the Bimaal
Feuding hostilities led to several confrontations between Italy and the Somali tribes. Eno reveals, “Merca, Jilib, Jesira and Dhanane are some of the notable battlefields where the Bimaal (Hawiye) pastoral tribe engaged colonial soldiers constituting Somalis.”27 Nevertheless, revelations such as by Italian naval officer Gaetano Bossi had already done the damage. He recommended the pertinence of a more organized government role. Commander Onorato di Monale who undertook an investigation upon the early announcements of the Benadir Coast slavery scandal wrote another equally discrediting report. Some excerpts of the report, including information given by the local chiefs and other outstanding figures of the community, read:
…not only did slaves enter Benadir ports, but that the last slaves to enter the town date back only to last December. Slaves are bought and sold in the Benadir towns, not only under the eyes of Italian authorities…but according to registry of the cadis of Mogadishu…with the sanction of those authorities. In the Benadir, a slave can be bought, sold, imprisoned, inherited, given as a gift, exploited, and rarely liberated. Far from taking steps towards the gradual disappearance of domestic servitude, the company is perpetrating it and aggravating the condition.28
In a gesture to consolidate its colonial activities firmly, Italy succeeded in the purchase of the Benadir ports for the estimated amount of 3,600,000 Italian Lira , the equivalent of 144,000 British pounds, an achievement seen as a step forward. But within the colony, as Italy was aware, resistance was unavoidable since some tribes were discontented by the abolition policy.
The Somali slave owners, as is paradigmatic of the nomadic psychology, tinted the abolition policy as a religious issue in a bid to gain legitimacy for their cause of war and sympathy from other clans, under the philosophy of Jihad (holy war). Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, the Mad Mullah and leader of the Dervish, assisted the Bimaal cause to that end. The colonial administration recruited soldiers to face the arrogant and unabiding Bimaal. When the battle erupted, several Bimaal villages were torched off. The Bimaal, in retaliation, forged several attempts to overrun the Italian askaris in Dhanane, situated between Merca and Mogadishu. They were all in futility until the Bimaal were relentless subdued.
In a diplomatic move to step up the scale of ‘pacification’, the colonial officials approached chiefs and notables of the various tribes to win their support and maintain good relationship between the colonists and the colony. The Somali pastoral tribes seized the opportunity. The two ensuing reasons were for access to the colonial officials (as a medium between the Italians and the community), and secondly for the payroll which displayed a recognition of their social status as the leadership. The Sultan of the Geledi was one of such leaders who subscribed wholeheartedly to this kind of colonial appeasement.29
Skirmishes between the Bimaal and the Italians continued for quite some time, though
intermittently.30 The colonial troops got a breakthrough and eventually penetrated the towns of Bariire, Malable, Audegle (Aaw-Dheegle) in the Dhoobooy area of Merca, and Afgoi a few kilometers from Mogadishu. The event has finally tamed Bimaal resistance, widening the aspiration for peace and liberty.
Sheikh Hassan Barsane’s Resistance to the Abolition of Slavery
One Sheikh who was exaggeratedly honoured as a hero in Somali history, Sheikh
Hassan Barsane of the Gaal-Jecel sub-clan of the Hawiye clan, has resisted abolition
of slavery to the extent of misinterpreting the Holy Scripture – the Qur’an, by writing to
the Italians:
“All our slaves escaped and went to you and you have set them free.
We are not happy with the [Antislavery] order. We abandoned our
law, for according to our law we can put slaves in prison or force them to work.”
And what law was the ‘respected’ Sheikh referring to?
“The government has its law and we have ours. We accept no law
other than our law. Our law is that of God and of the prophet….
“God has said: The few can defeat the many. The world is near its end;
only 58 years remain…It is better to die following Muslim law. All Muslims are one.31
In the preceding statement, Barsane has made not less than three discrepancies contrary to the Islamic faith. But a Jareer poet who was against enslavement of Muslims, an un-Islamic practice, sets the main response in this verse:
* Ninki Ashahaato Adoon ma Ahaado
Amar Eebe diidi yaa kaa Aqbalaayo32
Translation:
Whoever announces the oneness of Allah in submission, no longer remains a slave;
So, nobody abides by your orders regarding what Allah has illegitimated.
Sheikh Hassan Barsane is one of a few heroes honoured in the history of Somalia. He is, as far as we have seen in the history curricula of schools in the country, dignified as a sharp protestant against the Italian colonialists, and one who died for the cause of nationalism. But on the contrary, he died due to his rejection to free Muslim lives in the campaign to the abolition of slavery and of slave trade. As far as Islam is concerned, a good model is Abubakar who paid money to purchase Bilal’s freedom after the latter converted to Islam. In this case, the two acts of Abubakar and Sheikh Hassan Barsane are contrary to each other, but the former’s gesture accommodates well with the harmonious tenets of Islam. Barsane’s, in retrospect, amounts to a villain’s misuse and abuse of the Holy Scripture.
Previously, many scholars have written concern over the obstruction of the truth about Somali historiography, ethno-anthropology, culturology and other areas, with the focus and scope of criticism succinctly directed onto the nomadic pastoralist in the north. In fact, it is now in the south that we learn about religious scholars engaging in both misuse and abuse of the Islamic faith for personal gains. And rather than condemining their ill effects to society, the Jileec pastoral authorities have eulogized their villainy by building monuments and naming academic institutions after the great sinners.
Drawing from an archival evidence, Sheikh Hassan Barsane and a large number of the Somali people of his day and even today, have been correctly described by colonial officers as people who corrupt and contaminate the Islamic faith by twisting it for personal goals. An extract of the nature reads:
Sir,
1. With reference to attached - in my opinion the Somali…accepts the Sheria just as far as it suits him.
2. He claims to be a Mohammeddan but during my service…both Sir Reginald Wingate – Serdar and Major General Von Slatin Pasha, told me that they did not consider the Somali as a true Mohammeddan…33
That this is a persistent paradigm of Somali attitude can also be seen in recent events in the civil anarchy period when the so-called Islamic courts discriminatively arraigned the unarmed and ethnically oppressed communities like the Jareer.34 Suffice it to say that many religious scholars have used their Islamic knowledge as an income generation project rather than preach the doctrine of peace and equality for all muslims. (See Chapter Two, The Barawaan.)
After the war of words, a number of confrontations took place between the Galjel (Gaal-jecel) tribe of Hassan Barsane and colonial forces, which pressed the former into submission. Eventually, the so-called religious leader was captured, as his kinsmen could not save him in their plea at submission. They were disarmed while Barsane was taken to the dungeons in Mogadishu and sentenced to death. Later the death sentence was revoked to life imprisonment where he remained incarcerated till his death
The most celebrated national heroes, in the northern nomadic version, come in the persons of Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, Ahmed Ibrahim Al-Ghazi – known to the Somalis as Axmed ‘Gurey’ (the left-handed) and Ahmed ‘Gran’ to the Abyssinians, and Hawo Osman Tacco, popularly known as Xaawo Taako. For reasons known to Siad Barre and his kinsmen, these were made the celebrated heroes and heroine whose recognition was depicted in their monuments, exclusively towering through the skies of Mogadishu.
Saturday, May 14, 2011
BOQORTOYADA BIMAAL DIR QEYBTII 1
TAARIKHAHA DIR EE LA AASAY WAXAA UGU WEYN TA BOQORTOYADII BIMAAL IYO KACDOONKOODI AY SOMALIA ISKU DAYEEN IN AY KA XOREEYAN GUMEYSTA NOOC WALBA GAAL, CARAB IYO DABADHILIF SOMAALIYEED
1857 BIMAALKA WAXA AY KU BILAABEEN DAGAAL BOQORTOYADII SICIID BARQASH EE CUMAANIYINTA AHAYD IYAGOO U DIIDAY IN AY DALKA KONFURTIISA BANADIR XUKUMAAN.
SULDAANKA BIMAAL AYAA WAXA UU U DIRAY WARQAD BOQORKA CUMAAN OO UU KU LEYAHAY CARABTU SADEX SIYAABOOD AYAY AFRIKA KU SOO GALAAN: DACWA DIIN FAFIS, ISHTARAK GANACSI AMA FATUUX QABSASHO XOOGA AH. SULDAANKA BIIMAAL WUXUU U SHEEGAY IN CUMAAN DIIN FAFIN KARIN WAAYO WAA CIBADI, GANACSI KA FURI KARIN WAAYO SULDAANKA BIIMAAL FASAX KAMEY HELIN, XOOGNA IN AY WALIGEED SOMAALI CARAB KU QABSAN ISKA DAA DIR E.
1)DACWA- IYAGOO DIIN WADA, WAXA UU CUMAANIDA KU YIRI DIIN IYO DACWA KAA AKHRISAN MEYNO OO WAXAAD TIHIIN (CIBAADIYIIN) IBAADITES WAA MADHAB DALKA CUMAAN KALIYA KA JIRTA OO UU UGU YEERAY MADHAB AAN SAX EHEYN ISAGUNA ISKU TILMAAMAY SHAFICI GAADIRIYA HAYSTA IYO AHMADIYA
2)FATUUXNA DAGAAL CARAB WALIGOOD SOMALI UGAGA MACAASHIN
3)WARQADA WAXAA KU QORNAA IN GANACSI AY KA SAMEYN KARIN CUMAANIDU ISKA DAA QALCADO IN AY KA DHISTAAN IYO HIRZ (FORTES) BIMAALKU CUMAANIDA IN AY DHULKA JOOGAAN WAAY U DIIDEEN XAMAR IYO WARSHEEIKHNA AYAY U CARAREEN. CUMAANIDU WAXA AY ADEEGSADEEN BOQORTOYADA GOBROON OO XUKUMI JIRTAY XAMAR BEELAHA HAWIYE EE DAGA IYO RAXANWEYN. GOBROON WAXA AY KA MID AHAYEEN GALADIGA IYO BEELWEYNTA RAXANWEYN DIGIL.
1890 MAJEERTEENKA TALYAANIGA AYAY ISKU DHIIBEEN- TALYANIGUNA SACIID BARQASH WIILKIISI AYAY KU QANCIYEEN IN AY KA KIREEYAAN GOBOLKA BANAADIR MAADAMA AY XUKUM KARI LA YIHIIN BIYAAMAALKA DARAADOOD. KONFURTA BANAADIR TALYAANIGA AYAA KIREYSATAY OO BILAABAY GOBROONTA IN AY HUBEEYAAN.
SAYID MAXAMMED CABDULLE XASAN XITAA TALYANIGA AYUU ISKU DHIIBAY OO TALEEX AYAA LA SOO DAJIYAY WAXAAN HESHIISKA KU QORNAA IN UU JOOGO ITALIAN SOMALILAND KADIB TALYAANIGU KIREYSTAY.
BIMAALKA SADEX GOBARNATOORE GOVERNERS IYO BOQOLAAL TALYAANIYA AYAY DILEEN. XAFADA XAMAR EE KAAMBO AMXAARO AYUU TALYANIGU KEENAY 4000 OO ASKARI OO ERITERIA LAGA KEENAY, 340 CARABA, IYO 10000 OO CIDANA OO GOBROONTU HOGAMINAYSO. BIMAALKU 21 SANO AYAY TALYAANIGA LA HALGAMEEN. GOOBAHA LAFOOLENA UGU YARAAN 46 ASKARI OO GENERAL SEECHI (CEECHI) KU JIRO AYAY KU DILEEN.
TALYAANGU GOOB TAALA AYAY KA DHISEEN SHALAMBOOD OO LA DHAHO VICTORIA DEL AFRICA AADNA ULA YAABEEN GEESINIMADA IYO XAMASADA MUJAHIDIINTA. XILIGII SIYAAD BARRE IYO DOWLADIHII KA HOREEYAY LAGAMA HADAL HALGANKA BIMAAL OO KA DHEERAA KII SAYID CABDULLE XASAN,XITAA SAYIDKA MARKII UU ISKU DHIIBAY TALYAANIGA EE TALEEX SOO DAGAY BIMAALKU DAGAAL KULUL AYAY KULA JIREEN BEEL AHAAN.
GOBROONTA OO XAMAR, WARKSHEEIKH IYO KONFURTA BANAADIR WAKIILA UGA AHEYD CUMAAN IYO TALYAANIGA DHIBAKANAA KU DHACAY
4. Suldaanadii Gelledi, sida suldaan Maxamud, suldaan Yuusuf, iyo suldaan Axmad.
Haddaanu wax ka xusno labadaas maamul, waxaa jira in Suldaan Axmad Yuusuf (1848-1878) uu ahaa suldaankii ugu dambeeyay xilliyadii wacnaa oo ay taariikhda ku yeelatay boqortooyadii Gelledi. Suldaanku wuxuu ku dhintay kacdoon ay Biyamaalku kaga cabanayeen cadaadiskii siyaasadeed ee maamulkii suldaanku uu ku hayay bulshadii degaanka. Dagaalkaas lagu dilay suldaanka wuxuu ka dhacay meel la yiraahdo Aw-Shaafac oo ku dhow degmada Marka, sanadkii 1847-kii. Suldaan Axmad wuxuu xiriir siyaasadeed iyo mid ganacsiba la lahaa suldaankii Sensibaar oo markaas ka talinayay Xamar. Xiriirkaas oo uu ku helay kaalmo dhaqaale iyo mid ciidan ayaa sababay xasilloonidii maamulkii aabihiis iyo kii awoowihiis. Waxaa kale oo jiray ciidamo reer Sensibaar ah oo ku sugnaa degmooyinka Xamar iyo Marka, kuwaas oo dhinacooda ka cadaadin jiray dadka Soomaalida ah. Heesaha dhaqan galay ee inoo muujinaya cadaadiskaas siyaasadeed ! ! waxaa kamid ah tixdan ay Biyamaalku tiriyeen xilligaas :
Inta askar, inta Axmad
Allow Ilaahoow
Intee aadsaheynaa.
