WARO WARO
1)LUUJO
2)BATO
3)GUUBO
4)SAABO
5)KIY0
6)MEYO
7)IGO
KUMURTO DAQTIRE TUNNI
Sunday, June 5, 2011
Saturday, June 4, 2011
Midgaan Yibir Tumaal Groups Somali Caste Groups
CASTE GROUPS
Each is connected as clients, former slaves, or servants to a noble clan group. They include the Kuulbeer, Hildid, Khayr, Hubane, Aden, Aarsade, Howie, Afarta Ganbar, Gaakaab, Madaraale, Magtal, Omar, Hussein and others scattered all over the Somali regions, including Ethiopia, Kenya and the broader Somali diaspora. The Midgan constitute the largest Somali outcaste family, and its subclans include the Madhiban, Maxamed Gargaarte, Muuse-Darye, Tumaal, Yibir, Howle, Mahaad-Bare, and, according to SIMA, hidden others.
Kuulbeer amoung Duduble and Dhulbahante. Also memebers of Bah Gari Ogaden. This is Tubeec's clan
Xawaadle amoung them is Yaxye Salax considered Yaxar or Midgaan. note related to The Majertain Arab Salax and Yaxye Salax.
Amoung the Ogaden are Gagaab considered midgan who are of Ceyr Habargidir origin
Amoung Galjecle are the Barbarow who are despiced after refusing and expedition against the Warday.
Brief Source List
Adam, H.M. Mending Rips in the Sky: Lawrenceville, NJ (RSP), 1997.
Abdullahi, M.D. Minorities of Somalia: Victims Forgotten Amid War and Chaos.
Bana, M.B. The Minority Groups of Somalia: A Sociolinguistic History, MI (BP) 20002.
Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board, “Victims and Vulnerable Groups in Southern Somalia, Ottawa, May 1995, May 1999, and May 2001.
Eno, Oma A, “The Untold Apartheid Imposed on the Bantu/Jareer People in Somalia”, Adam, Op Cit.
Goldsmith, K.L.G. “A Preliminary Investigation of the Blood Group of the “Sab” Bondsman of N. Somaliland”, Man I, VIII.
Helender, B. “Clanship, Kinship and community Among the Rahanweyn”, Adam, Op Cit.
Kirk, J.W.C. A Grammar of the Somali Language and Dialects, Cambridge, 1905.
Lewis, I.M. A Pastoral Democracy, (Oxford) 1982.
Lewis, I.M. Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society, Lawrenceville, NJ, (RSP) 1994.
Lewis, I.M. Peoples of the Horn of Africa, Lawrenceville, NJ, (RSP) 1998.
Nur, M.A. Clan, Class and Caste in Somalia, MN, (SWP), 2000.
Omar, A.M. “Aspects of the Somali Tribal System,” Adam, Op Cit.
Samad, AA. “Minority and Outcaste Groups in Somalia.”
Samad, A.A. “Somalia Asylum Claims Based Upon Minority and Outcaste Status in N. America and Europe.
Azhar, A. Background and Current Status of Somali Outcaste Groups, MN, (SIMA), 2001.
Each is connected as clients, former slaves, or servants to a noble clan group. They include the Kuulbeer, Hildid, Khayr, Hubane, Aden, Aarsade, Howie, Afarta Ganbar, Gaakaab, Madaraale, Magtal, Omar, Hussein and others scattered all over the Somali regions, including Ethiopia, Kenya and the broader Somali diaspora. The Midgan constitute the largest Somali outcaste family, and its subclans include the Madhiban, Maxamed Gargaarte, Muuse-Darye, Tumaal, Yibir, Howle, Mahaad-Bare, and, according to SIMA, hidden others.
Kuulbeer amoung Duduble and Dhulbahante. Also memebers of Bah Gari Ogaden. This is Tubeec's clan
Xawaadle amoung them is Yaxye Salax considered Yaxar or Midgaan. note related to The Majertain Arab Salax and Yaxye Salax.
Amoung the Ogaden are Gagaab considered midgan who are of Ceyr Habargidir origin
Amoung Galjecle are the Barbarow who are despiced after refusing and expedition against the Warday.
Brief Source List
Adam, H.M. Mending Rips in the Sky: Lawrenceville, NJ (RSP), 1997.
Abdullahi, M.D. Minorities of Somalia: Victims Forgotten Amid War and Chaos.
Bana, M.B. The Minority Groups of Somalia: A Sociolinguistic History, MI (BP) 20002.
Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board, “Victims and Vulnerable Groups in Southern Somalia, Ottawa, May 1995, May 1999, and May 2001.
Eno, Oma A, “The Untold Apartheid Imposed on the Bantu/Jareer People in Somalia”, Adam, Op Cit.
Goldsmith, K.L.G. “A Preliminary Investigation of the Blood Group of the “Sab” Bondsman of N. Somaliland”, Man I, VIII.
Helender, B. “Clanship, Kinship and community Among the Rahanweyn”, Adam, Op Cit.
Kirk, J.W.C. A Grammar of the Somali Language and Dialects, Cambridge, 1905.
Lewis, I.M. A Pastoral Democracy, (Oxford) 1982.
Lewis, I.M. Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society, Lawrenceville, NJ, (RSP) 1994.
Lewis, I.M. Peoples of the Horn of Africa, Lawrenceville, NJ, (RSP) 1998.
Nur, M.A. Clan, Class and Caste in Somalia, MN, (SWP), 2000.
Omar, A.M. “Aspects of the Somali Tribal System,” Adam, Op Cit.
Samad, AA. “Minority and Outcaste Groups in Somalia.”
Samad, A.A. “Somalia Asylum Claims Based Upon Minority and Outcaste Status in N. America and Europe.
Azhar, A. Background and Current Status of Somali Outcaste Groups, MN, (SIMA), 2001.
Sunday, May 29, 2011
Isn't This My Soil?" Land, State and 'Development' in Somali Ethiopia
Isn't This My Soil?" Land, State and 'Development' in Somali Ethiopia
By Zarowsky, Christina
January 31, 1999
Conventional development discourse generally does not incorporate a historical perspective, instead it uses a project, or at best, program-oriented approach. In contrast, a historical and openly political framework is present in the Somali Ethiopian village of Hurso. Land, or the lack of it, was the central issue of Hurso testimonials about the life of grinding poverty that I collected in 1996 and in 1998. The absence of any sustainable means of production is considered the core problem, leading to hunger, disease, lack of social cohesion and cooperation, and both individual and collective demoralization. However, while the problems attributed to lack of land are immediate, their origin and resolution are historical and political. `Development' emerges as an important pragmatic and rhetorical strategy in this community's struggle for survival. Underlying their appeals for development and development assistance, is the memory of their dispossession and an unresolved claim for justice -- for land.
Hurso, in eastern Ethiopia, is home to about 5,000 Somali of the Gurgura clan, formerly fruit farmers and agropastoralists. Hurso's lands were seized by the Derg, the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam, which ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991 in the aftermath of the 1977-78 Ogaden War. In this war, Somalia unsuccessfully attempted to annex the ethnically Somali lands of Ethiopia. These lands consisted of the semi-arid Ogaden, the rich pastures of the Haud, and other lowlands off the eastern edge of the Ethiopian highlands.
Hurso is now known (if it is known at all), as the site of a large military training center of the newly refederated Ethiopia. It is remembered by its inhabitants as an almost heavenly place of permanent water, good grazing, and bountiful orchards. Today, it is a desolate stop on the railway from Addis Ababa to Djibouti, where people eke out an existence gathering and selling firewood (considered one step above begging), running tiny shops and teahouses, and selling meager amounts of onions, potatoes, and bananas. According to one elder:
"Hurso was a big village, with many, many kinds of fruit -- lemons, oranges, papayas, mangos. We have a proverb: `Hurso-the Rome of the Gurgura.' Today the people are returnees and refugees. Women sell firewood. The life of the children is so hard. I was born here and lived 25 years before I left here. Today I see only empty land."
The story of the peoples' flight and return was told by men, women, elders, as well as youth who had been infants at the time. Most villagers fled into the surrounding country side during the Ogaden War and then returned to their lands. In the aftermath of the war, the Ethiopian government decided to expand the military base near the village and began to expropriate farmlands. Some families were offered compensatory lands in Sodere, hundreds of kilometers away, but the majority refused to leave. One day, the military arrived and surrounded the villagers. They were told to evacuate within 12 hours. Bulldozers arrived and destroyed homes and shops. People fled, some to Djibouti, others to Somalia, depending on their contacts and available transportation at crossroads towns. A few stayed in the area and lived in the scrub forest or stayed with pastoralist kin. These individuals would return to their lands and attempt to farm them. They were repeatedly beaten until, according to the villagers, the army concluded these individuals were mad and harmless. A few families were allowed to stay to service the military base and the train that stops in the village; these faced very strict controls on travel, visiting, and other activities between 1979 and 1991. The majority fled to Djibouti, where they stayed in UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) camps.
