks; or even possibly that Donbirro and her father were the only life existing in the area. In the Darod clan family, a section of the traditions say that Darod himself, the noble Arab, was cast adrift as a young boy, and that he got married to a local girl Donbirra upon his adulthood. Yet, it is bizarre that there is no mention of who Darod’s foster parent/s were, since this version of the historiography suggests Darod as an underage child. More doubt also entails how and where he acquired the cynical non-Arab name of ‘Darod’. Another question pursues about his ‘nobility’ because many immigrants fled from their home in Arabia due to persecution as slaves, and some or all those who might have allegedly escaped to the northern Horn region (if the Somali pedigree is one of them) could have as well been fugitive slaves who sought freedom away from their masters, the same as we have seen in the case of the Wa-Gosha people of Somalia. But none of the various traditions and scholars thinks about other possible postulates, nor did the early orientalist scholars present a variant speculation of the topic except the suggestion of population pressure being the reason of the Arab immigrants seeking a safe haven in Somalia. The historical construction as seen here, needs more corroboration. Obviously, it is not by genuine coincidence that all these foreign Arab immigrants arrived in the Somali peninsula at various dates while at the same time all trace their ‘asal’ origin, across varient routes, to Qureishi tribe or ‘Reer Banu-Hashem’ the offspring of Banu-Hashem. Because we do not have any evidence of Hiil, the descendant of Aqil stepping foot in Somalia, can one be of any hypothesis of whether his descendants Sab and Samale had an earlier plan to settle in separate parts of Somalia i.e. south and north, and transgerminate with the local females a new breed in the name of Somali and later to become the genealogical representatives of Qureish in the northern Horn of Africa? Even if we accept the idea as that, how can we justify an Arab naming his children Sab and Samale, Cushitic names he was unaware they existed? For the section of the traditions which suggest Jaberti Ismail as the Arab newcomer marrying Dir’s daughter Donbira, we encounter a controversy because we hear some traditions opinionating the descent of Dir and Hawiye from Irir, who also came from Samale, one who tracks Hiil as his agnatic forefather. This version seems to support the thought that Dir fathered both the Ishak and the Darod, as Ioan M. Lewis illustrates.10 More suspicion encompasses the origin of some of the names in the ‘abtirsi’ genealogy, like ‘Kombe’, which can be classified as ethnic Bantu rather than a Semitic Arab name. Whatever the case, it is rather hard to regard credibility to any of these traditions because of their inconsistency and the controversies that make none of them plausible. Most of the Somali progenitors have their traditions based on imitations of either ancient Arab stories or other Cushitic traditional heroes found on a tree or watering animals from a well. Abdalla Mansur’s11 details on the subject reveal not only the confusion surrounding the topic but they also devaluate the authenticity of Qureishite genealogy of those who deem a high regard for the affiliation of their identity to an Arabite eponym. This specification being a basis for Somalia’s claim for Arab origin, which some scholars justify was exacted by population pressure from that region of Southern Asia in the proximity of Somalia, coupled with a recent Somali migration from the north Horn to the south of the country, have misled many seasoned scholars by placing northern Somaliland as the point of origin of the Somali race. As Professor Gunther Schlee enlightens, “Not only the more general historians (e.g. Low 1963: 321) but also the best specialists (e.g. Hunting Ford 1955:19; 1963:65-6; I.M.Lewis 1955: 45; 1980: 22-3) have succumbed to this error.”12 In a similar contention, Ali Abdirahman Hersi comments on the trend as “…puzzling,” explaining the implausibility of the theory as he states, “ Stranger yet is the fact that so many authorities have persisted in these far-fetched and untenable explanation.”
Comparatively, the same investigation is applicable to Sheikh Jaberti as controversy also surrounds the identity of his wife Donbira, the so-called Somali girl married off to him. Some sources narrate that the early people to whom Donbira belonged were Galla who lived in the region prior to the arrival of the Somalis. Other traditions have it as Hawiye or Dir whom Donbira belonged to. Whichever source is considered, the conundrum toward the achievement of a satisfactory response to the hypothesis of immigrants of unsubstantial number exceeding their respective sedentary host communities does not only sound miraculous but also seems historiographically irresolvable. What has caused the disappearance from the scene of the local African people? Why are the Somalis more related to the Boran/Oromo, Baiso and Rendille culturally, physically and linguistically than to the Arabs? In another extreme but substantiated discordance with early colonial scholarship, c
IM LEWIS WROTE DOMBIRO IS A (FAKE NAME) AND BASED ON IMAM AXMED GUREYS WIFE BATI DEL-WAMBARA-- WHOM IMAM NUUR LATER MARRIED.
DEFINATELY WAMBER MEANS (WAMBER) GABER OR GAMBADH IN SOUTH SOMALI AN SIGNIFIES A WOMEN OF STATUS POWER SEAT OF POWER THORNE
KOMBE IS A BANTU NAME AND CANT BE CUSHITIC OR SEMETIC.