Waxaa kale oo ay taariikhdu reebtay, markii Suldaan Axmad la dilay dabadeed, sheeko dhex martay gabar uu suldaanku dhalay iyo nin Biyamaal ah. Gabadha suldaanku dhalay ayaa magaalada Marka waxay ku aragtay nin Biyamaal ah, markaas baa iyada oo aabaheed waydiinaysa, ayay hees waxay ku tiri :
Shucbaale aan kuu gadaa aad shuun ku xiiratee
Shaqo aan kuu xiraa aad ku shoobtidee
Shood bun aan kuu tumaa aad sharuursatee
Aabow Shooblahayga ma ii sheegi kartaa.
Ninkii Biyamaal, isaga oo gabadhii u jawaabaya ayuu wuxuu yiri :
Shucbaalahaaga ad shuun ku xiiro
Shuqadaada adlee ku shoob
Shantaada bun adlee sharuurso
Aabow shooblahaaga an kuu sheego
Aw-shaafac aa shufta looga gooyey
Humbow waraabaa hambuuqahaayay
Haad boorraa hirrigey ku haayay
Hablahaynaa har-haraatihaayay
Hirka maanyaa hab-dhabow ku haayay.
1857 BIMAALKA WAXA AY KU BILAABEEN DAGAAL BOQORTOYADII SICIID BARQASH EE CUMAANIYINTA AHAYD IYAGOO U DIIDAY IN AY DALKA KONFURTIISA BANADIR XUKUMAAN.
SULDAANKA BIMAAL AYAA WAXA UU U DIRAY WARQAD BOQORKA CUMAAN OO UU KU LEYAHAY CARABTU SADEX SIYAABOOD AYAY AFRIKA KU SOO GALAAN: DACWA DIIN FAFIS, ISHTARAK GANACSI AMA FATUUX QABSASHO XOOGA AH. SULDAANKA BIIMAAL WUXUU U SHEEGAY IN CUMAAN DIIN FAFIN KARIN WAAYO WAA CIBADI, GANACSI KA FURI KARIN WAAYO SULDAANKA BIIMAAL FASAX KAMEY HELIN, XOOGNA IN AY WALIGEED SOMAALI CARAB KU QABSAN ISKA DAA DIR E.
1)DACWA- IYAGOO DIIN WADA, WAXA UU CUMAANIDA KU YIRI DIIN IYO DACWA KAA AKHRISAN MEYNO OO WAXAAD TIHIIN (CIBAADIYIIN) IBAADITES WAA MADHAB DALKA CUMAAN KALIYA KA JIRTA OO UU UGU YEERAY MADHAB AAN SAX EHEYN ISAGUNA ISKU TILMAAMAY SHAFICI GAADIRIYA HAYSTA IYO AHMADIYA
2)FATUUXNA DAGAAL CARAB WALIGOOD SOMALI UGAGA MACAASHIN
3)WARQADA WAXAA KU QORNAA IN GANACSI AY KA SAMEYN KARIN CUMAANIDU ISKA DAA QALCADO IN AY KA DHISTAAN IYO HIRZ (FORTES) BIMAALKU CUMAANIDA IN AY DHULKA JOOGAAN WAAY U DIIDEEN XAMAR IYO WARSHEEIKHNA AYAY U CARAREEN. CUMAANIDU WAXA AY ADEEGSADEEN BOQORTOYADA GOBROON OO XUKUMI JIRTAY XAMAR BEELAHA HAWIYE EE DAGA IYO RAXANWEYN. GOBROON WAXA AY KA MID AHAYEEN GALADIGA IYO BEELWEYNTA RAXANWEYN DIGIL.
1890 MAJEERTEENKA TALYAANIGA AYAY ISKU DHIIBEEN- TALYANIGUNA SACIID BARQASH WIILKIISI AYAY KU QANCIYEEN IN AY KA KIREEYAAN GOBOLKA BANAADIR MAADAMA AY XUKUM KARI LA YIHIIN BIYAAMAALKA DARAADOOD. KONFURTA BANAADIR TALYAANIGA AYAA KIREYSATAY OO BILAABAY GOBROONTA IN AY HUBEEYAAN.
SAYID MAXAMMED CABDULLE XASAN XITAA TALYANIGA AYUU ISKU DHIIBAY OO TALEEX AYAA LA SOO DAJIYAY WAXAAN HESHIISKA KU QORNAA IN UU JOOGO ITALIAN SOMALILAND KADIB TALYAANIGU KIREYSTAY.
BIMAALKA SADEX GOBARNATOORE GOVERNERS IYO BOQOLAAL TALYAANIYA AYAY DILEEN. XAFADA XAMAR EE KAAMBO AMXAARO AYUU TALYANIGU KEENAY 4000 OO ASKARI OO ERITERIA LAGA KEENAY, 340 CARABA, IYO 10000 OO CIDANA OO GOBROONTU HOGAMINAYSO. BIMAALKU 21 SANO AYAY TALYAANIGA LA HALGAMEEN. GOOBAHA LAFOOLENA UGU YARAAN 46 ASKARI OO GENERAL SEECHI (CEECHI) KU JIRO AYAY KU DILEEN.
TALYAANGU GOOB TAALA AYAY KA DHISEEN SHALAMBOOD OO LA DHAHO VICTORIA DEL AFRICA AADNA ULA YAABEEN GEESINIMADA IYO XAMASADA MUJAHIDIINTA. XILIGII SIYAAD BARRE IYO DOWLADIHII KA HOREEYAY LAGAMA HADAL HALGANKA BIMAAL OO KA DHEERAA KII SAYID CABDULLE XASAN,XITAA SAYIDKA MARKII UU ISKU DHIIBAY TALYAANIGA EE TALEEX SOO DAGAY BIMAALKU DAGAAL KULUL AYAY KULA JIREEN BEEL AHAAN.
GOBROONTA OO XAMAR, WARKSHEEIKH IYO KONFURTA BANAADIR WAKIILA UGA AHEYD CUMAAN IYO TALYAANIGA DHIBAKANAA KU DHACAY
4. Suldaanadii Gelledi, sida suldaan Maxamud, suldaan Yuusuf, iyo suldaan Axmad.
Haddaanu wax ka xusno labadaas maamul, waxaa jira in Suldaan Axmad Yuusuf (1848-1878) uu ahaa suldaankii ugu dambeeyay xilliyadii wacnaa oo ay taariikhda ku yeelatay boqortooyadii Gelledi. Suldaanku wuxuu ku dhintay kacdoon ay Biyamaalku kaga cabanayeen cadaadiskii siyaasadeed ee maamulkii suldaanku uu ku hayay bulshadii degaanka. Dagaalkaas lagu dilay suldaanka wuxuu ka dhacay meel la yiraahdo Aw-Shaafac oo ku dhow degmada Marka, sanadkii 1847-kii. Suldaan Axmad wuxuu xiriir siyaasadeed iyo mid ganacsiba la lahaa suldaankii Sensibaar oo markaas ka talinayay Xamar. Xiriirkaas oo uu ku helay kaalmo dhaqaale iyo mid ciidan ayaa sababay xasilloonidii maamulkii aabihiis iyo kii awoowihiis. Waxaa kale oo jiray ciidamo reer Sensibaar ah oo ku sugnaa degmooyinka Xamar iyo Marka, kuwaas oo dhinacooda ka cadaadin jiray dadka Soomaalida ah. Heesaha dhaqan galay ee inoo muujinaya cadaadiskaas siyaasadeed ! ! waxaa kamid ah tixdan ay Biyamaalku tiriyeen xilligaas :
Inta askar, inta Axmad
Allow Ilaahoow
Intee aadsaheynaa.
Waxaa kale oo ay taariikhdu reebtay, markii Suldaan Axmad la dilay dabadeed, sheeko dhex martay gabar uu suldaanku dhalay iyo nin Biyamaal ah. Gabadha suldaanku dhalay ayaa magaalada Marka waxay ku aragtay nin Biyamaal ah, markaas baa iyada oo aabaheed waydiinaysa, ayay hees waxay ku tiri :
Shucbaale aan kuu gadaa aad shuun ku xiiratee
Shaqo aan kuu xiraa aad ku shoobtidee
Shood bun aan kuu tumaa aad sharuursatee
Aabow Shooblahayga ma ii sheegi kartaa.
Ninkii Biyamaal, isaga oo gabadhii u jawaabaya ayuu wuxuu yiri :
Shucbaalahaaga ad shuun ku xiiro
Shuqadaada adlee ku shoob
Shantaada bun adlee sharuurso
Aabow shooblahaaga an kuu sheego
Aw-shaafac aa shufta looga gooyey
Humbow waraabaa hambuuqahaayay
Haad boorraa hirrigey ku haayay
Hablahaynaa har-haraatihaayay
Hirka maanyaa hab-dhabow ku haayay.
The Gadabursi 21 Elder Clan Council dynasty of Sultans
The Gadabursi 21 Elder Clan Council dynasty of Sultans
The Gadabursi traditionally had a celebrated dynasty of Sultans which had become disrupted, in the 1950s, as a result of disagreement to succession and also because Of the division of the clan betweenthe British and Ethiopian administration (I.M. Lewis, 1961:204). In an important clan meeting thattook place in Borama town between 12-16 April 1992 the Gadabursi paramount Ugaas was reinstated.
This meeting which was sponsored and participated by this clan's Committee of Intellectuals based in Riad, Saudi Arabia, generated several resolutions apart from the reinstallation of the Ugaas as a symbol of Gadabursi unity.
The proclamations of the Gadabursi meeting included a decision to send elder's peace delegations, which had been effected, to reconcile the warring Isaq groups in hargeisa, Berbera and Burao and a call to organize a general meeting which would deliberate upon the restoration of peace and future prospects of the destabilized "Republic of Somaliland". The creation of a combined Gadabursi force to
defend this clan's territory and interests stands as another resolution, however this did not materialize.
The remaining four Gadabursi Ugaas are heads of major segments of the clan: Nur Yonis, Jibril Yonis, Habar Afan, and Baha Samaron. The last group is indeed an amalgamation of Gadabursilineage-groups who lived in Gabiley district before their displacement following the establishment of SNM rule in "Somaliland" in 1991.
The Gadabursi 21 Elder Clan Council is distributed among its three major divisions in
terms of their relative strength. The largest sub-clan, Makahil, is allocated 9 members, while each of the remaining two, Mahad Ase and Habar Afan, is allocated 6 each.
The Gadabursi traditionally had a celebrated dynasty of Sultans which had become disrupted, in the 1950s, as a result of disagreement to succession and also because Of the division of the clan betweenthe British and Ethiopian administration (I.M. Lewis, 1961:204). In an important clan meeting thattook place in Borama town between 12-16 April 1992 the Gadabursi paramount Ugaas was reinstated.
This meeting which was sponsored and participated by this clan's Committee of Intellectuals based in Riad, Saudi Arabia, generated several resolutions apart from the reinstallation of the Ugaas as a symbol of Gadabursi unity.
The proclamations of the Gadabursi meeting included a decision to send elder's peace delegations, which had been effected, to reconcile the warring Isaq groups in hargeisa, Berbera and Burao and a call to organize a general meeting which would deliberate upon the restoration of peace and future prospects of the destabilized "Republic of Somaliland". The creation of a combined Gadabursi force to
defend this clan's territory and interests stands as another resolution, however this did not materialize.
The remaining four Gadabursi Ugaas are heads of major segments of the clan: Nur Yonis, Jibril Yonis, Habar Afan, and Baha Samaron. The last group is indeed an amalgamation of Gadabursilineage-groups who lived in Gabiley district before their displacement following the establishment of SNM rule in "Somaliland" in 1991.
The Gadabursi 21 Elder Clan Council is distributed among its three major divisions in
terms of their relative strength. The largest sub-clan, Makahil, is allocated 9 members, while each of the remaining two, Mahad Ase and Habar Afan, is allocated 6 each.