Beginning in 1986, there was increasing pressure from the Djibouti government for Ethiopian refugees to leave the country, or at least the camps, as food aid from overseas had decreased dramatically. Some Hurso residents returned to Ethiopia in 1988, but the majority stayed in Djibouti, either in the capital, Djiboutiville, or in the border area with Ethiopia. When the Derg fell in 1991, they hoped the lands would be returned. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians, including some Hurso residents, stayed in Djibouti until a final repatriation program was completed in 1996.
With the fall of the Derg in 1991 came promises from the new government under the leadership of the the Tigrean People's Liberation Front (TPLF), that farmlands would be restored and most of the refugees returned. To this day, the population is still waiting, negotiating, and trying to survive. The main sources of income are gathering and selling firewood, petty trade, and portering bundles of goods for traders who board the train at Hurso. A wood-seller spends one day collecting and carrying firewood, which he or she can sell the next day for about 5 birr -- less than US$1; a day laborer can earn 7 birr per day; and women selling tiny amounts of vegetables in the marketplace earn about 5 birr per day. In comparison, the one way fare to Dire Dawa, on a decrepit pickup truck which carries 24 passengers at a time, is 7 birr. Most people eat one or two meals a day and chronic malnutrition is endemic. During the rainy season, epidemics of malaria regularly break out and the health workers at the clinic do their best to manage in the face of sporadic delivery of medication and long periods without receiving their government-paid salaries.
The military base itself is critical to the village's survival; it is the main source of demand for the shops. Behind the clinic is a string of huts, separate from the rest of the village. These are the brothels -- home and workplace to about 50 women frequented by the soldiers at the base. These women need to eat and cook and they buy a significant proportion of the food and firewood that Hurso residents try to sell.
Claiming Rights to Land, Claiming a Human Life
According to Gurgura tradition, firm claims to farming lands can be established on two grounds: traditional use over several generations and cultivation by individuals or lineages. This method of claiming land corresponds to the Somali, whose traditional use of lands for grazing and as a source of water are the two main sources of legitimate claims to territory. The lands around the village of Hurso are claimed by the Gurgura on several grounds: traditional use over at least seven generations, grants by various Ethiopian and Italian governments, military conquest, and extensive planting of mango, citrus, papaya, and other fruit orchards. The farms were held by families, although the individual whose name is mentioned as `owner' of the larger farms or gardens, are trustees of land considered to be available for the subsistence purposes of extended families or entire lineages.
People speak of the land as if they still own it; "This is Ahmed's garden;" "This is Amina's garden." Although the lands were taken almost 20 years ago, the community is still intensely loyal and passionate about them. People cling to the lands both because they are good, fertile lands, and because they still consider them to be their lands. Until there is an option for creating ties to other lands or other livelihoods, both identity as well as survival are associated to them. I asked dozens of people why they had returned to Hurso. People patiently told me that the government had changed and they were promised the lands would be returned; there was no longer a way to make a living in Djibouti and lands surrounding Hurso could not support a significantly larger population -- the land looks empty, but is in fact, full to its carrying capacity. Also, the original owners of the lands near Sodere (where some Hurso residents had been resettled) had returned after the fall of the Derg and had thrown out the resettled Hurso families. One man was less patient:
Q: "Why did you return to Hurso?"
A: "What do you mean? Isn't this my soil?"
Survival, Development, Identity, and State
The relationships among and between community members, government, military, and the workers hired by the military to guard the expropriated lands are complex. Resentment against the military base and the workers was minimal; the community's anger is directed not at the soldiers, but at the government. Some Gurgura men from the village itself, former members of the Gurgura Liberation Front, were also being trained at the base. The men guarding the farmlands chewed a mild stimulant, chat, (also an appetite or hunger suppressant) to maintain cordial relationships with the villagers in case of an eventual return of farmlands.
Responsibility for the initial dispossession and current poverty is placed on the government and the Ministry of Defense -- believed to be holding on to the lands out of greed -- both for revenue, (which a local member of the federal parliament estimated at US$3-4 million per year), and simply possession. However, the district and regional governments shared some of the blame because it was felt they mishandled the negotiations for their return. Two trips to Addis by Hurso elders exhausted funds that could have been used for direct negotiation by the community Future progress depended on action by district, regional, and federal officials.
Relationships between Somali Ethiopians and the Ethiopian state are ambivalent -- clearly illustrated in Hurso. The history of relations between Somalis and the Ethiopian state is long and generally negative from both the Somali and Ethiopian perspective. The current Hurso situation is clearly the result of acts by the Ethiopian state against a predominantly Somali population. In the newly refederated Ethiopia, however, Somalis now speak and go to school in Somali, have their own regional government (albeit corrupt and inefficient, in the view of many), and are for the first time, potentially equal to other Ethiopians as citizens. Many of my Somali interlocutors were cautiously optimistic about the possibilities for Somalis in the new Ethiopia.
Loyalty and identity, however, were invested in the clan, land, and Somali ethnicity. What becomes clear through examining the history of land claims in Hurso is that the state is not seen as an oppressive and unitary force, but rather as a feature of the environment, currently a powerful actor with a tendency to swallow all other players, but with whom it is possible to make certain tactical alliances. In Hurso and elsewhere among both men and women, national politics are now seen as crucial to development and survival.
Currently, both necessity and the tentative opening of the Ethiopian state to regional autonomy and full participation by all citizens lead Hurso and other Somali Ethiopian communities to conclude that the potential benefits are worth the risk of aligning themselves with the state. Nevertheless, it is always better to keep as many options open as possible. `Development' puts the state's role into a broader framework, where it is often the de facto final arbiter, but where the poor also have other potential advocates.
In 1998, a UNICEF-funded water project was working well, a new district government was in place, and other ties to the state and regional economy gave Hurso more power to press their claims for survival and restitution. International relief assistance where the refugee relief system is the dominant organizing institution, is no longer the only tie between the community and the rest of the world. However, the channels of communication represented by both humanitarian aid and development must be kept open, in part as a check on the abuse of power by the state.
In his 1994 book, The Anti-Politics Machine, James Ferguson documents how the depoliticizing discourse and practice of development facilitates the encroachment of the state and its bureaucracy into more places and dimensions of life. For example, even though most development projects are deliberately apolitical, building a school, clinic, or agricultural extension office also brings employees who are ultimately responsible, not to the community nor to the donors, but to the government. The interests of the government are fundamentally, political.
In Hurso, this same encroachment is visible, but the current and former residents of Hurso see this encroachment in historical, political, and pragmatic terms. My criticisms of development were greeted with impatient dismissal: "yes there is plenty of corruption, abuse, and ineptitude of which we are well aware, but we want schools, clinics, and a water supply" Villagers openly admitted that they no longer had the skills -- or more importantly -- the desire to live off the land. Development was now integral to their notion of what constitutes a decent, human life. Contrary to the general findings of post-development critics, they did not want less development, but more; not less integration into the state, but more.
Their reasons for wanting more links to the state are pragmatic. In interviews about the larger context of Somali-Ethiopia relations, respondents stressed the importance of the clause in the new constitution permitting secession as a last resort. In the current circumstances, both union with Somalia and outright independence seem decidedly inferior to active participation in the Ethiopian state which offers at least the possibility of political power and economic advancement, while safeguarding Somali autonomy should the situation become unacceptable. However, as the changing Hurso discourse on basic human needs demonstrates, it may not be easy to opt out of new ways of thinking about identity, survival, and what constitutes a human life.
Concretely, development in Hurso means both economic independence, (ideally, by acquiring farmlands), and a combination of standard development and relief programs that address health care, water supply, education, childcare, and nutrition problems. Criticisms of these same programs were sharp. For example, Halcho, a community where 58 of the poorest families were resettled, needed extensive and expensive irrigation systems that involved drilling deep wells. But in the meantime, what were the farmers supposed to eat? Women involved in a revolving funds program stated that while it was a great idea, there were a number of basic problems: the market was already saturated with petty traders in milk and vegetables and there was no accessible market for other goods at the moment. Cash, especially this small a sum, was problematic because in Hurso, there is tremendous social pressure against refusing outright requests for financial assistance. If it were known that you had received 500 birr, then relatives and neighbors would approach you to repay small loans they had made to you, or to `lend' them money to take a sick child to the hospital; the money would soon be gone. The best development program of all would be to allocate land, making survival possible with fewer direct ties to the state or to development agencies. Nevertheless, promises of development programs -- health care, clean water, and education -- are likely to remain important for this community, even if the lands are returned.
Ultimately, development in Hurso means a sustainable and decent livelihood, and unfortunately the state's involvement is also essential for this to occur. To achieve a decent, human life or nolol adaaminiimo, it is necessary to have avenues through which to press claims -- for justice, restitution, and short term assistance. Hence local, regional, national, and international politics, and telling the story of dispossession and its implied remedy, restitution, have become very important. Development was also a rhetorical strategy to possibly diversify the range of groups and individuals on whom one could make justice, compassion, or rights-based claims.
Story telling and history are valued for their own sake among Somali, so it was generally easy for me to talk to people. However, given what 1 knew about the political importance of story telling, poetry, and history in Somali societies, it was clear that I was meant to hear these stories with a view to action.