Wednesday, May 11, 2011
XILIBAAN XASAN ISAAQ YACQUUB (GEESCADE) BEESHA REER AWSACIID
XILIBAAN XASAN ISAAQ YACQUUB (GEESCADE) BEESHA REER AWSACIID
Deegaanada beesha reer awsaciid waxa ka mida ,
Gobolka Gedo
Dagmada Baardheere gaar ahaana Tuulada Hureeyn tuulada Dhoobleey iyo TuuladaDeqaani Tuulada Markableey waxaa daga beesha oo qurainta kalle waa lala dagaa,
Beesha waxeey ku leedahay Dhulkaan dhul Daaqsin iyo Waraabka Beeraha labadaba waxaana Saaran 12 Mator oo waraab ah oo ay ledahay beesha reer Awsaciidd
Gobolka Bay
Beesha Reer Awsaciid waxay ka dagtaa Buur waxaana si gooniya udagnaa Tuulada BuuloFulaay Dagmada Ufuroow waxaan ku leenahay Dhul Beereed xaga Roobka iyo daaqsin wayn oo xoolaha Reer Awsacid Ku dhaqmaan,
Gobolka Shabeelaha Hoose
Beesha Reer awsaciid waxa ay si xoogleh wax uga dagtaaDagmada Qoryooleey taas oo Daaqsin ahaan si wayn aan ujogno xaga beerahana waxaan ku leenahay dhul balaaran,
Gobolka Jubada Dhaxe
Dagmada Saakoow waxeey beeshu ku leedahay ama ka dagan dad aad u badan oo gaaraya Boqolkiiba %40 Caanaha iyo Qoryahana anaga Keena Tuulooyinka BaroowDiinle Buulo Cadeey Baarka Muumin Dhooroow iyoDhakaajo waxaa nala daga Soomaali kalle Balse Aqlabiyada Anagaa Leh Tuulooyinkaas oo aan ku leenahay Beero waween iyo Daaq Faro Badan TuuladaDhakaajo oo qorshuhu ahaa in loo aqoonsado Dagmo Buuxda waxey la Kulantay Dagaalkii Sokeeye ee Soomaaliya Naafeeyay
Gobolka Jubada Hoose
Deegaanka Qooqaani iyo Dhoobleey Waxaan ku leenahay Deegaan waynTuulada BeerXaani waxaa si madax banaan udaga 40% kiiba beesha oo kaliya inaga ayaana Keena Caanaha iyo Qoryaha Gobolka oo dhan Tuulada BuuloGuduud iyoYoontooy waxaan ku leenahay Daaqsin iyo Beero Labadaba iyo Lix Matoor
Hiiraan
Waxa ay Beesha Reer Awsaciid Ka Dagtaa Deegaanada Soosocda,
Dagmada Baladwayne Tuulada Kabxanleey waxaana noo saaran ilaa iyo Sideed Matoor oo waraaba Deegaan Daaqsined oo Baadxad Badan waan ku leenahay,
Banaadir
Beesha Reer Awsaciid waxa ay dagantahay 30%kiiba gaar ahaana Caasimada Soomaaliya Ee Muqisho
Waqooyiga Soomaaliya
Waxa ay beesha Rer awsaciid ka dagtaa Dagmada Gibileey Gaar ahaana Tuulooyinka sheek iyo meelo kaloo badan
Deegaanada beesha reer awsaciid waxa ka mida ,
Gobolka Gedo
Dagmada Baardheere gaar ahaana Tuulada Hureeyn tuulada Dhoobleey iyo TuuladaDeqaani Tuulada Markableey waxaa daga beesha oo qurainta kalle waa lala dagaa,
Beesha waxeey ku leedahay Dhulkaan dhul Daaqsin iyo Waraabka Beeraha labadaba waxaana Saaran 12 Mator oo waraab ah oo ay ledahay beesha reer Awsaciidd
Gobolka Bay
Beesha Reer Awsaciid waxay ka dagtaa Buur waxaana si gooniya udagnaa Tuulada BuuloFulaay Dagmada Ufuroow waxaan ku leenahay Dhul Beereed xaga Roobka iyo daaqsin wayn oo xoolaha Reer Awsacid Ku dhaqmaan,
Gobolka Shabeelaha Hoose
Beesha Reer awsaciid waxa ay si xoogleh wax uga dagtaaDagmada Qoryooleey taas oo Daaqsin ahaan si wayn aan ujogno xaga beerahana waxaan ku leenahay dhul balaaran,
Gobolka Jubada Dhaxe
Dagmada Saakoow waxeey beeshu ku leedahay ama ka dagan dad aad u badan oo gaaraya Boqolkiiba %40 Caanaha iyo Qoryahana anaga Keena Tuulooyinka BaroowDiinle Buulo Cadeey Baarka Muumin Dhooroow iyoDhakaajo waxaa nala daga Soomaali kalle Balse Aqlabiyada Anagaa Leh Tuulooyinkaas oo aan ku leenahay Beero waween iyo Daaq Faro Badan TuuladaDhakaajo oo qorshuhu ahaa in loo aqoonsado Dagmo Buuxda waxey la Kulantay Dagaalkii Sokeeye ee Soomaaliya Naafeeyay
Gobolka Jubada Hoose
Deegaanka Qooqaani iyo Dhoobleey Waxaan ku leenahay Deegaan waynTuulada BeerXaani waxaa si madax banaan udaga 40% kiiba beesha oo kaliya inaga ayaana Keena Caanaha iyo Qoryaha Gobolka oo dhan Tuulada BuuloGuduud iyoYoontooy waxaan ku leenahay Daaqsin iyo Beero Labadaba iyo Lix Matoor
Hiiraan
Waxa ay Beesha Reer Awsaciid Ka Dagtaa Deegaanada Soosocda,
Dagmada Baladwayne Tuulada Kabxanleey waxaana noo saaran ilaa iyo Sideed Matoor oo waraaba Deegaan Daaqsined oo Baadxad Badan waan ku leenahay,
Banaadir
Beesha Reer Awsaciid waxa ay dagantahay 30%kiiba gaar ahaana Caasimada Soomaaliya Ee Muqisho
Waqooyiga Soomaaliya
Waxa ay beesha Rer awsaciid ka dagtaa Dagmada Gibileey Gaar ahaana Tuulooyinka sheek iyo meelo kaloo badan
Maxamed Cabdullaahi Jibriil (Af-Durdur) GABYAAGII GADSAN DIR Gabayo dhawr ah
Maxamed Cabdullaahi Jibriil (Af-Durdur)
Gabayo dhawr ah
Maxamed Cabdullaahi Jibriil oo ku magac dheeraa Af-Durdur wuxuu ahaa gabayaa caan ah oo u dhashay Gaadsan, Dir, degaankiisuna ahaa Qorraxeey iyo inta la ollaga ah. Wuxuu caan ku ahaa gabayga geela iyo midka dhaqanka guud ee reer miyiga. Sida aad naanaystiisa ka fahmayso, wuxuu ahaa nin gabay loo qiray. Waxaan boggan kusoo gudbinaynaa gabayo dhawr ah oo qabyo wada ah oo aan qaarkood horray u faafinay oo uu ninkaasi tiriyey.
Gabayga ugu horreeya marka uu tirinayo Af-Durdur wuxuu ahaa barbaar muruq-dhardhaar ah oo geela iyo dhaqaalayntiisa u banbaxay. Inuu geela iyo halkii iyo wixii u roon ka fakaro mooyee wuxuu ahaa nin aan hawo adduun oo kale isku mashquulin. Geel reerkoodu lahaa ayuu aad u xannaaneeyey oo kolba halkii caro san ah iyo meeshii naq leh inuu geeyo ku dadaalay. Muddo kolkii uu geelaa sidaa u dhaqaaleeyey ayuu, malaha, sidii uu rabay ama uu islahaa waad mudan tahay ka waayey odaygii geela denbaabi jiray. Markii uu yidhi war sidan ha layga daayana waxaaba loogu jawaabay geelan adigu ma lihidee orod oo waxaad dhaqatay doono. Isagoo haddaba ka waramaya geelaa iyo waxay dhaqaalayntiisu dhib soo marisay ayuu gabaygan tiriyey. Inta nasoo gaadhay, wuxuu yidhi:
• Darmad lebi ah boodaan duryami, oo bir lagu duugay
• Daaraan aleen aan lahayd iyo, dilaal aad ah
• Dul ka yeedha koortaa waxaan, daawad u ekeeyey
• Waxaan aar dinaahyeyn iyo, diilalyo u seexday
• Dab waxaan u shiday intaan, dogobyo soo jiiday
• Dibjirraha iyo baahida waxaan, duuda kor u fuulay
• Dibqaloocyadoo dhacay waxaan, dalab kusoo heesay
• Dawlis iyo wadaan iyo waxaan, yeel isugu duubay
• Dar waxaan ka shubay uunka oo, daaska wada jiifa
• Da’day rimi waxaan awr ku daray, dabacsanoo hoor leh
• Waxaan tii nirgaha daabisiyo, dila dhaqaaleeyey
• Dul warowday daac iyo waxaan, xidhadh dabaalsiiyey
• Intaan dayrta maanta ah taray yaan, dib u shallaytoone
• Haddii layga diray qaalamahaan, abid ku daalaayey
• Ruuxii dagnaan lagu hayow, haatan kuu digaye
• Ragow duq iyo xaaskii is qaba, haysu kala daadin
Waa gabay calaacal u eg, laakiin xaajo qaadasho, dood nin weyn, digniin iyo talo bixin isugu dhafan.
Soomaalidu waqeed waxay isugu faantaa 'reer hebel reer hebel baa ka badan oo ka laandheeraysan.' Iyadoon ciddina tirakoobin, ayey haddana mar walba laabta isugu gaaraacaan laangaab baa tahay, reer hebel miyaad gaadhaan iyo wax noocaa ah. Waxaa la yidhi, dhawr qoys oo Reer Cabdille, Ogaadeen, ku wada abtirsada ayaa isu faanay, gabayo faankaa la xidhiidhana isu tiriyey. Gabayadii mid ka mid ah ayaa si shirqool iyo masabid ah waxaa dusha laga saaray Af-Durdur oo la yidhi isagaa gabaygaa tiriyey. Af-Durdur qoladii gabayga lagu qadfay ayaa qabsatay. Ma tirin anigu gabaygaa ee qofkii tiriyey doonta ayuu isna ugu jawaabay. Nimankii ma qancin. Gabay gabay unbaa jawaab u noqon kara oo halkii uu gaadhay gaadhi kara, wixii uu haleeyeyna hagaajin kara. Kolkii sheekadii faaftay ayuu Af-Durdur gabay mariyey gabaygaa oo uu ku muujiyey shirqoolka meesha ka socda iyo is indha-tirka qoladan dambe ee isaga qabsatay.
Wuxuu isticmaalay xikmad cajiib ah, isagoo gabaygiisii sheeko gundhig uga dhigay. Wuxuu xigtay sheekadii ahayd "shabeel baa caruur meel xidh ah ku qarsaday oo ka qadhaabsi tagay. Intii shabeelku ugaadhsiga ku maqnaa ayey cag-weyn caruurtii ku durdurisay oo cardiiqaha ka dhigtay. Mid yar ayaa baxsaday oo kayn ku dhuuntay. Shabeelkii oo goodir soo dilay oo shaarubaha dhiig ku leh ayaa halkii uu caruurta kaga tagay kusoo noqday. Wuxuu u yimid iyagoo baabah laga yeelay. Kii yaraa ee baxsaday ayuu u yeedhay oo weydiiyey 'war yaa idin laayey?' Geelbaa na laayey ayuu ku jawaabay. Shabeelkii wuxuu yidhi "anaa garanoo, geel ma laynine, giiraa baabi'isay." Sheekadaa khatar ah ayuu Af-Durdur gabay ku dhisay oo wuxuu yidhi:
• Shabeel baa caruur shan ah dhalayoo, qaar shabaab yahaye
• Xidh shareeran buu galiyey iyo, shawli iyo ceele
• Isagoo shaqaysi u baxayoo, shalayto dheef doontay
• Oo cawl shareer badan lehiyo, goodir shilis laayey
• Oo shaarubaha dhiig darayoo, libin la shoocaaya
• Oo soo shabbacay buu u yimid, sheemo iyo yoone
• Shabaakooyinkuu xaaska dhigay, shaaldo lagu jeexye
• Shalaytooyey oo yidhi waryaa, shuunkii gawracaye?
• Mid shitaar ah oo galay huluul, shar isla soo taagye
• Shuftadii inay geel tahay buu, shubay warkeediiye
• Shifana Eebbahay ugama dhigin, sharaxle weedhaase
• Shaadiro riyaad iyo laxbuu, shiish ku qaabilaye
• Shansho gaabnidooduu arkaye, lama shuqeeyeene
• Anna waxa rag ii shabinhayaa, waa shaqiibnimo e
• Ammaan Waaq haddii uu shin yahay, layma sheemeene
• Shirwac iyo Sharmaarkiyo maxaan, Higis u sheegsheegi
• Maxaa Cali Wanaag igu shiddayn, maan isaga sheexo
• ...
• Shilaabana aan joogee anoo, shawrka marinayaa
• Car bal xaajadaas oo shirraban, sharac Allee keena!
Waxaa jirta sheeko aanan wax badan ka haynin oo dhexmartay Af-Durdur iyo gabayaa kale oo Muuse Hurre la odhan jiray oo Bahgeri, Ogaadeen ahaa. Sheekadaasi waxay ka kacday guur haweenay magaceeda lagu sheegay Canbaro-Aadan. Gabayo badan oo mudo socday ayey Af-Durdur iyo Muuse Hurre is dhaafsadeen. Dhawr kuwii Af-Durdur ah oo aan ka qoray cajalad uu duubay Cali-shoocaac Cabdille Fiixiye ayaan raacinaynaa. Jawaabtii Muuse Hurre, kuwa Af-Durdur wixii ka maqan iyo sheekadaba haddii aad wax ka hayso nasoo gaadhsii, kheyr baad helaysaaye. mail@doollo.com.
Af-Durdur baa ku horreeyey oo mariyey gabaygan uu kula yaaban yahay sababta ay Canbaro-Aadan ku dooran karto Muuse Hurre. Dadyow kale oo badan ayuu tiriyey oo uu leeyahay kuwaa mid ka mid ah may guursato. Wuxuu yidhi:
• Maxamuud Garaad iyo kolay, Reer Harti u moodo
• Ama ay Mareexaanka Bari, midig u raadcayso
• Iidoorka maadha ah kolay, inan ka meermeerto
• Ama ay Maxamedkaa Subeer, meel isaga tuurto
• Kolay macallin reer Aw ah iyo, sheekh mufti ah raacdo
• Maryo weynta reer Tolomogiyo, miidha Cawlyahana
• Margi-balaqay hilay saaratiyo, geel miscilil weyn leh
• Iyo adhi mukhuur iyo lo' badan, kama madhnaateene
• Afarteeda meelood Bahgeri, madax kolay aaddo
• Oo aanay maqaafaha ka xulan, iyo midgaankooda
• Kolaad nimanka kula maytida ah, meherka raacsiisid
• Muslim badaye seebay Milmili, ugu macaanaatay?!
Muuse Hurre kolay gabayaa ka jawaab ee soo raadi jawaabtiisii. Waxaa ku noqday Af-Durdur oo yidhi:
• Midiin quruxsan maaweel la mood, madal lasoo tuurye
• Milmil nin u dhashay baa maanso iyo, meherad kaa fiican
• Baddoo madhatay oon ruux mantagay, maydhi karin weeye
• Magaalada Hargaysoon lahayn, mariyo qeyd weeye
• Markab Cadan kasoo dhoofayoon, mood ku jirin weeye
• Muqdishiyo Markiyo Baydhaboon, moos ka bixin weeye
• Nimuu Malakumowdkii maroon, mowd u noqon weeye
• Mas-cad iyo abees nimuu mirtoon, maral ahayn weeye
• Oo maariin-dhalaal bay noqoni, maaqufyadu weeye
Soo raadi jawaabtii Muuse Hurre ka bixiyey gabaygaa. Halkaa markay marayso, Muuse Hurre wuxuu la baxay Canbaro-Aadan wuuna guursaday. Af-Durdur marka xero uma oodna, afkiisuu la baxay. Gabaygii ayuu ku noqday oo wuxuu yidhi:
• Wax la xiiso maalaba markay, xaganto laabteedu
• Ee gabadha xaluskii ka baxay, xaydhu ka idlaato
• Iyadaa xadhaadhaan sidii, xabag dhunkaaleede
Soo raadi jawaabtii Muuse Hurre ka bixiyey gabaygaa. Mar kale waxaa gabaygii ku noqday Af-Durdur oo yidhi:
• Anoo aabbahay dhaqay hor-weyn, dhabana oo aada
• Waxaan dumarka uga dhawrsadaa, dhawr tiraad bixine
• Nimanyahaw nin dhawr neef lehoo, dhawrsan kari waayey
• Oo gabadh rag dhalay dhooldhooliyoo, dhabanno xoodaanshay
• Oo dhaar ku maray maalintaa, Dhudi inaan guursan
• Maxay dhami maxay dhigan maxaa, dhiisha lagu qaabin
• Dhar maxay ka xidhan naagi waa, tii la dhaalaco e
• Xidid waa dhagmaayee maxaa, qoladii loo dhiibi
• Maxay dhaansan gaadiidku, waa ka ugu dheef roone
• Dheeldheel danbeetiyo maxaa, dhamamax loo laabi
• Dhibic maxay ku soo siin xirsiga, lagu dhawaaqaayo
• Sida nimanka dhaantadu hoddiyo, dheellidiyo beertu
• Dhal la’aanta lama fiiriyiyo, dhaalka yaa karine
• Dib baa xaajo loo dhagaxguraa, tay u dhaadhiciye
• Dhiiqey miskaha kuugu ridi, dheregta qaarkeede
• Ragow hays dhabaandhabin, adoon xeradu kuu dhoobmin
Halkan ka dhagayso afarta gabay ee u dambeeya.
Gabayo dhawr ah
Maxamed Cabdullaahi Jibriil oo ku magac dheeraa Af-Durdur wuxuu ahaa gabayaa caan ah oo u dhashay Gaadsan, Dir, degaankiisuna ahaa Qorraxeey iyo inta la ollaga ah. Wuxuu caan ku ahaa gabayga geela iyo midka dhaqanka guud ee reer miyiga. Sida aad naanaystiisa ka fahmayso, wuxuu ahaa nin gabay loo qiray. Waxaan boggan kusoo gudbinaynaa gabayo dhawr ah oo qabyo wada ah oo aan qaarkood horray u faafinay oo uu ninkaasi tiriyey.
Gabayga ugu horreeya marka uu tirinayo Af-Durdur wuxuu ahaa barbaar muruq-dhardhaar ah oo geela iyo dhaqaalayntiisa u banbaxay. Inuu geela iyo halkii iyo wixii u roon ka fakaro mooyee wuxuu ahaa nin aan hawo adduun oo kale isku mashquulin. Geel reerkoodu lahaa ayuu aad u xannaaneeyey oo kolba halkii caro san ah iyo meeshii naq leh inuu geeyo ku dadaalay. Muddo kolkii uu geelaa sidaa u dhaqaaleeyey ayuu, malaha, sidii uu rabay ama uu islahaa waad mudan tahay ka waayey odaygii geela denbaabi jiray. Markii uu yidhi war sidan ha layga daayana waxaaba loogu jawaabay geelan adigu ma lihidee orod oo waxaad dhaqatay doono. Isagoo haddaba ka waramaya geelaa iyo waxay dhaqaalayntiisu dhib soo marisay ayuu gabaygan tiriyey. Inta nasoo gaadhay, wuxuu yidhi:
• Darmad lebi ah boodaan duryami, oo bir lagu duugay
• Daaraan aleen aan lahayd iyo, dilaal aad ah
• Dul ka yeedha koortaa waxaan, daawad u ekeeyey
• Waxaan aar dinaahyeyn iyo, diilalyo u seexday
• Dab waxaan u shiday intaan, dogobyo soo jiiday
• Dibjirraha iyo baahida waxaan, duuda kor u fuulay
• Dibqaloocyadoo dhacay waxaan, dalab kusoo heesay
• Dawlis iyo wadaan iyo waxaan, yeel isugu duubay
• Dar waxaan ka shubay uunka oo, daaska wada jiifa
• Da’day rimi waxaan awr ku daray, dabacsanoo hoor leh
• Waxaan tii nirgaha daabisiyo, dila dhaqaaleeyey
• Dul warowday daac iyo waxaan, xidhadh dabaalsiiyey
• Intaan dayrta maanta ah taray yaan, dib u shallaytoone
• Haddii layga diray qaalamahaan, abid ku daalaayey
• Ruuxii dagnaan lagu hayow, haatan kuu digaye
• Ragow duq iyo xaaskii is qaba, haysu kala daadin
Waa gabay calaacal u eg, laakiin xaajo qaadasho, dood nin weyn, digniin iyo talo bixin isugu dhafan.
Soomaalidu waqeed waxay isugu faantaa 'reer hebel reer hebel baa ka badan oo ka laandheeraysan.' Iyadoon ciddina tirakoobin, ayey haddana mar walba laabta isugu gaaraacaan laangaab baa tahay, reer hebel miyaad gaadhaan iyo wax noocaa ah. Waxaa la yidhi, dhawr qoys oo Reer Cabdille, Ogaadeen, ku wada abtirsada ayaa isu faanay, gabayo faankaa la xidhiidhana isu tiriyey. Gabayadii mid ka mid ah ayaa si shirqool iyo masabid ah waxaa dusha laga saaray Af-Durdur oo la yidhi isagaa gabaygaa tiriyey. Af-Durdur qoladii gabayga lagu qadfay ayaa qabsatay. Ma tirin anigu gabaygaa ee qofkii tiriyey doonta ayuu isna ugu jawaabay. Nimankii ma qancin. Gabay gabay unbaa jawaab u noqon kara oo halkii uu gaadhay gaadhi kara, wixii uu haleeyeyna hagaajin kara. Kolkii sheekadii faaftay ayuu Af-Durdur gabay mariyey gabaygaa oo uu ku muujiyey shirqoolka meesha ka socda iyo is indha-tirka qoladan dambe ee isaga qabsatay.
Wuxuu isticmaalay xikmad cajiib ah, isagoo gabaygiisii sheeko gundhig uga dhigay. Wuxuu xigtay sheekadii ahayd "shabeel baa caruur meel xidh ah ku qarsaday oo ka qadhaabsi tagay. Intii shabeelku ugaadhsiga ku maqnaa ayey cag-weyn caruurtii ku durdurisay oo cardiiqaha ka dhigtay. Mid yar ayaa baxsaday oo kayn ku dhuuntay. Shabeelkii oo goodir soo dilay oo shaarubaha dhiig ku leh ayaa halkii uu caruurta kaga tagay kusoo noqday. Wuxuu u yimid iyagoo baabah laga yeelay. Kii yaraa ee baxsaday ayuu u yeedhay oo weydiiyey 'war yaa idin laayey?' Geelbaa na laayey ayuu ku jawaabay. Shabeelkii wuxuu yidhi "anaa garanoo, geel ma laynine, giiraa baabi'isay." Sheekadaa khatar ah ayuu Af-Durdur gabay ku dhisay oo wuxuu yidhi:
• Shabeel baa caruur shan ah dhalayoo, qaar shabaab yahaye
• Xidh shareeran buu galiyey iyo, shawli iyo ceele
• Isagoo shaqaysi u baxayoo, shalayto dheef doontay
• Oo cawl shareer badan lehiyo, goodir shilis laayey
• Oo shaarubaha dhiig darayoo, libin la shoocaaya
• Oo soo shabbacay buu u yimid, sheemo iyo yoone
• Shabaakooyinkuu xaaska dhigay, shaaldo lagu jeexye
• Shalaytooyey oo yidhi waryaa, shuunkii gawracaye?
• Mid shitaar ah oo galay huluul, shar isla soo taagye
• Shuftadii inay geel tahay buu, shubay warkeediiye
• Shifana Eebbahay ugama dhigin, sharaxle weedhaase
• Shaadiro riyaad iyo laxbuu, shiish ku qaabilaye
• Shansho gaabnidooduu arkaye, lama shuqeeyeene
• Anna waxa rag ii shabinhayaa, waa shaqiibnimo e
• Ammaan Waaq haddii uu shin yahay, layma sheemeene
• Shirwac iyo Sharmaarkiyo maxaan, Higis u sheegsheegi
• Maxaa Cali Wanaag igu shiddayn, maan isaga sheexo
• ...
• Shilaabana aan joogee anoo, shawrka marinayaa
• Car bal xaajadaas oo shirraban, sharac Allee keena!
Waxaa jirta sheeko aanan wax badan ka haynin oo dhexmartay Af-Durdur iyo gabayaa kale oo Muuse Hurre la odhan jiray oo Bahgeri, Ogaadeen ahaa. Sheekadaasi waxay ka kacday guur haweenay magaceeda lagu sheegay Canbaro-Aadan. Gabayo badan oo mudo socday ayey Af-Durdur iyo Muuse Hurre is dhaafsadeen. Dhawr kuwii Af-Durdur ah oo aan ka qoray cajalad uu duubay Cali-shoocaac Cabdille Fiixiye ayaan raacinaynaa. Jawaabtii Muuse Hurre, kuwa Af-Durdur wixii ka maqan iyo sheekadaba haddii aad wax ka hayso nasoo gaadhsii, kheyr baad helaysaaye. mail@doollo.com.
Af-Durdur baa ku horreeyey oo mariyey gabaygan uu kula yaaban yahay sababta ay Canbaro-Aadan ku dooran karto Muuse Hurre. Dadyow kale oo badan ayuu tiriyey oo uu leeyahay kuwaa mid ka mid ah may guursato. Wuxuu yidhi:
• Maxamuud Garaad iyo kolay, Reer Harti u moodo
• Ama ay Mareexaanka Bari, midig u raadcayso
• Iidoorka maadha ah kolay, inan ka meermeerto
• Ama ay Maxamedkaa Subeer, meel isaga tuurto
• Kolay macallin reer Aw ah iyo, sheekh mufti ah raacdo
• Maryo weynta reer Tolomogiyo, miidha Cawlyahana
• Margi-balaqay hilay saaratiyo, geel miscilil weyn leh
• Iyo adhi mukhuur iyo lo' badan, kama madhnaateene
• Afarteeda meelood Bahgeri, madax kolay aaddo
• Oo aanay maqaafaha ka xulan, iyo midgaankooda
• Kolaad nimanka kula maytida ah, meherka raacsiisid
• Muslim badaye seebay Milmili, ugu macaanaatay?!