"The owner must fight for his property."
-Muusa Omar's gabay (poem)
"I am asking you -- what are you going to do for us?"
-Ali Yusuf's testimony
"The main point is to help each other. To talk is fine, but let's get to the main point. You see our problems with your own eyes, as an eyewitness -- they don't need much explanation."
-Haawa Omar's testimony
History, politics, development, and the state are key elements in this community's story of dispossession, poverty, and living an inhuman life. However, although the state is accorded a certain legitimacy and even respect as a worthy opponent, it should not be confused with the loyalty and sense of belonging that was built by using the land and maintained through the story of dispossession. Human life, a decent life, is not only a matter of calories and clean water, human life implies justice, beauty, and belonging. Aasha, the midwife, summarizes their passion towards the land, and the bitterness, sadness, and contempt that characterize the Hurso view of the state: "They are not careful of the land. It becomes hyenas' houses." This suggests a love relationship with the land, and hence an imperative to tend it and care for it. "Hyena's houses" suggests barren land, wasteland, even a rubbish heap, in implied contrast to the beautiful, fertile, beloved land that it was.
The story of Hurso, then, is a love story as well as a story of injustice. The Hurso Somali were ejected from their land during the war. They returned as refugees, their lands still in the hands of the Ministry of Defense. They survive, but are far from what they consider to be a decent, human life. Development projects and development rhetoric are important ways of coping, but the fundamental problem, in their eyes, is not a question of charity, but of simple justice.
"I am 45 years old. I was born in Turkaylo, near Hurso village. I had farmland in Hurso before 1977. After the Derg took my farmland I went to Serkama. Hurso! Before the Derg, there was no place better than Hurso. Anybody who knows how it was before will be in wareer [mad with worry and distress] when he sees it now. And still now I think it is the Derg or those who remained from the Derg government who are eating our gardens. Now my morale is not good, because still my properties are in the hands of the enemy. I think Hurso seems as if it is getting some air, but unfortunately the Derg remainders are still present. Hurso people need to get a balanced life, nolol adaaminiimo -- food, health, education and so on. And to get their farmlands. I think if the government wants to develop Hurso's life, they have to give back their farms. I wish to add: you asked me many things and I am asking you, what are you going to do for us?"
-Ali Yusuf
References
Ferguson, James. 1994. The Anti-Politics Machine. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Lewis, I.M 1961. A Pastoral Democracy. London: Oxford University Press.
Article copyright Cultural Survival, Inc.
Ethiopia: Information on the Issa and Gurgura Liberation Front
For information on the above-mentioned subject please refer to the attached documents.
Attachments
Agence France Press. 24 March 1992. "Issa Guerrilla at War with Ethiopia's New Army." (NEXIS)
BBC, Summary of World Broadcasts. 11 June 1992. "Ethiopia Council of Representatives Members Point Out Problems." (NEXIS)
. 25 March 1992. "Ethiopia Issa Liberation Front Issues Statement on Fighting with EPRDF." (NEXIS)
. 5 March 1992. Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Conference Ends." (NEXIS)
. 18 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Reorganises Itself." (NEXIS)
. 14 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Officials Dropped From Executive." (NEXIS)
. 12 February 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Secedes From IGLF." (NEXIS)
. 25 January 1992. "Ethiopia Political Organisations Join Forces to Halt Clashes in Dire Dawa." (NEXIS)
. 10 January 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Nation Breaks Away From Issa-Gurgura Liberation Front." (NEXIS)
Inter Press Service. 13 April 1992. Obinna Onyadike. "Ethiopia: Unrest in the East." (NEXIS)
Reuters. 13 February 1992. Jonathan Clayton. "Southern Ethiopia Near Chaos as Ethnic Rivalries Resurface." (NEXIS)
Source: Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board, Canada
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By Zarowsky, Christina
January 31, 1999
Conventional development discourse generally does not incorporate a historical perspective, instead it uses a project, or at best, program-oriented approach. In contrast, a historical and openly political framework is present in the Somali Ethiopian village of Hurso. Land, or the lack of it, was the central issue of Hurso testimonials about the life of grinding poverty that I collected in 1996 and in 1998. The absence of any sustainable means of production is considered the core problem, leading to hunger, disease, lack of social cohesion and cooperation, and both individual and collective demoralization. However, while the problems attributed to lack of land are immediate, their origin and resolution are historical and political. `Development' emerges as an important pragmatic and rhetorical strategy in this community's struggle for survival. Underlying their appeals for development and development assistance, is the memory of their dispossession and an unresolved claim for justice -- for land.
Hurso, in eastern Ethiopia, is home to about 5,000 Somali of the Gurgura clan, formerly fruit farmers and agropastoralists. Hurso's lands were seized by the Derg, the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam, which ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991 in the aftermath of the 1977-78 Ogaden War. In this war, Somalia unsuccessfully attempted to annex the ethnically Somali lands of Ethiopia. These lands consisted of the semi-arid Ogaden, the rich pastures of the Haud, and other lowlands off the eastern edge of the Ethiopian highlands.
Hurso is now known (if it is known at all), as the site of a large military training center of the newly refederated Ethiopia. It is remembered by its inhabitants as an almost heavenly place of permanent water, good grazing, and bountiful orchards. Today, it is a desolate stop on the railway from Addis Ababa to Djibouti, where people eke out an existence gathering and selling firewood (considered one step above begging), running tiny shops and teahouses, and selling meager amounts of onions, potatoes, and bananas. According to one elder:
"Hurso was a big village, with many, many kinds of fruit -- lemons, oranges, papayas, mangos. We have a proverb: `Hurso-the Rome of the Gurgura.' Today the people are returnees and refugees. Women sell firewood. The life of the children is so hard. I was born here and lived 25 years before I left here. Today I see only empty land."
The story of the peoples' flight and return was told by men, women, elders, as well as youth who had been infants at the time. Most villagers fled into the surrounding country side during the Ogaden War and then returned to their lands. In the aftermath of the war, the Ethiopian government decided to expand the military base near the village and began to expropriate farmlands. Some families were offered compensatory lands in Sodere, hundreds of kilometers away, but the majority refused to leave. One day, the military arrived and surrounded the villagers. They were told to evacuate within 12 hours. Bulldozers arrived and destroyed homes and shops. People fled, some to Djibouti, others to Somalia, depending on their contacts and available transportation at crossroads towns. A few stayed in the area and lived in the scrub forest or stayed with pastoralist kin. These individuals would return to their lands and attempt to farm them. They were repeatedly beaten until, according to the villagers, the army concluded these individuals were mad and harmless. A few families were allowed to stay to service the military base and the train that stops in the village; these faced very strict controls on travel, visiting, and other activities between 1979 and 1991. The majority fled to Djibouti, where they stayed in UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) camps.
Beginning in 1986, there was increasing pressure from the Djibouti government for Ethiopian refugees to leave the country, or at least the camps, as food aid from overseas had decreased dramatically. Some Hurso residents returned to Ethiopia in 1988, but the majority stayed in Djibouti, either in the capital, Djiboutiville, or in the border area with Ethiopia. When the Derg fell in 1991, they hoped the lands would be returned. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians, including some Hurso residents, stayed in Djibouti until a final repatriation program was completed in 1996.
With the fall of the Derg in 1991 came promises from the new government under the leadership of the the Tigrean People's Liberation Front (TPLF), that farmlands would be restored and most of the refugees returned. To this day, the population is still waiting, negotiating, and trying to survive. The main sources of income are gathering and selling firewood, petty trade, and portering bundles of goods for traders who board the train at Hurso. A wood-seller spends one day collecting and carrying firewood, which he or she can sell the next day for about 5 birr -- less than US$1; a day laborer can earn 7 birr per day; and women selling tiny amounts of vegetables in the marketplace earn about 5 birr per day. In comparison, the one way fare to Dire Dawa, on a decrepit pickup truck which carries 24 passengers at a time, is 7 birr. Most people eat one or two meals a day and chronic malnutrition is endemic. During the rainy season, epidemics of malaria regularly break out and the health workers at the clinic do their best to manage in the face of sporadic delivery of medication and long periods without receiving their government-paid salaries.
The military base itself is critical to the village's survival; it is the main source of demand for the shops. Behind the clinic is a string of huts, separate from the rest of the village. These are the brothels -- home and workplace to about 50 women frequented by the soldiers at the base. These women need to eat and cook and they buy a significant proportion of the food and firewood that Hurso residents try to sell.
Claiming Rights to Land, Claiming a Human Life
According to Gurgura tradition, firm claims to farming lands can be established on two grounds: traditional use over several generations and cultivation by individuals or lineages. This method of claiming land corresponds to the Somali, whose traditional use of lands for grazing and as a source of water are the two main sources of legitimate claims to territory. The lands around the village of Hurso are claimed by the Gurgura on several grounds: traditional use over at least seven generations, grants by various Ethiopian and Italian governments, military conquest, and extensive planting of mango, citrus, papaya, and other fruit orchards. The farms were held by families, although the individual whose name is mentioned as `owner' of the larger farms or gardens, are trustees of land considered to be available for the subsistence purposes of extended families or entire lineages.