Muuse Hurre kolay gabayaa ka jawaab ee soo raadi jawaabtiisii. Waxaa ku noqday Af-Durdur oo yidhi:
• Midiin quruxsan maaweel la mood, madal lasoo tuurye
• Milmil nin u dhashay baa maanso iyo, meherad kaa fiican
• Baddoo madhatay oon ruux mantagay, maydhi karin weeye
• Magaalada Hargaysoon lahayn, mariyo qeyd weeye
• Markab Cadan kasoo dhoofayoon, mood ku jirin weeye
• Muqdishiyo Markiyo Baydhaboon, moos ka bixin weeye
• Nimuu Malakumowdkii maroon, mowd u noqon weeye
• Mas-cad iyo abees nimuu mirtoon, maral ahayn weeye
• Oo maariin-dhalaal bay noqoni, maaqufyadu weeye
Soo raadi jawaabtii Muuse Hurre ka bixiyey gabaygaa. Halkaa markay marayso, Muuse Hurre wuxuu la baxay Canbaro-Aadan wuuna guursaday. Af-Durdur marka xero uma oodna, afkiisuu la baxay. Gabaygii ayuu ku noqday oo wuxuu yidhi:
• Wax la xiiso maalaba markay, xaganto laabteedu
• Ee gabadha xaluskii ka baxay, xaydhu ka idlaato
• Iyadaa xadhaadhaan sidii, xabag dhunkaaleede
Soo raadi jawaabtii Muuse Hurre ka bixiyey gabaygaa. Mar kale waxaa gabaygii ku noqday Af-Durdur oo yidhi:
• Anoo aabbahay dhaqay hor-weyn, dhabana oo aada
• Waxaan dumarka uga dhawrsadaa, dhawr tiraad bixine
• Nimanyahaw nin dhawr neef lehoo, dhawrsan kari waayey
• Oo gabadh rag dhalay dhooldhooliyoo, dhabanno xoodaanshay
• Oo dhaar ku maray maalintaa, Dhudi inaan guursan
• Maxay dhami maxay dhigan maxaa, dhiisha lagu qaabin
• Dhar maxay ka xidhan naagi waa, tii la dhaalaco e
• Xidid waa dhagmaayee maxaa, qoladii loo dhiibi
• Maxay dhaansan gaadiidku, waa ka ugu dheef roone
• Dheeldheel danbeetiyo maxaa, dhamamax loo laabi
• Dhibic maxay ku soo siin xirsiga, lagu dhawaaqaayo
• Sida nimanka dhaantadu hoddiyo, dheellidiyo beertu
• Dhal la’aanta lama fiiriyiyo, dhaalka yaa karine
• Dib baa xaajo loo dhagaxguraa, tay u dhaadhiciye
• Dhiiqey miskaha kuugu ridi, dheregta qaarkeede
• Ragow hays dhabaandhabin, adoon xeradu kuu dhoobmin
Halkan ka dhagayso afarta gabay ee u dambeeya.
THE XEER CIISE MADOOBE DIR
The Issas somali is a people living in the Horn of Africa, mainly in Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia (De Galilé, Dire Dawa to Awash), and speaking a language couchitique. They come from one of four major confederations clan of Somali people, Dir.
Mapping and demography Issa
The Issas are a people aware of its existence as a nation. The contract, which brings them together, the Xeer is not a bond of blood but a legal contract that defines the roles of institutions (Ugaas, Gande and Guddi). The Xeer defines as we have seen that share the persons to whom the Xeer applies: the same history (past) the same territory and the same project.
Cartography
Thus, the territory Issa is it organized so that it is divided into two main regions (degmos), dadar (East coast) and Galbeed: these two regions are divided into 12 departments (gallin) are: 1 . qorax-joog 2. biniin-joog 3. jidi galee 4. Casa-joog 5. jaah-ma-garato 6. garas-joog 7. biyiic-joog 8. Ilka box 9. dayn 10. galool-joog 11. dhuun Yar 12. cadaad-joog This organization of space allows the Issas to lie. The nomads do roam the area without knowing where they are located. And by the way, the diversity level of cultural production and way of life of people Issa is due to the territorial scope. The inhabitants of each of these departments have particularities that are laughing and amaze others. Demography What is the exact number of people Issa? This question may seem absurd to those who have prejudice against the nomads. Indeed, how could we identify people constantly moving in search of the rain? That is not counting on the ingenuity of nomads who not only organized the space, but also manage to make a reliable census of their population. The census is done primarily during exceptional circumstances as paying blood money (boqol). This price is paid by the whole clan or sub clan which a member has committed a murder. Here's how the procedure census carried out:
- back on the branches of the tree-on identifies reer and jilibs that match subdivisions of the genealogical tree, we therefore identifies how many such families account jilibs, then such reer, and within Families records on individuals.
This file forget person even if a person emigrates to the bottom of the World, he and his descendants are recorded on the register of census. Thus to know the number of issas living in different jurisdictions, there is this method adapted to the handheld.
The Philosophy of Xeer
The law is a set of rules that companies have prepared to normalize relations between individuals, between nations and to prevent and resolve conflicts. The Xeer Issa was born also the sixteenth century this need. We will study the philosophy of Xeer. The Issas, to translate the importance of law in a humane society, have produced this maxim "meel aan xeer lahayn waa lagu xooloobaa, ie without the right man is an animal. In other words, man conquers his humanity and animals differs from the face of laws that establish and respects it.
The law is for men the equivalent of force as the animals (the law of the jungle). For the Issas, IL are two kinds of laws: 1. "Xeer ilaah" or God's law. These are all natural governing the universe (day and night, seasons, birth and death ,...). But the Xeer Ilaah is also the revelation that God made men through his prophets and messengers. So God proclaims the permit (xalaal) and forbidden (xaraam) and many other rules.
2. "Xeer oday" or the right established by men. This is the set of rules that men have created to prevent and resolve problems that may come in a given community. It is therefore a right opted to the needs and specific patterns of the society to which it is established. Only connoisseurs of this nation have been able to enact, for the community of clear laws and in accordance with the wishes desired.
Recalling that the Xeer Issa was established in the town located between Aicha'a Sitti and Hadha-gaala in Ethiopia in the late sixteenth century. So for 12 months, 44 sages discussed under the direction of a certain Hassan Gadiidshe on all matters relating to penalties, articles and chapters laws, the courts and their functions, the areas which we must legislate ... They elected the 1st Ugaas in the person of Ugaadh makaahil. During these 12 months assize sages have raised fundamental questions:
1. What is the xeer? 2. Which community will it apply? 3. What are the objectives of xeer?
They responded to each in detail. What is the xeer?
The founders of Xeer have an answer to this question through a multitude of proverbial maxims which are articles of laws. The Xeer is primarily what differentiates human animals: "meel aan xeer lahay waa lagu xoloobaa" or "dad aan xeer lahay waa xoolo." Once humanity founded by the invention of Xeer, it must then establish clear laws that govern the community. And that each individual is convinced of its usefulness. The sages have from the outset a few principles: "xeer ninkii dhigay waa darajo u", the Xeer is a provision of prestige for the founders, "ninka ku dhaqmana wa dayr u", it is a bulwark for those who respect him and the applies, "ninka ka danaystana waa danbi ku" and one who transgresses commits a sin. In the same vein they said "Xeer diid waa diid Allah," one who refuses to obey the laws is a mécréant. The wise founders have been careful teaching to explain and show each member of their community that the Xeer is a tool, an indispensable means to preserve his person and his property (physical and moral). Thus, for the metaphor of the shoe, they wanted to educate those who know the protective role of the latter: "Xeer waa kab lagu socdo", the Xeer is like a shoe that you will well and who protects you. It must be remembered that the shoe unlike modern society no matter any, was made to measure and depending on the type of soil on which we lived. By extension, so this maxim means that the law is tailor-made for a given society. The Xeer also has an egalitarian aspect according to the proverb "Xeer looma xoola yara", the law is not based on wealth. Indeed, the Xeer applies with equal rigour to all irrespective of birth, wealth and social status under that it would lose its value. The Xeer and injustice are so contradictory that annoys one another. This notion of equality before the Xeer is reinforced by another maxim which says "Xeer waa GED jeerin ah", the Xeer is like the tree Jeerin. This tree is characterized by its short size and width that makes it impassable. Metaphorically so it shows that the law is inviolable. Those who have neither promulgated more right or more privileges than the others. The Xeer refuses favouritism "xeer waa xeer", the law is the law but does not prohibit mutual "xaagaanna lagama tago," but we do not forget compassion. There are, and what is legal, common to all citizens, and what emerges from the initiative of individuals. It may in no circumstances use, for example, community property for personal purposes, as the rigour of the law should not deprive us, individually, to be generous even with those who are in dispute with us. But with the xeer itself prescribes the social in these terms: "dad xeer lihi caydh my '," where the law exists, there is no poor people. This reflects concern of the founders to allow each member of their community to live independently with dignity and the economic level. A law with a human face, tell-t-on. This generosity is a bulwark against the temptations of those who have nothing. Indeed, the Xeer protects the lives and economic assets. Without law there can be prosperity. Thus follows the maxim "Xeer la'aani wa xugun iyo xoolo la'aan" without law there is neither wealth nor progeny. In a world or rule the law of the jungle, humanity risk of extinction and no sustainable economic development can not be considered. Enter now the second fundamental question raised by the wise founding.
What the community Xeer will it be implemented?
The Xeer is prepared for a community whose members share three things:
1. Wada 2 deg. Wada DED 3. Wada duulan
Each of these concepts to a double meaning here is that
1. wada deg:-people who share the same territory "degmo" and live within the same borders (the equivalent of the state, nation)-a group that has the same ancestry and a common ancestor (idea of daadeg, down from ...) which is the clan, like the Issas, for example
2. wada ded:-c 'is a community that is united to confront all the problems and resolve them (delete, hide, to eliminate)-the second meaning to a religious connotation (bury the dead). So a community that shares the same religion and the same moral values.
3. duulan wada-a company which organizes its common defence (individual and collective destiny)-a community which shares the same project company (a pooling of expertise and resources to meet all).
The wise founders have based the effectiveness of Xeer on unity and homogeneity of the group to which it applies. In other words, the members of this community have the same history, the same territory (g) and the same values (duulan). These are the foundations that underpin the modern nations, including the Republic of Djibouti. What are the evils against which the Xeer should protect us?
Knowing that all kinds of crimes are committed by men and it would be illusory to hope to eradicate these evils, they replied that the Xeer is a bulwark against crime: damac duul dil dhac all starts by damac (covetousness) property of others. Then comes the duul (the attack) to seize and unjustly by force property of others. The violence of the attack and the resistance has the dil (murder) and dhac (taking the loot). And so the vicious cycle of revenge is engaged. That is why the penalties for the culprits are severe in order to discourage all actions that troubleraient the tranquillity of the community. A modern law
Ultimately this Xeer was founded by men and for men. It has all the characteristics of modern law. It is witnessing a civilization earlier than the West. At what time or Xeer was founded, the notion of the right did not exist in Europe feudal absolute monarchy. The Xeer, as it appears in his philosophy is not tribal. On the contrary it applies to an entire community of destiny, whatever its shape and composition. It is a contract that brings together all those who are accepted.
The number 12 among issas
The figure is 12, among a number Issas fetish. Indeed, very often they are found in several areas. From the start, Issa community consists of 12 aqal (12 families) after 12 founding members. Each of the latter had two children: aqal (home) which is the home of Issas itself has 12 elements: 2 kabdo, 6 habar (woven straw) and 4 alool (a kind of wooden mats). The figure 12 is found in the Xeer. The latter was established by sages who siégés for 12 months. It comprises 12 kabood ie 12 pounds (codes), each of which is devoted to a field of law. Cases in dispute may also be brought before geed 12 (trees) or ten (wadi) ie that so many complaints and appeals are possible to the satisfaction of the complainant and the resolution of conflict. In their mapping issas are divided into 12 degmos (region) that allows them to get to know their territory and power lie in relation to each other. The figure 12 is still in the assessment of the values of animals. For example, the horse is 12 camels and camel itself is equivalent to 12 sheep. Finally the letters that make up the title of Ugaas in Arabic are a total of 12, according to specialists (alif: 1, "jiin" = 3, and "za" = 7, or a total of 12) . This figure must have a meaning that it will pierce the secrecy by thorough research.
Procedures of Xeer
The Xeer, we have seen, east institute to settle matters in dispute and convince each member of the community in the interest of saving.
The Constitution of Guddi
Cases that Guddi (court) Treaty three kinds, in general: Dhiig (murder, murder) to be repaired by the blood money (boqol), Dhaqaaqal (on property) and which is set by the compensation (mag ) Dheer (Matrimonial), which ends by repair (maydh)
The jurors who make up the Guddi are at least 6 and their member may move 12 and over 20. The figure 101 is reached, in an exceptional trial, which surpassed the 12th appeal. Then the Guddi consists of jurors 1000 and Ugaas (boqolka iyo boqorka) We saw in a previous article categories of men who are admitted to Guddi (habar doobireed) and those who are excluded from office (habar masiibeed) Before starting the trial, away from the tree habar masiibeed and Maaheys (people regarded as minors), ie women, children, the mentally handicapped). These people are excluded to avoid letting resentment in their hearts not healed the cases which are sometimes hard. You must be immune as those accustomed to "geed". A court (Guddi), stands in the presence of the complainant, Mudici and the accused Mudacaali.