People speak of the land as if they still own it; "This is Ahmed's garden;" "This is Amina's garden." Although the lands were taken almost 20 years ago, the community is still intensely loyal and passionate about them. People cling to the lands both because they are good, fertile lands, and because they still consider them to be their lands. Until there is an option for creating ties to other lands or other livelihoods, both identity as well as survival are associated to them. I asked dozens of people why they had returned to Hurso. People patiently told me that the government had changed and they were promised the lands would be returned; there was no longer a way to make a living in Djibouti and lands surrounding Hurso could not support a significantly larger population -- the land looks empty, but is in fact, full to its carrying capacity. Also, the original owners of the lands near Sodere (where some Hurso residents had been resettled) had returned after the fall of the Derg and had thrown out the resettled Hurso families. One man was less patient:
Q: "Why did you return to Hurso?"
A: "What do you mean? Isn't this my soil?"
Survival, Development, Identity, and State
The relationships among and between community members, government, military, and the workers hired by the military to guard the expropriated lands are complex. Resentment against the military base and the workers was minimal; the community's anger is directed not at the soldiers, but at the government. Some Gurgura men from the village itself, former members of the Gurgura Liberation Front, were also being trained at the base. The men guarding the farmlands chewed a mild stimulant, chat, (also an appetite or hunger suppressant) to maintain cordial relationships with the villagers in case of an eventual return of farmlands.
Responsibility for the initial dispossession and current poverty is placed on the government and the Ministry of Defense -- believed to be holding on to the lands out of greed -- both for revenue, (which a local member of the federal parliament estimated at US$3-4 million per year), and simply possession. However, the district and regional governments shared some of the blame because it was felt they mishandled the negotiations for their return. Two trips to Addis by Hurso elders exhausted funds that could have been used for direct negotiation by the community Future progress depended on action by district, regional, and federal officials.
Relationships between Somali Ethiopians and the Ethiopian state are ambivalent -- clearly illustrated in Hurso. The history of relations between Somalis and the Ethiopian state is long and generally negative from both the Somali and Ethiopian perspective. The current Hurso situation is clearly the result of acts by the Ethiopian state against a predominantly Somali population. In the newly refederated Ethiopia, however, Somalis now speak and go to school in Somali, have their own regional government (albeit corrupt and inefficient, in the view of many), and are for the first time, potentially equal to other Ethiopians as citizens. Many of my Somali interlocutors were cautiously optimistic about the possibilities for Somalis in the new Ethiopia.
Loyalty and identity, however, were invested in the clan, land, and Somali ethnicity. What becomes clear through examining the history of land claims in Hurso is that the state is not seen as an oppressive and unitary force, but rather as a feature of the environment, currently a powerful actor with a tendency to swallow all other players, but with whom it is possible to make certain tactical alliances. In Hurso and elsewhere among both men and women, national politics are now seen as crucial to development and survival.
Currently, both necessity and the tentative opening of the Ethiopian state to regional autonomy and full participation by all citizens lead Hurso and other Somali Ethiopian communities to conclude that the potential benefits are worth the risk of aligning themselves with the state. Nevertheless, it is always better to keep as many options open as possible. `Development' puts the state's role into a broader framework, where it is often the de facto final arbiter, but where the poor also have other potential advocates.
In 1998, a UNICEF-funded water project was working well, a new district government was in place, and other ties to the state and regional economy gave Hurso more power to press their claims for survival and restitution. International relief assistance where the refugee relief system is the dominant organizing institution, is no longer the only tie between the community and the rest of the world. However, the channels of communication represented by both humanitarian aid and development must be kept open, in part as a check on the abuse of power by the state.
In his 1994 book, The Anti-Politics Machine, James Ferguson documents how the depoliticizing discourse and practice of development facilitates the encroachment of the state and its bureaucracy into more places and dimensions of life. For example, even though most development projects are deliberately apolitical, building a school, clinic, or agricultural extension office also brings employees who are ultimately responsible, not to the community nor to the donors, but to the government. The interests of the government are fundamentally, political.
In Hurso, this same encroachment is visible, but the current and former residents of Hurso see this encroachment in historical, political, and pragmatic terms. My criticisms of development were greeted with impatient dismissal: "yes there is plenty of corruption, abuse, and ineptitude of which we are well aware, but we want schools, clinics, and a water supply" Villagers openly admitted that they no longer had the skills -- or more importantly -- the desire to live off the land. Development was now integral to their notion of what constitutes a decent, human life. Contrary to the general findings of post-development critics, they did not want less development, but more; not less integration into the state, but more.
Their reasons for wanting more links to the state are pragmatic. In interviews about the larger context of Somali-Ethiopia relations, respondents stressed the importance of the clause in the new constitution permitting secession as a last resort. In the current circumstances, both union with Somalia and outright independence seem decidedly inferior to active participation in the Ethiopian state which offers at least the possibility of political power and economic advancement, while safeguarding Somali autonomy should the situation become unacceptable. However, as the changing Hurso discourse on basic human needs demonstrates, it may not be easy to opt out of new ways of thinking about identity, survival, and what constitutes a human life.
Concretely, development in Hurso means both economic independence, (ideally, by acquiring farmlands), and a combination of standard development and relief programs that address health care, water supply, education, childcare, and nutrition problems. Criticisms of these same programs were sharp. For example, Halcho, a community where 58 of the poorest families were resettled, needed extensive and expensive irrigation systems that involved drilling deep wells. But in the meantime, what were the farmers supposed to eat? Women involved in a revolving funds program stated that while it was a great idea, there were a number of basic problems: the market was already saturated with petty traders in milk and vegetables and there was no accessible market for other goods at the moment. Cash, especially this small a sum, was problematic because in Hurso, there is tremendous social pressure against refusing outright requests for financial assistance. If it were known that you had received 500 birr, then relatives and neighbors would approach you to repay small loans they had made to you, or to `lend' them money to take a sick child to the hospital; the money would soon be gone. The best development program of all would be to allocate land, making survival possible with fewer direct ties to the state or to development agencies. Nevertheless, promises of development programs -- health care, clean water, and education -- are likely to remain important for this community, even if the lands are returned.
Ultimately, development in Hurso means a sustainable and decent livelihood, and unfortunately the state's involvement is also essential for this to occur. To achieve a decent, human life or nolol adaaminiimo, it is necessary to have avenues through which to press claims -- for justice, restitution, and short term assistance. Hence local, regional, national, and international politics, and telling the story of dispossession and its implied remedy, restitution, have become very important. Development was also a rhetorical strategy to possibly diversify the range of groups and individuals on whom one could make justice, compassion, or rights-based claims.
Story telling and history are valued for their own sake among Somali, so it was generally easy for me to talk to people. However, given what 1 knew about the political importance of story telling, poetry, and history in Somali societies, it was clear that I was meant to hear these stories with a view to action.
"The owner must fight for his property."
-Muusa Omar's gabay (poem)
"I am asking you -- what are you going to do for us?"
-Ali Yusuf's testimony
"The main point is to help each other. To talk is fine, but let's get to the main point. You see our problems with your own eyes, as an eyewitness -- they don't need much explanation."
-Haawa Omar's testimony
History, politics, development, and the state are key elements in this community's story of dispossession, poverty, and living an inhuman life. However, although the state is accorded a certain legitimacy and even respect as a worthy opponent, it should not be confused with the loyalty and sense of belonging that was built by using the land and maintained through the story of dispossession. Human life, a decent life, is not only a matter of calories and clean water, human life implies justice, beauty, and belonging. Aasha, the midwife, summarizes their passion towards the land, and the bitterness, sadness, and contempt that characterize the Hurso view of the state: "They are not careful of the land. It becomes hyenas' houses." This suggests a love relationship with the land, and hence an imperative to tend it and care for it. "Hyena's houses" suggests barren land, wasteland, even a rubbish heap, in implied contrast to the beautiful, fertile, beloved land that it was.
The story of Hurso, then, is a love story as well as a story of injustice. The Hurso Somali were ejected from their land during the war. They returned as refugees, their lands still in the hands of the Ministry of Defense. They survive, but are far from what they consider to be a decent, human life. Development projects and development rhetoric are important ways of coping, but the fundamental problem, in their eyes, is not a question of charity, but of simple justice.
"I am 45 years old. I was born in Turkaylo, near Hurso village. I had farmland in Hurso before 1977. After the Derg took my farmland I went to Serkama. Hurso! Before the Derg, there was no place better than Hurso. Anybody who knows how it was before will be in wareer [mad with worry and distress] when he sees it now. And still now I think it is the Derg or those who remained from the Derg government who are eating our gardens. Now my morale is not good, because still my properties are in the hands of the enemy. I think Hurso seems as if it is getting some air, but unfortunately the Derg remainders are still present. Hurso people need to get a balanced life, nolol adaaminiimo -- food, health, education and so on. And to get their farmlands. I think if the government wants to develop Hurso's life, they have to give back their farms. I wish to add: you asked me many things and I am asking you, what are you going to do for us?"