The trial process
At the opening of the trial on pronounces these words:
Nin su faraa Ninna su fasaxaa Nin su furaa Ninna su falanqeeya Nin su gooyaa Ninna su gudoomiyaa Nin way u go'daa Ninna way ku go'daa
Whether one translated:
One convenes The other case presents One opened the meeting Another presents facts One presides Another tranche One loses The other wins
The 6 people are jurors who are conducting the trial while the latter two are the complainant and the accused. The trial began. The two men which is handling the case are déchaussés. The two men have the right to speak, each twice, to expose the facts and convince the Guddi. Before starting there is agreement on rules of the game to avoid and prevent disputes sterile. The complainant as accused select and appoint their father (aabo), not the parent but their guardian, spokesman or lawyer they can trust. And the latter must clearly give his agreement to play this role. He will accept the verdict in his protégé, having defended. It asks a script to write anything said. The mudici (the plaintiff) presents facts and makes his testimony. Then the mudacaali (the accused) goes. In turn the script is requested to check in the presence of both parties if each recognizes what she said, if it is correct, or confirm it. After that, calls on both men away and prepare to present their witness or swear, if a witness. It must be remembered that swear (dhaar) is not a trivial act. In a symbolic ceremony the individual is subjected to psychological pressure: it is inserted into a hole (a tomb) and clothing in a shroud (kafan) and he swears the truth. Jurer a lie is a curse. That is why we say: 'dhagar soo hooyo, dhaar ha soo hoyn "which means" it is better to commit murder instead of swearing false. " Indeed how many families and clans have disappeared because of this false oath. And once the case is closed it can not remain nor resentment or sense of revenge (biili). That is why we teach this principle, all members of the community: "Ciise buulo, baane iyo boqol maahe biili my leh" which means that the Issas knows the trial, pay compensation and blood money but no one knows not revenge. As the trial ends with reconciliation and the entente cordiale. The magic of the word has managed to calm things down, to lower the hearts and avoid the cycle. C'st several centuries later that Europe discovered the virtues of this human justice. The boards of mediation and reconciliation plays this role with the courts.
The educational and moral Xeer
Creating is one thing to pass is another. The founders of Xeer did not neglect this aspect. On the one hand all individuals in the community must know the rules of Xeer but more must implement to the letter. So how successful these two missions in a nomadic society or little permanent institutions exist (apart from that of the Ugaas, others are moving in time and space)?
The pedagogy Xeer
Any pedagogy aims to teach members of a community a set of values for integrative ensure group cohesion. The Issas have introduced a number of occasions or young, from childhood to adolescence and adulthood, become familiar with the Xeer.
The school Gande
We have seen that the institution of ganda was a training school for juveniles in late adolescence. These teenagers is a great opportunity especially since the Gande is sedentary and that gives himself time to know (that is the only activity allowed) the workings of Xeer. The father, a master
But the young learn, also, his father during the night vigils around the fire. The oral society is a society where the floor is the tool of transmission. The head of the family and tells his son matters which took place: the origin of the case, the debates during the Guddi, the conclusion of the trial. In listening to the details of these cases, the young accumulated a body of knowledge that will enable it in turn to be part of guddi. But when a case unprecedented happens it will give an answer as unprecedented. Exercise intelligence
As for children, from an early age riddles (hal xidhaale) allow them to test their intelligence. Here are two riddles well known:
1. What are the three males who are more values than their mother and three males who have less than their mother? respectively, the first three are men (ninka), the dromedary (awrka) and the non-castrated sheep (wanka sumalka) and the other three are the calf (dibiga), the donkey (dameerka) and Capri (orgiga) . This response reflects the classification system of nomads whose wealth is the main herd and we must know the value of cash to properly settle disputes.
2. a man, having chewed sap (maydhax) from the bark of a tree, was abandoned on the spot. A second person has gone through there and was content to weave a rope (xarig soohay) before the throw. Then a third, in turn, made a node (surgin) and followed his path. The fourth came from the node and attaches to sex (halbowlaha) a sleeper. A fifth from the other end attaches to the leg of an ox seated with the sleeper. Finally, the owner of beef with nothing out ordered him to stand and pull the rope, he pulled the sex sleeper who died immediately. So which of these 6 men will have to pay blood money (boqol)? following the following maxim "shantaada farood waxaad ku geysatoo shan fiqina kaama saaran", ie that is responsible for what happens to his hands, is the fourth man who will pay the price blood. These riddles, while entertaining children, instruct and prepare them for their role as adults. Sagesses proverbial
On the other hand a number of proverbs consolidate the education of children so that research in all circumstances be permanent. Here are examples of maxims against falsehood:
-- "Beenaale markhaati my galo" liar's testimony is worth nothing. Therefore, a sub-humans - "beenaale sahan looma diro" is not sending a liar, prospecting for a better place to pasture.
Indeed, this is an essential role and we need reliable information. It was also protect men against favouritism and inculcate their impartiality. So we pray to God to avoid "eexo gar," ie that it is wrong and make a judgement tendentious. In the same vain, it says "gari Allay taqaane nin my taqaan" to show the protesters that justice is a divine requirement that can not satisfy those who want to divert it to their advantage. The moral of the Xeer
The Xeer issa as among other Somali clans, does not have police responsible for ensuring its implementation (search and capture of the culprits, enforcement of sentences ...). No such force exists. So how Xeer happen to function effectively until today, even in the city? To succeed in creating a society living in peace and harmony to the founders and successors, from the outset and then with experience, focused on the psychology of members. They managed to ethical behaviour of individuals so that everyone is master of itself. A number of proverbial maxim were depending on the individual foster adherence to Xeer even when it was unfavourable.
Faith
First, the sages have relied on faith. The Issas, Muslims hundred per cent, could jeopardize the life of the afterlife for a few pleasures on earth. Thus this maxim: "xeer did waa Alla diid" one who does not obey the law is a mécréant. And what is the individual who will opt out of the community?
Mapping and demography Issa
The Issas are a people aware of its existence as a nation. The contract, which brings them together, the Xeer is not a bond of blood but a legal contract that defines the roles of institutions (Ugaas, Gande and Guddi). The Xeer defines as we have seen that share the persons to whom the Xeer applies: the same history (past) the same territory and the same project.
Cartography
Thus, the territory Issa is it organized so that it is divided into two main regions (degmos), dadar (East coast) and Galbeed: these two regions are divided into 12 departments (gallin) are: 1 . qorax-joog 2. biniin-joog 3. jidi galee 4. Casa-joog 5. jaah-ma-garato 6. garas-joog 7. biyiic-joog 8. Ilka box 9. dayn 10. galool-joog 11. dhuun Yar 12. cadaad-joog This organization of space allows the Issas to lie. The nomads do roam the area without knowing where they are located. And by the way, the diversity level of cultural production and way of life of people Issa is due to the territorial scope. The inhabitants of each of these departments have particularities that are laughing and amaze others. Demography What is the exact number of people Issa? This question may seem absurd to those who have prejudice against the nomads. Indeed, how could we identify people constantly moving in search of the rain? That is not counting on the ingenuity of nomads who not only organized the space, but also manage to make a reliable census of their population. The census is done primarily during exceptional circumstances as paying blood money (boqol). This price is paid by the whole clan or sub clan which a member has committed a murder. Here's how the procedure census carried out:
- back on the branches of the tree-on identifies reer and jilibs that match subdivisions of the genealogical tree, we therefore identifies how many such families account jilibs, then such reer, and within Families records on individuals.
This file forget person even if a person emigrates to the bottom of the World, he and his descendants are recorded on the register of census. Thus to know the number of issas living in different jurisdictions, there is this method adapted to the handheld.
The Philosophy of Xeer
The law is a set of rules that companies have prepared to normalize relations between individuals, between nations and to prevent and resolve conflicts. The Xeer Issa was born also the sixteenth century this need. We will study the philosophy of Xeer. The Issas, to translate the importance of law in a humane society, have produced this maxim "meel aan xeer lahayn waa lagu xooloobaa, ie without the right man is an animal. In other words, man conquers his humanity and animals differs from the face of laws that establish and respects it.
The law is for men the equivalent of force as the animals (the law of the jungle). For the Issas, IL are two kinds of laws: 1. "Xeer ilaah" or God's law. These are all natural governing the universe (day and night, seasons, birth and death ,...). But the Xeer Ilaah is also the revelation that God made men through his prophets and messengers. So God proclaims the permit (xalaal) and forbidden (xaraam) and many other rules.
2. "Xeer oday" or the right established by men. This is the set of rules that men have created to prevent and resolve problems that may come in a given community. It is therefore a right opted to the needs and specific patterns of the society to which it is established. Only connoisseurs of this nation have been able to enact, for the community of clear laws and in accordance with the wishes desired.
Recalling that the Xeer Issa was established in the town located between Aicha'a Sitti and Hadha-gaala in Ethiopia in the late sixteenth century. So for 12 months, 44 sages discussed under the direction of a certain Hassan Gadiidshe on all matters relating to penalties, articles and chapters laws, the courts and their functions, the areas which we must legislate ... They elected the 1st Ugaas in the person of Ugaadh makaahil. During these 12 months assize sages have raised fundamental questions:
1. What is the xeer? 2. Which community will it apply? 3. What are the objectives of xeer?
They responded to each in detail. What is the xeer?
The founders of Xeer have an answer to this question through a multitude of proverbial maxims which are articles of laws. The Xeer is primarily what differentiates human animals: "meel aan xeer lahay waa lagu xoloobaa" or "dad aan xeer lahay waa xoolo." Once humanity founded by the invention of Xeer, it must then establish clear laws that govern the community. And that each individual is convinced of its usefulness. The sages have from the outset a few principles: "xeer ninkii dhigay waa darajo u", the Xeer is a provision of prestige for the founders, "ninka ku dhaqmana wa dayr u", it is a bulwark for those who respect him and the applies, "ninka ka danaystana waa danbi ku" and one who transgresses commits a sin. In the same vein they said "Xeer diid waa diid Allah," one who refuses to obey the laws is a mécréant. The wise founders have been careful teaching to explain and show each member of their community that the Xeer is a tool, an indispensable means to preserve his person and his property (physical and moral). Thus, for the metaphor of the shoe, they wanted to educate those who know the protective role of the latter: "Xeer waa kab lagu socdo", the Xeer is like a shoe that you will well and who protects you. It must be remembered that the shoe unlike modern society no matter any, was made to measure and depending on the type of soil on which we lived. By extension, so this maxim means that the law is tailor-made for a given society. The Xeer also has an egalitarian aspect according to the proverb "Xeer looma xoola yara", the law is not based on wealth. Indeed, the Xeer applies with equal rigour to all irrespective of birth, wealth and social status under that it would lose its value. The Xeer and injustice are so contradictory that annoys one another. This notion of equality before the Xeer is reinforced by another maxim which says "Xeer waa GED jeerin ah", the Xeer is like the tree Jeerin. This tree is characterized by its short size and width that makes it impassable. Metaphorically so it shows that the law is inviolable. Those who have neither promulgated more right or more privileges than the others. The Xeer refuses favouritism "xeer waa xeer", the law is the law but does not prohibit mutual "xaagaanna lagama tago," but we do not forget compassion. There are, and what is legal, common to all citizens, and what emerges from the initiative of individuals. It may in no circumstances use, for example, community property for personal purposes, as the rigour of the law should not deprive us, individually, to be generous even with those who are in dispute with us. But with the xeer itself prescribes the social in these terms: "dad xeer lihi caydh my '," where the law exists, there is no poor people. This reflects concern of the founders to allow each member of their community to live independently with dignity and the economic level. A law with a human face, tell-t-on. This generosity is a bulwark against the temptations of those who have nothing. Indeed, the Xeer protects the lives and economic assets. Without law there can be prosperity. Thus follows the maxim "Xeer la'aani wa xugun iyo xoolo la'aan" without law there is neither wealth nor progeny. In a world or rule the law of the jungle, humanity risk of extinction and no sustainable economic development can not be considered. Enter now the second fundamental question raised by the wise founding.
What the community Xeer will it be implemented?
The Xeer is prepared for a community whose members share three things:
1. Wada 2 deg. Wada DED 3. Wada duulan
Each of these concepts to a double meaning here is that
1. wada deg:-people who share the same territory "degmo" and live within the same borders (the equivalent of the state, nation)-a group that has the same ancestry and a common ancestor (idea of daadeg, down from ...) which is the clan, like the Issas, for example
2. wada ded:-c 'is a community that is united to confront all the problems and resolve them (delete, hide, to eliminate)-the second meaning to a religious connotation (bury the dead). So a community that shares the same religion and the same moral values.
3. duulan wada-a company which organizes its common defence (individual and collective destiny)-a community which shares the same project company (a pooling of expertise and resources to meet all).
The wise founders have based the effectiveness of Xeer on unity and homogeneity of the group to which it applies. In other words, the members of this community have the same history, the same territory (g) and the same values (duulan). These are the foundations that underpin the modern nations, including the Republic of Djibouti. What are the evils against which the Xeer should protect us?
Knowing that all kinds of crimes are committed by men and it would be illusory to hope to eradicate these evils, they replied that the Xeer is a bulwark against crime: damac duul dil dhac all starts by damac (covetousness) property of others. Then comes the duul (the attack) to seize and unjustly by force property of others. The violence of the attack and the resistance has the dil (murder) and dhac (taking the loot). And so the vicious cycle of revenge is engaged. That is why the penalties for the culprits are severe in order to discourage all actions that troubleraient the tranquillity of the community. A modern law
Ultimately this Xeer was founded by men and for men. It has all the characteristics of modern law. It is witnessing a civilization earlier than the West. At what time or Xeer was founded, the notion of the right did not exist in Europe feudal absolute monarchy. The Xeer, as it appears in his philosophy is not tribal. On the contrary it applies to an entire community of destiny, whatever its shape and composition. It is a contract that brings together all those who are accepted.