-Ali Yusuf
References
Ferguson, James. 1994. The Anti-Politics Machine. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Lewis, I.M 1961. A Pastoral Democracy. London: Oxford University Press.
Article copyright Cultural Survival, Inc.
Ethiopia: Information on the Issa and Gurgura Liberation Front
For information on the above-mentioned subject please refer to the attached documents.
Attachments
Agence France Press. 24 March 1992. "Issa Guerrilla at War with Ethiopia's New Army." (NEXIS)
BBC, Summary of World Broadcasts. 11 June 1992. "Ethiopia Council of Representatives Members Point Out Problems." (NEXIS)
. 25 March 1992. "Ethiopia Issa Liberation Front Issues Statement on Fighting with EPRDF." (NEXIS)
. 5 March 1992. Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Conference Ends." (NEXIS)
. 18 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Reorganises Itself." (NEXIS)
. 14 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Officials Dropped From Executive." (NEXIS)
. 12 February 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Secedes From IGLF." (NEXIS)
. 25 January 1992. "Ethiopia Political Organisations Join Forces to Halt Clashes in Dire Dawa." (NEXIS)
. 10 January 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Nation Breaks Away From Issa-Gurgura Liberation Front." (NEXIS)
Inter Press Service. 13 April 1992. Obinna Onyadike. "Ethiopia: Unrest in the East." (NEXIS)
Reuters. 13 February 1992. Jonathan Clayton. "Southern Ethiopia Near Chaos as Ethnic Rivalries Resurface." (NEXIS)
Source: Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board, Canada
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ESDL DIR OF ETHIPIA REGION 5
U.N.D.P (On the net) Dir Movements in Region 5 Ethiopia GLF (Gurgura Liberation Front) led by Abdelasis Ahmed; HDP (Horiyal Democratic Party), from the WSLF (Western Somali Liberation Front), led by Abdi Ismail and representing the Gadabursi; the IGLF (Issa and Gurgura Liberation Front), headed by Riyaale Ahmed, which, since a split in 1991, only defends Issa interests (essentially the control of the Djibouti-Ethiopian railway line).
The pro-government ESDL which hope to become part of the EPRDF is headed by current Transport minister Abdulmejid Hussein (Issa Habar Awal). It has 76 of the 139 seats in the Regional Council and 15 of the Somali Region's 23 seats in the House of Peoples' Representatives, as well as the two seats for the autonomous city of Dire Dawa.
Though it has little support among the Ogaden, the ESDL is backed by the northern clans, the , Dir (Issa,Issaq, Gadabursi, Gurgure) and the non-Ogaden Darod (Bartire, Yabare, Mejertein, Dhulbahante). Some southern Hawiye clans (Garre, Digoodiya) also support the ESDL. The 7 G's Gurgure , Gadsan, Guure ,Gariire,
The pro-government ESDL which hope to become part of the EPRDF is headed by current Transport minister Abdulmejid Hussein (Issa Habar Awal). It has 76 of the 139 seats in the Regional Council and 15 of the Somali Region's 23 seats in the House of Peoples' Representatives, as well as the two seats for the autonomous city of Dire Dawa.
Though it has little support among the Ogaden, the ESDL is backed by the northern clans, the , Dir (Issa,Issaq, Gadabursi, Gurgure) and the non-Ogaden Darod (Bartire, Yabare, Mejertein, Dhulbahante). Some southern Hawiye clans (Garre, Digoodiya) also support the ESDL. The 7 G's Gurgure , Gadsan, Guure ,Gariire,
FATUHAL HABASH AXMED GUREY THE DIR GENERAL AND DAROOD CLAIMS
Fatuhal Habash bookDir People from Ahmed Gurey Ibrahim's era In the 1500's several things happened in the early struggles of Axmed Gran with the Ethiopia Christian Imperialists who where sprearheading attacks into Muslim lands.
According to Fatuh Al Habash: 1) Ahamed Gran came into the hinterlands of North Westren Somalia in order to recruit fighters amoung the Mandaluug Dir, Mahomed Xiniftire Or Mahe Dir and Madoobe. a) The fatuh al Habash mentions the Habar Magadle (Maha Dir) by name as one group which Gureey try to draw into his camp.Nevertheless, the Habar Awal and Habar Yonis joined the Gurey jihaad.
For Example, the Makaahil of the Habar Awal was the son of an Amhara princesse who was broght back to Somali by a Habar Awal worrior. The Amhara princes asked her captor one favour which to name the first son. After she bore the son she named him Makahil "Micheal" the angel. As a matter of fact many Mahe Dir like the Habar xabuush or Habar Jeclo were also named in such a case. According to the Fatuh Al Habash, "the fierce and rebellious Isaaq, Issas, and Afar clans who lived close to these groups and was know as "Oda Cali" caused Guurey many problems because as soon as the attacked the Habash enemies and gained some booty they would return to their territorie this angered Imam Ahmed who wanted a displined army. Ali and Mataan a brothers in-law of Gurey and Ahmed Nuur a knephew or Gurey, who later married Gurey's wife Batiyo Delwambero(Dawmbiro).
It is interesting to not The name Dalwambero. It is no accidental it sounds like Dombiro. The Darood Somali clans under Imam Ahmed Gurey where led by another Garad who was know as Guuray and he was married to Delwambera's sister Mardiya. It was at this period that the Madaxweyn Dir enlisted the Yabbare, Geeri, and Harla, also it was at this juncture of history that the Darood confuse history.
1) The Darood confuse to distinct persons. Namely, Imam Ahmed Ibrahim Ghazali Aragsame the proper Ahmed Guray and the Garad Gurey who led the Darood armies. After centuries they think that their Garad whose name is mentioned in the Fatuh Al Habash as Guray is the same as Ahmed Gurey. So the legacy of Axmed Gurey is not limited to the Gababuursi or Ciisa or Gurgure but as touched all Somalis.
Tsehai Publishers & Distributors, 2003 - History - 417 pages
According to Fatuh Al Habash: 1) Ahamed Gran came into the hinterlands of North Westren Somalia in order to recruit fighters amoung the Mandaluug Dir, Mahomed Xiniftire Or Mahe Dir and Madoobe. a) The fatuh al Habash mentions the Habar Magadle (Maha Dir) by name as one group which Gureey try to draw into his camp.Nevertheless, the Habar Awal and Habar Yonis joined the Gurey jihaad.
For Example, the Makaahil of the Habar Awal was the son of an Amhara princesse who was broght back to Somali by a Habar Awal worrior. The Amhara princes asked her captor one favour which to name the first son. After she bore the son she named him Makahil "Micheal" the angel. As a matter of fact many Mahe Dir like the Habar xabuush or Habar Jeclo were also named in such a case. According to the Fatuh Al Habash, "the fierce and rebellious Isaaq, Issas, and Afar clans who lived close to these groups and was know as "Oda Cali" caused Guurey many problems because as soon as the attacked the Habash enemies and gained some booty they would return to their territorie this angered Imam Ahmed who wanted a displined army. Ali and Mataan a brothers in-law of Gurey and Ahmed Nuur a knephew or Gurey, who later married Gurey's wife Batiyo Delwambero(Dawmbiro).
It is interesting to not The name Dalwambero. It is no accidental it sounds like Dombiro. The Darood Somali clans under Imam Ahmed Gurey where led by another Garad who was know as Guuray and he was married to Delwambera's sister Mardiya. It was at this period that the Madaxweyn Dir enlisted the Yabbare, Geeri, and Harla, also it was at this juncture of history that the Darood confuse history.
1) The Darood confuse to distinct persons. Namely, Imam Ahmed Ibrahim Ghazali Aragsame the proper Ahmed Guray and the Garad Gurey who led the Darood armies. After centuries they think that their Garad whose name is mentioned in the Fatuh Al Habash as Guray is the same as Ahmed Gurey. So the legacy of Axmed Gurey is not limited to the Gababuursi or Ciisa or Gurgure but as touched all Somalis.