The number 12 among issas
The figure is 12, among a number Issas fetish. Indeed, very often they are found in several areas. From the start, Issa community consists of 12 aqal (12 families) after 12 founding members. Each of the latter had two children: aqal (home) which is the home of Issas itself has 12 elements: 2 kabdo, 6 habar (woven straw) and 4 alool (a kind of wooden mats). The figure 12 is found in the Xeer. The latter was established by sages who siégés for 12 months. It comprises 12 kabood ie 12 pounds (codes), each of which is devoted to a field of law. Cases in dispute may also be brought before geed 12 (trees) or ten (wadi) ie that so many complaints and appeals are possible to the satisfaction of the complainant and the resolution of conflict. In their mapping issas are divided into 12 degmos (region) that allows them to get to know their territory and power lie in relation to each other. The figure 12 is still in the assessment of the values of animals. For example, the horse is 12 camels and camel itself is equivalent to 12 sheep. Finally the letters that make up the title of Ugaas in Arabic are a total of 12, according to specialists (alif: 1, "jiin" = 3, and "za" = 7, or a total of 12) . This figure must have a meaning that it will pierce the secrecy by thorough research.
Procedures of Xeer
The Xeer, we have seen, east institute to settle matters in dispute and convince each member of the community in the interest of saving.
The Constitution of Guddi
Cases that Guddi (court) Treaty three kinds, in general: Dhiig (murder, murder) to be repaired by the blood money (boqol), Dhaqaaqal (on property) and which is set by the compensation (mag ) Dheer (Matrimonial), which ends by repair (maydh)
The jurors who make up the Guddi are at least 6 and their member may move 12 and over 20. The figure 101 is reached, in an exceptional trial, which surpassed the 12th appeal. Then the Guddi consists of jurors 1000 and Ugaas (boqolka iyo boqorka) We saw in a previous article categories of men who are admitted to Guddi (habar doobireed) and those who are excluded from office (habar masiibeed) Before starting the trial, away from the tree habar masiibeed and Maaheys (people regarded as minors), ie women, children, the mentally handicapped). These people are excluded to avoid letting resentment in their hearts not healed the cases which are sometimes hard. You must be immune as those accustomed to "geed". A court (Guddi), stands in the presence of the complainant, Mudici and the accused Mudacaali.
The trial process
At the opening of the trial on pronounces these words:
Nin su faraa Ninna su fasaxaa Nin su furaa Ninna su falanqeeya Nin su gooyaa Ninna su gudoomiyaa Nin way u go'daa Ninna way ku go'daa
Whether one translated:
One convenes The other case presents One opened the meeting Another presents facts One presides Another tranche One loses The other wins
The 6 people are jurors who are conducting the trial while the latter two are the complainant and the accused. The trial began. The two men which is handling the case are déchaussés. The two men have the right to speak, each twice, to expose the facts and convince the Guddi. Before starting there is agreement on rules of the game to avoid and prevent disputes sterile. The complainant as accused select and appoint their father (aabo), not the parent but their guardian, spokesman or lawyer they can trust. And the latter must clearly give his agreement to play this role. He will accept the verdict in his protégé, having defended. It asks a script to write anything said. The mudici (the plaintiff) presents facts and makes his testimony. Then the mudacaali (the accused) goes. In turn the script is requested to check in the presence of both parties if each recognizes what she said, if it is correct, or confirm it. After that, calls on both men away and prepare to present their witness or swear, if a witness. It must be remembered that swear (dhaar) is not a trivial act. In a symbolic ceremony the individual is subjected to psychological pressure: it is inserted into a hole (a tomb) and clothing in a shroud (kafan) and he swears the truth. Jurer a lie is a curse. That is why we say: 'dhagar soo hooyo, dhaar ha soo hoyn "which means" it is better to commit murder instead of swearing false. " Indeed how many families and clans have disappeared because of this false oath. And once the case is closed it can not remain nor resentment or sense of revenge (biili). That is why we teach this principle, all members of the community: "Ciise buulo, baane iyo boqol maahe biili my leh" which means that the Issas knows the trial, pay compensation and blood money but no one knows not revenge. As the trial ends with reconciliation and the entente cordiale. The magic of the word has managed to calm things down, to lower the hearts and avoid the cycle. C'st several centuries later that Europe discovered the virtues of this human justice. The boards of mediation and reconciliation plays this role with the courts.
The educational and moral Xeer
Creating is one thing to pass is another. The founders of Xeer did not neglect this aspect. On the one hand all individuals in the community must know the rules of Xeer but more must implement to the letter. So how successful these two missions in a nomadic society or little permanent institutions exist (apart from that of the Ugaas, others are moving in time and space)?
The pedagogy Xeer
Any pedagogy aims to teach members of a community a set of values for integrative ensure group cohesion. The Issas have introduced a number of occasions or young, from childhood to adolescence and adulthood, become familiar with the Xeer.
The school Gande
We have seen that the institution of ganda was a training school for juveniles in late adolescence. These teenagers is a great opportunity especially since the Gande is sedentary and that gives himself time to know (that is the only activity allowed) the workings of Xeer. The father, a master
But the young learn, also, his father during the night vigils around the fire. The oral society is a society where the floor is the tool of transmission. The head of the family and tells his son matters which took place: the origin of the case, the debates during the Guddi, the conclusion of the trial. In listening to the details of these cases, the young accumulated a body of knowledge that will enable it in turn to be part of guddi. But when a case unprecedented happens it will give an answer as unprecedented. Exercise intelligence
As for children, from an early age riddles (hal xidhaale) allow them to test their intelligence. Here are two riddles well known:
1. What are the three males who are more values than their mother and three males who have less than their mother? respectively, the first three are men (ninka), the dromedary (awrka) and the non-castrated sheep (wanka sumalka) and the other three are the calf (dibiga), the donkey (dameerka) and Capri (orgiga) . This response reflects the classification system of nomads whose wealth is the main herd and we must know the value of cash to properly settle disputes.
2. a man, having chewed sap (maydhax) from the bark of a tree, was abandoned on the spot. A second person has gone through there and was content to weave a rope (xarig soohay) before the throw. Then a third, in turn, made a node (surgin) and followed his path. The fourth came from the node and attaches to sex (halbowlaha) a sleeper. A fifth from the other end attaches to the leg of an ox seated with the sleeper. Finally, the owner of beef with nothing out ordered him to stand and pull the rope, he pulled the sex sleeper who died immediately. So which of these 6 men will have to pay blood money (boqol)? following the following maxim "shantaada farood waxaad ku geysatoo shan fiqina kaama saaran", ie that is responsible for what happens to his hands, is the fourth man who will pay the price blood. These riddles, while entertaining children, instruct and prepare them for their role as adults. Sagesses proverbial
On the other hand a number of proverbs consolidate the education of children so that research in all circumstances be permanent. Here are examples of maxims against falsehood:
-- "Beenaale markhaati my galo" liar's testimony is worth nothing. Therefore, a sub-humans - "beenaale sahan looma diro" is not sending a liar, prospecting for a better place to pasture.
Indeed, this is an essential role and we need reliable information. It was also protect men against favouritism and inculcate their impartiality. So we pray to God to avoid "eexo gar," ie that it is wrong and make a judgement tendentious. In the same vain, it says "gari Allay taqaane nin my taqaan" to show the protesters that justice is a divine requirement that can not satisfy those who want to divert it to their advantage. The moral of the Xeer
The Xeer issa as among other Somali clans, does not have police responsible for ensuring its implementation (search and capture of the culprits, enforcement of sentences ...). No such force exists. So how Xeer happen to function effectively until today, even in the city? To succeed in creating a society living in peace and harmony to the founders and successors, from the outset and then with experience, focused on the psychology of members. They managed to ethical behaviour of individuals so that everyone is master of itself. A number of proverbial maxim were depending on the individual foster adherence to Xeer even when it was unfavourable.
Faith
First, the sages have relied on faith. The Issas, Muslims hundred per cent, could jeopardize the life of the afterlife for a few pleasures on earth. Thus this maxim: "xeer did waa Alla diid" one who does not obey the law is a mécréant. And what is the individual who will opt out of the community?
A PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION OF THE BLOOD GROUPS OF THE SAB BONDSMEN OF NORTHERN SOMALILAND DR. K. L. G. GOLDSMITH, Westminster Hospital
A PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION OF THE BLOOD GROUPS OF THE SAB BONDSMEN OF NORTHERN
SOMALILAND
DR. K. L. G. GOLDSMITH, Westminster Hospital
DR. I. M. LEWIS, University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland
While the physical characteristics of free-born noble Somali have been studied,
as far as is known no attention has been given to the sab bondsmen.(1) This
paper reports the results of a preliminary serological investigation of a small
sample of 54 male sab. and compares the results with those of a study of 1000
noble Somali.(2) Samples of blood were obtained with the co-operation of the
Department of Medical Services of the Somaliland Protectorate,(3) and with that
of Midgaan and Tumaal elders of Hargeisa town. Our results treat these two
groups as one sample.
The Midgaan (pl. Midgo) (hunters, leather-workers, professional barbers, etc.),
Tumaal (pl. Tumaalo) (mainly blacksmiths), and Yibir (pl. Yibro) (itinerant
pedlars and magicians) known to free-born Somali as sab. (4) have frequently
been described as 'low caste' but they are more correctly bondsmen.(5) The
distinction is usually phrased as between sab iyo Soomaali (sab. and Somali);
or Aji iyo Midgo (noble Somali and Midgaan). Traditionally each member of this
class was bound in servitude to a noble Somali family. Not every noble Somali
had a sab. bondsman attached to him but all sab were subject to a noble patron
and protector. To a large extent this pattern persists in Northern Somaliland,
although many of the sab. have achieved a partial emancipation by moving to
practise their special skills in the towns and urban centres. Out of a total
Somali population of about 2,500,000 in the British Protectorate and Somalia,
the total number of sab bondsmen is probably at the present time not more than
12,500. The Midgaan (9,000) are the most numerous, with the Tumaal (2,250) next
and the Yibir (1,300), Who are now rare, last.
The sab. live scattered all over Northern Somaliland in real or putative
patrilineages, on a pattern similar, though reduced, to those of their noble
Somali (Aji) protectors. In different regions they are known locally by the
names of the eponyms of the small agnatic lineage groups into which they are
divided, rather than by their occupational classification as Midgaan, Tumaal
and Yibir. Ultimately, however, it is as these and, collectively, as sab, that
they are described. In the north the two largest Midgaan lineage groups are the
Muuse Diiriye in the west, and the Madiban in the east. Except through their
protectors, sab. have traditionally no rights in the field of Somali political
relations. Nowadays a few sab. who have succeeded in amassing considerable
wealth as traders, or who have enhanced their status by employment in
government service, have achieved the right to attend and speak at the councils
of the Somali lineage groups to which they are attached. But noble Somali still
do not marry with them. Illicit unions sometimes occur, and a noble Somali may
beget a child by an attractive sab woman. The Midgaan, Tumaal and Yibir marry
amongst themselves but not with Aji Somali. Most of their activities are
amongst themselves, and they have relations with noble Somali only indirectly
through their patrons. They have their sheikhs and wadaad (6) who fulfill for
them the same functions as do those of their masters amongst noble Somali. All
sab speak the dialect of the Somali to whom they are attached. But they have
also secret codes, hardly sufficiently extensive to be called languages, (7)
which they use when they wish to conceal what they are saying from listening
Somali. The sab themselves, and the Somali - who would not bemoan themselves by
troubling to learn them - do not regard these dialects very seriously.
Apart from their specialist trade skills their cultural features are identical
with those of Somali. The Midgaan it is true, have songs of magical intent
associated with hunting animals, but this is part of their specialist
knowledge. Some of the sab, particularly the Yibir, who have a traditional
right to collect alms from Somali, used to be called derogatively
'corpse-eaters' (bakhti cune) because they were alleged to eat meat considered
impure by Somali. But there is little indication that this is still true today.
Various traditions are current in Somaliland of the origin of the sab.
According to some Somali, the sab descend from noble Somali who became degraded
by eating meat which had not been properly slaughtered in Muslim fashion during
a famine. Some sab informants also referring to well documented cases, maintain
that they are of the same stock as the Somali but descend from small,
numerically weak lineage groups which were reduced to servitude by more
powerful enemies. (9)
In support of these claims, Midgaan informants have produced genealogies
tracing descent from Dir, the founder of the Dir clan family, generally
regarded as the oldest Somali stock. Some Tumaal trace descent from Daarood
founder of the noble Daarood Somali clan family. Various writers have suggested
that the sab represent the remnants of pre-Somali peoples conquered by Hamitic
Somali invaders.(11) In Dr. Cerulli's view, however, whatever common
characteristics the sab possess are to be ascribed not to common ethnic origin,
but to the action of common historical processes. (l2) Cerulli regards them as
a mixed conglomerate people of partly pre-Hamitic origin.