Tsehai Publishers & Distributors, 2003 - History - 417 pages
Sihab ad-Din Ahmad bin 'Abd al-Qader's account of the early sixteenth century Jihad, or holywar, in Ethiopia, of Imam Ahmad bin Ibrahim, better known as Ahmad Gran, or the Left handed, is an historical classic. The Yamani author was an eyewitness of several of the battles he describes, and is an invaluable source. His book, which is full of human, and at times tragic, drama, makes a major contribution to our knowledge of a crucially important period in the hisoty of Ethiopia and Horn of Africa. 'Futuh al-Habasa, ' or 'Conquest of Abyssinia' - which undoubtedly reflects the situation as it seemed to its Yamani author at the time of its composition. The forces of Imam Ahmad bin Ibrahim had occupied the greater part of Ethiopia. The resistance of Emperor Lebna Dengel had virtually come to an end, and many Christians had chosen to convert to Islam. The victorious Imam's regime seemed there to stay. This was, however, far from the end of the story. The Imam was killed in battle on February 21, 1543, whereupon his army almost immediately disintegrated. Those of his soldiers who could do so made their way back to the East. Not a few Muslim converts reverted to their former faith. The Futuh thus refers to a relatively short, though crucially important, period in Ethiopia's long history. The book is nevertheless valuable, in that its author was an eye-witness of many of the events he describes, and writes, as far as we can judge, with a degree of objectivity rare for his time. What people say about this book: "This book is the first ever complete English translation of the Arabic account on the campaigns of Imam Ahmad b. Ibrahim al-Ghazi (popularly known as Gran) as written by the Yemeni jurist, Shihab al-din Ahmad b. Abd al-Qadir b. Salim b. Uthman (also known as Arab Faqih)... it is a welcome addition to the rich corpus of Arabic literary and historical sources relevant to the sixteenth-century Ethiopia and the Horn. It is particularly useful for English-speaking researchers and established scholars who cannot read either the Arabic text or the authoritative French translation prepared by Rene Basset...both Stenhouse and Pankhurst, and the publisher, deserve high commendation, respectively, for producing such a valuable work that represents a major contribution to the history of Ethiopia and the Horn, and for making it available to the wider English-speaking readership and scholarship." -- Hussein Ahmed is a Professor of History at Addis Ababa University. He is a leading historian of Islam in Ethiopia. * * * "In the history of conflict in Africa and beyond, "few stories of drama and human tragedy equal" Imama Ahmad's conquest of the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia (1529-1543). His short lived spectacular victories and determination to replace Christianity by Islam and the remarkable survival of Christianity in Ethiopia" is a story of epic proportions" which still generates strong emotion among both the Christian and the Muslim population of Ethiopia. In other words, Imam Ahmad's jihadic war besides being legendary was a major turning point... This is truly a wonderful work, which is destined to remain an indispensable source for the history of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa during the first half of the tumultuous sixteenth century. Anyone interested in understanding the intensity and brutality of religious war will be rewarded by reading this classic." -- Mohammed Hassen is anAssociate Professor of African history at Georgia State University in Atlanta. He is the author of The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570-1860.
BRITISH TREATES BETWEEN ISSA GADABURSI ISAAQ
British Treaty with Somaliland Tribes
The British Government have signed protection treaties
with six Somaliland tribes: Gadabursi, Eesa,
Warsangeli, Habr Gerhajis, Habr Toljaala and
Habr-Awal. All the Articles in the Agreements and the
Supplementary Agreements signed with the Somaliland
tribes are similar except the Warsangali one.
The only treaty singed by Garad[or traditional leader]
representing the all tribe is the Warsangali one. All
the other treaties are singed by elders that may
represent their areas or their different sub-clans.
--The Warsangali treaty doesn't contain the preamble
that precedes every treaty which puts the independence
and maintenance of order in the British Government
hands. The statement goes as "the maintenance of our
independence , the preservation of order ...... " . The
Warsangali treaty is added an extra article[LOOK
ARTICLE VI OF THE WARSANGALI TREATY] that none of the
other treaties has which indicates that the
Warsnagali will assist the British officers and follow
their advice for " .. duties as my be assigned to
them, and further act upon their advice in matters
relating to the administration of justice, the
development of the resources of the country, the
interests of commerce, or in any other matter in
relation to peace, order, and good government, and the
general progress of civilization. "
--No tribal area is referred as "COUNTRY" except the
Warsangali territory.
ARTICLES I, II and III are removed from the Warsangali
Treaty. ARTICLE III in the Warsnagali Treaty is
similar to ARTICLE II in HABR GERHAJIS and Habr
Toljaala Treaty but it is removed the statement " All
vessels under the British flag shall have free
permission to trade at all ports and places within ...
"
The conclusion of every agreement, except the
WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be
abided by the elders currently signing and " their
heirs and successors "
HERE ARE THE ARTICLES THAT ALL THE OTHER TRIBES HAVE
EXCEPT THE WARSANGALI TREATY
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Gadabursi tribe, are
desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Gababursi tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Gadabursi tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Gadabursi tribe shall enjoy
perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled
to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
.............
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Jama Roblay, ........and Major Frederick Mercer Hunter,
Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the former for
themselves, their heirs and successors, and the latter
on behalf of the British Government, do each and all,
in the presence of witnesses, affix their signatures,
marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the 11th day of
December, 1884, corresponding with the 25th Safar.
F. M. Hunter
(the marks of Elders named.)
Agreement with the Gadabursi, ZAILA, Dec. 11, 1884 -
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Eesa tribe, are
desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Eesa tribe do hereby declare that they are
pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or
otherwise give for occupation, save to the British
Government, any portion of the territory presently
inhabited by them, or being under their control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Eesa tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Eesa tribe shall enjoy perfect
safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel
all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the
Elders of the tribe
.......
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Ali Geridone, .........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the
31st day of December, 1884, corresponding with the
13th Rabu-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
Agreement with the Eesa Somal, ZAILA, Dec. 31, 1884 --
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Toljaala tribe,
are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr Toljaala tribe declare that they are
pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or
otherwise give for occupation, save to the British
Government, any portion of the territory presently
inhabited by them, or being under their control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Habr Toljaala, and the
tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,
whether British or belonging to any other nation, that
may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to
protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such
vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at
Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship
and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habr Toljaala shall enjoy
perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled
to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Dirir Shaikh Don, ....[INSERT THE
NAMES OF THE ELDERS HERE].....;and Major Frederick
Mercer Hunter, Assistant Political Resident, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the
26th day of December, 1884, corresponding with the 9th
of Rabu-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
(the marks of Elders named.)
Agreement with Habr Toljaala, Aden, December 26,1884
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Gerhajis tribe,
are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr Gerhajis tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Habr Gerhajis, and the
tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,
whether British or belonging to any other nation, that
may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to
protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such
vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at
Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship
and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habra Gerhajis tribe shall
enjoy perfect safety and protection, and shall be
entitled to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Ahmed Ali, ........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the
13th day of December, 1885, corresponding with the
28th of Rabi-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
(Signatures of Elders)
Agreement with Habr Gerhajis, Aden, January 13,1885
_____________________________________________________________________________________
WHEREAS the garrisons of His Highness the Khedive are
about to be withdrawn from Berbera and Bulhar, and the
Somali Coast generally, we, the undersigned Elders of
the Habr-Awal tribe, are desirous of entering into an
Agreement with the British Government for the
maintenance of our independence, the preservation of
order, and other good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr-Awal tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at the ports of Berbera,
Bulhar, and other places in the territories of the
Habr-Awal tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habr-Awal shall enjoy perfect
safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel
all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the
Elders of the tribe
......
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Abdellah Liban, ........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, the officiating Political Resident of Aden,
the former for themselves, their heirs and successors,
and the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Berbera, on the
21st day Ramdhan, 1301, corresponding with the 14th
July, 1884
F. M. Hunter, Major,
Officiating Political Resident, Aden.
Agreement with Habr-Awal, Berbera, July 14, 1884
_____________________________________________________________________________________
The conclusion of every agreement, except the
WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be
abided by the elders currently signing and " their
heirs and successors "
_____________________________________________________________________________________
TREATIES, &c., between the Warsangalis (British
Protection; Slave Trade; Wrecks: &c.). - January 27,
1886
THE British Government and the Elders of the
Warsangali tribe who have signed this Agreement being
desirous of maintaining and strengthening the
relations of peace and friendship existing between
them;
The British Government have named and appointed
Major Frederick Mercer Hunter, C.S.I., Political Agent
and Consul for the Somali Coast, to conclude a Treaty
for this purpose.
The said Major F. M. Hunter, C.S.I., Political
Agent and Consul for the Somali Coast, and the said
Elders of the Warsangali, have agreed upon and
concluded the following articles:-
ART. I. The British government, in compliance with the
wish of the undersigned Elders of the Warsangali,
undertakes to extend to them and to the territories
under their authorities and jurisdiction the gracious
favour and protection of Her Majesty the
Queen-Empress.
II. The said Elders of the Warsangali agree and
promise to refrain from entering into any
correspondence, Agreement, or Treaty with any foreign
nation or Power, except with the knowledge and
sanction of Her Majesty's Government.
III. The Warsnagali are bound to render assistance to
any vessel, whether British or belonging to any other
nation, that may be wrecked on the shores under their
jurisdiction and control , and to protect the crew,
passengers, and cargo of such vessels, giving speedy
intimation to the Resident at Aden of the
circumstances; for which act of friendship and
good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
IV. The Traffic in slaves throughout the territories
of the Warsangali shall cease for ever, and the
Commander of any of Her Majesty's vessels, or any
other British officer duly authorized, shall have the
power of requiring the surrender of any slave, and of
supporting the demand by force of arms by land and
sea.
V. The British Government shall have the power to
appoint an Agent or Agents to reside in the
territories of the Warsangali, and every such Agent
shall be treated with respect and consideration, and
be entitled to have for this protection such guard as
the British Government deem sufficient.
VI. The Warsangali hereby engage to assist all British
officers in the execution of such duties as may be
assigned to them, and further to act upon their advice
in matters relating to the administration of justice,
the development of the resources of the country, the
interests of commerce, or in any other matter in
relation to peace , order, and good government, and
the general progress of civilization.
VII. This Treaty to come into operation from the 27th
day of January, 1886, on which date it was signed at
Bunder Gori by the Undermentioned.
F. M. Hunter
Witness:
J. H. Raintier, Commander, R. N.
Muhammad Mahmud Ali, Gerad of all the Warsangali.
Jama Mahmud, Gerad
Muhammad Ibrahim, ditto.
Omar Ahmed, ditto.
Mahmud Abdullah, ditto.
Yussuf Mahmud, ditto.
Of the Ayal Fatih sub-tribe-
Nur Abdullah.
Isa Adan.
Muhammad Ali Shirwa.
Abdy Nur
Of the Ogais Lebay sub-tribe–
Muhammad Abdy Nalaya.
Mahmud Sagullay.
Abdullah Sagullay.
Muhammad Abdullah
The British Government have signed protection treaties
with six Somaliland tribes: Gadabursi, Eesa,
Warsangeli, Habr Gerhajis, Habr Toljaala and
Habr-Awal. All the Articles in the Agreements and the
Supplementary Agreements signed with the Somaliland
tribes are similar except the Warsangali one.
The only treaty singed by Garad[or traditional leader]
representing the all tribe is the Warsangali one. All
the other treaties are singed by elders that may
represent their areas or their different sub-clans.
--The Warsangali treaty doesn't contain the preamble
that precedes every treaty which puts the independence
and maintenance of order in the British Government
hands. The statement goes as "the maintenance of our
independence , the preservation of order ...... " . The
Warsangali treaty is added an extra article[LOOK
ARTICLE VI OF THE WARSANGALI TREATY] that none of the
other treaties has which indicates that the
Warsnagali will assist the British officers and follow
their advice for " .. duties as my be assigned to
them, and further act upon their advice in matters
relating to the administration of justice, the
development of the resources of the country, the
interests of commerce, or in any other matter in
relation to peace, order, and good government, and the
general progress of civilization. "
--No tribal area is referred as "COUNTRY" except the
Warsangali territory.
ARTICLES I, II and III are removed from the Warsangali
Treaty. ARTICLE III in the Warsnagali Treaty is
similar to ARTICLE II in HABR GERHAJIS and Habr
Toljaala Treaty but it is removed the statement " All
vessels under the British flag shall have free
permission to trade at all ports and places within ...
"
The conclusion of every agreement, except the
WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be
abided by the elders currently signing and " their
heirs and successors "
HERE ARE THE ARTICLES THAT ALL THE OTHER TRIBES HAVE
EXCEPT THE WARSANGALI TREATY
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Gadabursi tribe, are
desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Gababursi tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Gadabursi tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Gadabursi tribe shall enjoy
perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled
to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
.............
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Jama Roblay, ........and Major Frederick Mercer Hunter,
Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the former for
themselves, their heirs and successors, and the latter
on behalf of the British Government, do each and all,
in the presence of witnesses, affix their signatures,
marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the 11th day of
December, 1884, corresponding with the 25th Safar.
F. M. Hunter
(the marks of Elders named.)
Agreement with the Gadabursi, ZAILA, Dec. 11, 1884 -
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Eesa tribe, are
desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Eesa tribe do hereby declare that they are
pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or
otherwise give for occupation, save to the British
Government, any portion of the territory presently
inhabited by them, or being under their control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Eesa tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Eesa tribe shall enjoy perfect
safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel
all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the
Elders of the tribe
.......
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Ali Geridone, .........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the
31st day of December, 1884, corresponding with the
13th Rabu-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
Agreement with the Eesa Somal, ZAILA, Dec. 31, 1884 --
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Toljaala tribe,
are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr Toljaala tribe declare that they are
pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or
otherwise give for occupation, save to the British
Government, any portion of the territory presently
inhabited by them, or being under their control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Habr Toljaala, and the
tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,
whether British or belonging to any other nation, that
may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to
protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such
vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at
Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship
and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habr Toljaala shall enjoy
perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled
to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Dirir Shaikh Don, ....[INSERT THE
NAMES OF THE ELDERS HERE].....;and Major Frederick
Mercer Hunter, Assistant Political Resident, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the
26th day of December, 1884, corresponding with the 9th
of Rabu-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
(the marks of Elders named.)
Agreement with Habr Toljaala, Aden, December 26,1884
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Gerhajis tribe,
are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr Gerhajis tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Habr Gerhajis, and the
tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,
whether British or belonging to any other nation, that
may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to
protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such
vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at
Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship
and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habra Gerhajis tribe shall
enjoy perfect safety and protection, and shall be
entitled to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Ahmed Ali, ........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the
13th day of December, 1885, corresponding with the
28th of Rabi-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
(Signatures of Elders)
Agreement with Habr Gerhajis, Aden, January 13,1885
_____________________________________________________________________________________
WHEREAS the garrisons of His Highness the Khedive are
about to be withdrawn from Berbera and Bulhar, and the
Somali Coast generally, we, the undersigned Elders of
the Habr-Awal tribe, are desirous of entering into an
Agreement with the British Government for the
maintenance of our independence, the preservation of
order, and other good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr-Awal tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at the ports of Berbera,
Bulhar, and other places in the territories of the
Habr-Awal tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habr-Awal shall enjoy perfect
safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel
all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the
Elders of the tribe
......
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Abdellah Liban, ........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, the officiating Political Resident of Aden,
the former for themselves, their heirs and successors,
and the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Berbera, on the
21st day Ramdhan, 1301, corresponding with the 14th
July, 1884
F. M. Hunter, Major,
Officiating Political Resident, Aden.
Agreement with Habr-Awal, Berbera, July 14, 1884
_____________________________________________________________________________________
The conclusion of every agreement, except the
WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be
abided by the elders currently signing and " their
heirs and successors "
_____________________________________________________________________________________
TREATIES, &c., between the Warsangalis (British
Protection; Slave Trade; Wrecks: &c.). - January 27,
1886
THE British Government and the Elders of the
Warsangali tribe who have signed this Agreement being
desirous of maintaining and strengthening the
relations of peace and friendship existing between
them;
The British Government have named and appointed
Major Frederick Mercer Hunter, C.S.I., Political Agent
and Consul for the Somali Coast, to conclude a Treaty
for this purpose.
The said Major F. M. Hunter, C.S.I., Political
Agent and Consul for the Somali Coast, and the said
Elders of the Warsangali, have agreed upon and
concluded the following articles:-
ART. I. The British government, in compliance with the
wish of the undersigned Elders of the Warsangali,
undertakes to extend to them and to the territories
under their authorities and jurisdiction the gracious
favour and protection of Her Majesty the
Queen-Empress.
II. The said Elders of the Warsangali agree and
promise to refrain from entering into any
correspondence, Agreement, or Treaty with any foreign
nation or Power, except with the knowledge and
sanction of Her Majesty's Government.
III. The Warsnagali are bound to render assistance to
any vessel, whether British or belonging to any other
nation, that may be wrecked on the shores under their
jurisdiction and control , and to protect the crew,
passengers, and cargo of such vessels, giving speedy
intimation to the Resident at Aden of the
circumstances; for which act of friendship and
good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
IV. The Traffic in slaves throughout the territories
of the Warsangali shall cease for ever, and the
Commander of any of Her Majesty's vessels, or any
other British officer duly authorized, shall have the
power of requiring the surrender of any slave, and of
supporting the demand by force of arms by land and
sea.
V. The British Government shall have the power to
appoint an Agent or Agents to reside in the
territories of the Warsangali, and every such Agent
shall be treated with respect and consideration, and
be entitled to have for this protection such guard as
the British Government deem sufficient.
VI. The Warsangali hereby engage to assist all British
officers in the execution of such duties as may be
assigned to them, and further to act upon their advice
in matters relating to the administration of justice,
the development of the resources of the country, the
interests of commerce, or in any other matter in
relation to peace , order, and good government, and
the general progress of civilization.
VII. This Treaty to come into operation from the 27th
day of January, 1886, on which date it was signed at
Bunder Gori by the Undermentioned.
F. M. Hunter
Witness:
J. H. Raintier, Commander, R. N.
Muhammad Mahmud Ali, Gerad of all the Warsangali.
Jama Mahmud, Gerad
Muhammad Ibrahim, ditto.
Omar Ahmed, ditto.
Mahmud Abdullah, ditto.
Yussuf Mahmud, ditto.
Of the Ayal Fatih sub-tribe-
Nur Abdullah.
Isa Adan.
Muhammad Ali Shirwa.
Abdy Nur
Of the Ogais Lebay sub-tribe–
Muhammad Abdy Nalaya.
Mahmud Sagullay.
Abdullah Sagullay.