Since there are no main cultural differences, and no strong traditions of
diverse origin, (13) it would seem that only comparative study of their
physical characteristics can throw light on their origins. Miscegenation is
almost if not entirely, forbidden, so that were the sab originally possessed of
different physical characters to the Somali these differences should still be
evident. To the casual observer most sab in Northern Somaliland look much the
same physically as Somali. It is sometimes possible, however, to identify a
Midgaan, Tumaal or Yibir. Somali indeed usually claim to be able to distinguish
sab, but it is difficult to decide whether or not they do this only on a basis
of physical features. In the presence of Somali, sab tend to adopt a
subordinate bearing and presence. As was stated at the outset no physical study
of the sab has yet been made as far as we know. The results of our serological
investigation are set out in the following tables. They show that there is no
significant difference in the distribution of the ABO and MN groups in our
sample and in a sample of 1,000 noble Somali. The contingency table for the
Rhesus group does not accord so exactly, but the difference is small and may be
due to the size of our sample. As far as the results go, the blood group
composition of our sab sample is thus virtually identical with that of the
Somali. While it would be dangerous to generalize from so small a sample (54
individuals), our results suggest that in serological characters there is no
difference between those of the sab and those of noble Somali. Before a
definite conclusion can be reached, however, further and larger samples of sab
blood are required. It would be valuable to have samples from different parts
of Somaliland, for it cannot be assumed that sab from other parts of Somaliland
have the same serological characteristics as our Hargeisa sample.
Table I. THE "ABO" GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND
MIDGAANGroupOA1A2BA1BA2BTotalOBTAINEDNumber26124110154.00Per Cent
48.1522.227.4120.370.001.85100.00GENESrp1p2qTotal
0.70500.11810.05690.12001.0000
Table II. CONTINGENCY TABLE TO COMPARE "ABO" BLOOD GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND MIDGAN
ON THE ONE HAND WITH 1,000 SOMALIS ON THE OTHERBlood GroupMidgaan and
Tumaal1000 Somalis
TotalObtainedExpectedObtainedExpectedO2630.74574569.26600A1127.28130134.72
142B119.07166167.93177A2+A1B+A2B56.91130128.09135Total5454.001,0001000.001,¬054x
to the power 2=4.9853. For a value of x to the power 2=4.9853 where n=3, the
probability P lies between 0.20 and .10.
Table III. The "MN" GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND MIDGAAN GroupMMMNNNTotalOBTAINED
Number16231554.00Per Cent29.6342.5927.78100.00GENESMNTotal0.50930.49071.0000
Table IV. Contingency Table to Compare Rhesus Blood Groups of Tumaal and
Midgaan on the One Hand With I,000 Somalis on the OtherRH GroupsMidgaan and
Tumaal1000 Somalis TotalObtainedExpectedObtained
ExpectedMM1613.68251253.33267MN2327.31510505.69533NN1513.01239240.98254Tot
al5454.001000.001,054x to the power 2=1.4524. For a value of x to the power
2=1.4524, when n=2, the probability P lies between 0.50 and .300.
TABLE V. THE RHESUS-GROUP RESULTS OF TUMAAL AND
MIDGAANGroupCCDeeCcDEeccDEECcDeeccDEeccDeeccDueeccddeeTotalObtainedNumber0
32003233254Percent0.005.5637.030.005.5642.595.563.70100.00ChromosomesCDecD
E>cDuecdeTotal0.21300.05560.11030.19541.000GENESCE0.21300.0556
TABLE V1. CONTINGENCY TABLE TO COMPARE RHESUS BLOOD GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND
MIDGAAN ON THE ONE HAND WITH I,000 SOMALIS ON THE OTHERTypeMidgaan and
Tumaal1000 Somalis TotalObtainedExpectedObtainedExpectedCCee &
Ccee2014.35260265.65280ccEE &
ccEe612.60240233.40246ccee2827.05500500.95528Total5454.001,000.0010001,054x to
the power 2=6.0237. For a value of x to the power 2=6.0237, when n=2, the
probability P lies between 0.05 and 0 .02.>
Notes
1.Eg. P. Lester, 'Etude anthropologique des populations de l'Ethiopie,'
L'Anthropologie, Vol. XXXVIII (I928), p. 289; id., 'Contribution a
l'anthropologie des Somalis, ' Bull. Me'nt. Soc. Anthrop. de Paris, Vol. VIII
(1927), p. I75; D. R. Parenti, 'Antropologia della Somalia Meridionale,'
A.A.E., Vols. ...
SOMALILAND
DR. K. L. G. GOLDSMITH, Westminster Hospital
DR. I. M. LEWIS, University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland
While the physical characteristics of free-born noble Somali have been studied,
as far as is known no attention has been given to the sab bondsmen.(1) This
paper reports the results of a preliminary serological investigation of a small
sample of 54 male sab. and compares the results with those of a study of 1000
noble Somali.(2) Samples of blood were obtained with the co-operation of the
Department of Medical Services of the Somaliland Protectorate,(3) and with that
of Midgaan and Tumaal elders of Hargeisa town. Our results treat these two
groups as one sample.
The Midgaan (pl. Midgo) (hunters, leather-workers, professional barbers, etc.),
Tumaal (pl. Tumaalo) (mainly blacksmiths), and Yibir (pl. Yibro) (itinerant
pedlars and magicians) known to free-born Somali as sab. (4) have frequently
been described as 'low caste' but they are more correctly bondsmen.(5) The
distinction is usually phrased as between sab iyo Soomaali (sab. and Somali);
or Aji iyo Midgo (noble Somali and Midgaan). Traditionally each member of this
class was bound in servitude to a noble Somali family. Not every noble Somali
had a sab. bondsman attached to him but all sab were subject to a noble patron
and protector. To a large extent this pattern persists in Northern Somaliland,
although many of the sab. have achieved a partial emancipation by moving to
practise their special skills in the towns and urban centres. Out of a total
Somali population of about 2,500,000 in the British Protectorate and Somalia,
the total number of sab bondsmen is probably at the present time not more than
12,500. The Midgaan (9,000) are the most numerous, with the Tumaal (2,250) next
and the Yibir (1,300), Who are now rare, last.
The sab. live scattered all over Northern Somaliland in real or putative
patrilineages, on a pattern similar, though reduced, to those of their noble
Somali (Aji) protectors. In different regions they are known locally by the
names of the eponyms of the small agnatic lineage groups into which they are
divided, rather than by their occupational classification as Midgaan, Tumaal
and Yibir. Ultimately, however, it is as these and, collectively, as sab, that
they are described. In the north the two largest Midgaan lineage groups are the
Muuse Diiriye in the west, and the Madiban in the east. Except through their
protectors, sab. have traditionally no rights in the field of Somali political
relations. Nowadays a few sab. who have succeeded in amassing considerable
wealth as traders, or who have enhanced their status by employment in
government service, have achieved the right to attend and speak at the councils
of the Somali lineage groups to which they are attached. But noble Somali still
do not marry with them. Illicit unions sometimes occur, and a noble Somali may
beget a child by an attractive sab woman. The Midgaan, Tumaal and Yibir marry
amongst themselves but not with Aji Somali. Most of their activities are
amongst themselves, and they have relations with noble Somali only indirectly
through their patrons. They have their sheikhs and wadaad (6) who fulfill for
them the same functions as do those of their masters amongst noble Somali. All
sab speak the dialect of the Somali to whom they are attached. But they have
also secret codes, hardly sufficiently extensive to be called languages, (7)
which they use when they wish to conceal what they are saying from listening
Somali. The sab themselves, and the Somali - who would not bemoan themselves by
troubling to learn them - do not regard these dialects very seriously.
Apart from their specialist trade skills their cultural features are identical
with those of Somali. The Midgaan it is true, have songs of magical intent
associated with hunting animals, but this is part of their specialist
knowledge. Some of the sab, particularly the Yibir, who have a traditional
right to collect alms from Somali, used to be called derogatively
'corpse-eaters' (bakhti cune) because they were alleged to eat meat considered
impure by Somali. But there is little indication that this is still true today.
Various traditions are current in Somaliland of the origin of the sab.
According to some Somali, the sab descend from noble Somali who became degraded
by eating meat which had not been properly slaughtered in Muslim fashion during
a famine. Some sab informants also referring to well documented cases, maintain
that they are of the same stock as the Somali but descend from small,
numerically weak lineage groups which were reduced to servitude by more
powerful enemies. (9)
In support of these claims, Midgaan informants have produced genealogies
tracing descent from Dir, the founder of the Dir clan family, generally
regarded as the oldest Somali stock. Some Tumaal trace descent from Daarood
founder of the noble Daarood Somali clan family. Various writers have suggested
that the sab represent the remnants of pre-Somali peoples conquered by Hamitic
Somali invaders.(11) In Dr. Cerulli's view, however, whatever common
characteristics the sab possess are to be ascribed not to common ethnic origin,
but to the action of common historical processes. (l2) Cerulli regards them as
a mixed conglomerate people of partly pre-Hamitic origin.
Since there are no main cultural differences, and no strong traditions of
diverse origin, (13) it would seem that only comparative study of their
physical characteristics can throw light on their origins. Miscegenation is
almost if not entirely, forbidden, so that were the sab originally possessed of
different physical characters to the Somali these differences should still be
evident. To the casual observer most sab in Northern Somaliland look much the
same physically as Somali. It is sometimes possible, however, to identify a
Midgaan, Tumaal or Yibir. Somali indeed usually claim to be able to distinguish
sab, but it is difficult to decide whether or not they do this only on a basis
of physical features. In the presence of Somali, sab tend to adopt a
subordinate bearing and presence. As was stated at the outset no physical study
of the sab has yet been made as far as we know. The results of our serological
investigation are set out in the following tables. They show that there is no
significant difference in the distribution of the ABO and MN groups in our
sample and in a sample of 1,000 noble Somali. The contingency table for the
Rhesus group does not accord so exactly, but the difference is small and may be
due to the size of our sample. As far as the results go, the blood group
composition of our sab sample is thus virtually identical with that of the
Somali. While it would be dangerous to generalize from so small a sample (54
individuals), our results suggest that in serological characters there is no
difference between those of the sab and those of noble Somali. Before a
definite conclusion can be reached, however, further and larger samples of sab
blood are required. It would be valuable to have samples from different parts
of Somaliland, for it cannot be assumed that sab from other parts of Somaliland
have the same serological characteristics as our Hargeisa sample.
Table I. THE "ABO" GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND
MIDGAANGroupOA1A2BA1BA2BTotalOBTAINEDNumber26124110154.00Per Cent
48.1522.227.4120.370.001.85100.00GENESrp1p2qTotal
0.70500.11810.05690.12001.0000
Table II. CONTINGENCY TABLE TO COMPARE "ABO" BLOOD GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND MIDGAN
ON THE ONE HAND WITH 1,000 SOMALIS ON THE OTHERBlood GroupMidgaan and
Tumaal1000 Somalis
TotalObtainedExpectedObtainedExpectedO2630.74574569.26600A1127.28130134.72
142B119.07166167.93177A2+A1B+A2B56.91130128.09135Total5454.001,0001000.001,¬054x
to the power 2=4.9853. For a value of x to the power 2=4.9853 where n=3, the
probability P lies between 0.20 and .10.
Table III. The "MN" GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND MIDGAAN GroupMMMNNNTotalOBTAINED
Number16231554.00Per Cent29.6342.5927.78100.00GENESMNTotal0.50930.49071.0000
Table IV. Contingency Table to Compare Rhesus Blood Groups of Tumaal and
Midgaan on the One Hand With I,000 Somalis on the OtherRH GroupsMidgaan and
Tumaal1000 Somalis TotalObtainedExpectedObtained
ExpectedMM1613.68251253.33267MN2327.31510505.69533NN1513.01239240.98254Tot
al5454.001000.001,054x to the power 2=1.4524. For a value of x to the power
2=1.4524, when n=2, the probability P lies between 0.50 and .300.
TABLE V. THE RHESUS-GROUP RESULTS OF TUMAAL AND
MIDGAANGroupCCDeeCcDEeccDEECcDeeccDEeccDeeccDueeccddeeTotalObtainedNumber0
32003233254Percent0.005.5637.030.005.5642.595.563.70100.00ChromosomesCDecD
E>cDuecdeTotal0.21300.05560.11030.19541.000GENESCE0.21300.0556
TABLE V1. CONTINGENCY TABLE TO COMPARE RHESUS BLOOD GROUPS OF TUMAAL AND
MIDGAAN ON THE ONE HAND WITH I,000 SOMALIS ON THE OTHERTypeMidgaan and
Tumaal1000 Somalis TotalObtainedExpectedObtainedExpectedCCee &
Ccee2014.35260265.65280ccEE &
ccEe612.60240233.40246ccee2827.05500500.95528Total5454.001,000.0010001,054x to
the power 2=6.0237. For a value of x to the power 2=6.0237, when n=2, the
probability P lies between 0.05 and 0 .02.>
Notes
1.Eg. P. Lester, 'Etude anthropologique des populations de l'Ethiopie,'
L'Anthropologie, Vol. XXXVIII (I928), p. 289; id., 'Contribution a
l'anthropologie des Somalis, ' Bull. Me'nt. Soc. Anthrop. de Paris, Vol. VIII
(1927), p. I75; D. R. Parenti, 'Antropologia della Somalia Meridionale,'
A.A.E., Vols. ...
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