Muhammad Abdullah
FUNDING OF SOMALI RADIO STATIONS + NGOS
National endowment for Democracy waa hay'ada mareykan ah oo lagu eedeeyo mararka qaarkood waxa ay la shageysaa sir-doonka mareykanka ama CIA meelaha ay la dagalamayaan ururo ama dowlado. Inta badan waxa ay aad u cawiyaan ururada u dagalama Demoqrasiyada, xuquuqal Insaanka, ama danah reer galbeedka bal fiiri ururada ay somalia ka cawiyeen
www.ned.org/grants/03prog...ml#Somalia
Somalia
Banadir Radio
$30,000
To broadcast a series of radio programs that will raise awareness of democracy, human rights, and women’s rights in Mogadishu. Banadir Radio will also implement joint programs with civil society groups to promote activities focusing on peace and invite activists to participate in debate and talk show programs.
Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Organization
$33,536*
To continue to play an active role in the Eldoret peace negotiations and to conduct three human rights training workshops, which will be tailored to various participant groups—including police officers, primary school teachers, and youth—and designed to strengthen their awareness of human rights. The organization will also continue its investigation and documentation of human rights abuses and combine its findings into regional reports, which will be made available to the public.
HornAfrik Media
$45,430*
To conduct training for twenty journalists with the help of journalism instructors and human rights experts. The trained journalists will produce documentaries on human rights issues, women’s rights, and democracy and related issues, as well as produce six call-in shows focusing on human rights, democracy, and women’s issues. HornAfrik will also publish 1,000 copies of a reference book based on the issues studied in the classes.
Horn of Africa Relief and Development Organization
$25,000*
To undertake youth training at Pastoral Youth Learning (PYL) Centers in six villages in Sanaag, Somalia. Training will follow the PYL curriculum, which focuses on peace and responsible community leadership, resource management, human health, and animal health. After the training, the youth trainees will visit pastoral communities to research local governance systems, natural resource management, and development challenges before cooperatively carrying out a small-community development project throughout the year.
Somali Journalists Network
$20,000
To conduct two sets of training workshops to improve the standards of Somali journalists. The first workshop will address conflict reporting and conflict resolution, while the second will focus on journalist safety.
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Somaliland
Consortium of Somaliland NGOs (COSONGO)
$29,860*
To conduct four civic education training workshops for participants from local NGOs, community-based NGOs, and village elders and to produce and disseminate follow-up reports. In addition, COSONGO will produce a Somali-language version of its monthly newsletter, currently published in English.
HAWO Group
$20,000
To promote democracy and women’s rights among grassroots women’s organizations through a series of trainings for the women in the Sool and Sanaag regions. Workshops will focus on organization capacity building, training-of-trainers on human rights in the media, the need to respect human rights in daily law enforcement functions, and the importance of women(s rights. HAWO will also produce a monthly radio program on democracy, human rights and good governance that will target a grassroots women audience.
Horn of Africa Voluntary Youth Committee
$39,816
To continue its civic education campaign aimed at youth through the use of its traveling circus. The program features acrobats and street theater as tools to disseminate civic education messages. To increase participation of youth in political decision-making, the Committee will also produce booklets and leaflets on good governance and democracy and organize a series of youth workshops and symposiums.
Nagaad Umbrella Organization
$45,549
To organize a series of training workshops to address women’s rights and participation in political decision-making, including one workshop with participants from neighboring countries and one with male politicians and religious leaders. Participants from a training-of-trainers workshop will campaign for women candidates and promote women’s rights in the upcoming parliamentary elections. To promote women’s rights and democracy through civic education programs, such as television projects, songs, and poetry.
Samo-Talis
$43,438*
To conduct human rights seminars and training workshops and to publish its monthly human rights newsletter, including three English-language supplements. For Somaliland’s upcoming national elections, Samo-Talis will conduct voter education; provide advice to political parties on free, peaceful, and ethical participation in the elections; consult with electoral commission staff; and provide election monitoring.
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Agoon
Guest
Posted: Fri Aug 17, 2007 7:50 am Post subject: NED U.SA Grants Somalia 2005
Somalia
Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CDHR)
$27,060
To advocate for and increase awareness of fundamental human rights and democratic processes in Somalia. CDHR will hold a series of four, 3-day workshops in Mogadishu on democratic institution building, democracy and legitimacy, human rights and conflict transformation. CDHR will also convene two roundtable meetings to conduct stakeholder analyses, identifying power centers and interests, importance and influence, networks and coalitions, and natural resource management of the various stakeholders concerned with good governance in Somalia.
Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Organization
$55,060*
To strengthen the capacity of human rights organizations to investigate, document, and advocate against human rights abuses in all eight regions of Somalia. The organization will conduct a series of workshops on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, rights of internally displaced persons and guiding principles on internal displacement, and the role of the police in human rights protection.
Hiran Women Action on Advocacy for Peace and Human Rights (HIWA)
$37,560*
To increase the level of knowledge and support for human rights and democracy in the Hiran region of Somalia. HIWA will conduct a series of workshops in the Hiran region's capital, Beledweyn, that will engage women, elders, intellectuals, youth, artists, and religious leaders in discussions of human rights, the rights of women and children, democracy and good governance, and the rule of law.
International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
$20,000*
To strengthen the sense of unity among journalists and build a coalition of interests to assert values of journalism and free expression. IFJ, with the support of the Somali Journalists Network (SOJON), will organize a conference of Somali journalists that will also serve as the SOJON General Assembly. A conference report will outline challenges facing Somali journalists and form the basis of future actions.
Radio Daljir
$15,600*
To promote community awareness of the impact of gender discrimination and to provide women with a venue for advocacy. Radio Daljir will create a Women's Desk to supplement its programming for the people of the Galkayo region of Somalia. The Desk will engage the local community in producing programming on gender discrimination, politics, female genital mutilation, and other forms of violence against women.
Somali Journalist Network (SOJON)
$30,000
To increase the professionalism, capacity, and organization of journalists in Somalia to aid in the democratic transition. SOJON will train local journalists in the basics of journalism, professional ethics, collective bargaining, diversity, pluralism, and leadership skills. SOJON will also nominate journalists as National Press Freedom Protectors to monitor free press abuses.
Somali Peace Line
$12,540
To hold a series of five workshops in Mogadishu promoting human rights and conflict resolution among traditional clan leaders. The human rights workshops will provide an introduction to characteristics and categories of human rights. The conflict resolution workshops will give an overview of the Somali conflict, provide tools of conflict analysis, compare traditional conflict resolution methods with modern techniques, and develop a framework for peace building.
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Somaliland
Hargeisa Women Group Association (HAWO)
$24,770
To mobilize the communities of Haraf and Jiidali to review existing community structures and promote women's involvement through a series of meetings and workshops. HAWO will conduct outreach and awareness meetings in addition to workshops on organizational development and management. In addition, HAWO will train Hargeisa school teachers to incorporate the principles of democracy, good governance, and human rights into their curricula.
Institute for Practical Research and Training in Somaliland (IPRT)
$48,480
To increase the capacity and public accessibility of the Somaliland parliament. IPRT will continue publication of the Xog Warran, the official House of Representatives bulletin. IPRT will also work to increase the capacity of the library resource center in the House of Representatives; host a training workshop for the media to improve their access, skills, and knowledge of the legislature; and launch and maintain an official website for the Upper House of the Parliament to increase the public's access to the legislature.
Nagaad Umbrella Organization of Hargeisa Women NGOs
$45,000
To mobilize political participation in grassroots communities and increase representation of women and minorities. Nagaad will hold trainings on democratic values for women's groups, youth groups, and teachers in all six regions. Nagaad will organize a grassroots mobilization campaign on voter education in the three months prior to parliamentary elections, and train newly-elected parliament members in leadership skills and good governance after the election.
National Election Commission (NEC)
$12,320
To enable the seven-member National Electoral Commission to travel through Somaliland to identify polling stations and inform voters about the election process. Through two two-week trips, the Commission will hold consultations with community elders and other stakeholders to identify accessible polling stations. NEC will also hold public meetings to raise public awareness about the election process.
Samo-Talis
$44,810
To raise public awareness of human rights through an advocacy campaign. Samo-Talis will lobby decision makers on human rights and will hold meetings for parliamentarians and traditional leaders. Samo-Talis will continue to publish 3,000 copies of its monthly human rights newsletter as an insert to an independent daily newspaper, and will also establish a public resource center equipped with Internet access, books, and periodicals.
Women Rehabilitation and Development Association (WORDA)
$19,772
To conduct a civic education program in the Togdheer region of central Somaliland. WORDA will hold a series of four civic education training workshops on human rights, good governance, and democracy. WORDA will also conduct two awareness raising outreach campaigns in each of the five districts of Togdheer using easily understandable messages and community theater.
www.ned.org/grants/03prog...ml#Somalia
Somalia
Banadir Radio
$30,000
To broadcast a series of radio programs that will raise awareness of democracy, human rights, and women’s rights in Mogadishu. Banadir Radio will also implement joint programs with civil society groups to promote activities focusing on peace and invite activists to participate in debate and talk show programs.
Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Organization
$33,536*
To continue to play an active role in the Eldoret peace negotiations and to conduct three human rights training workshops, which will be tailored to various participant groups—including police officers, primary school teachers, and youth—and designed to strengthen their awareness of human rights. The organization will also continue its investigation and documentation of human rights abuses and combine its findings into regional reports, which will be made available to the public.
HornAfrik Media
$45,430*
To conduct training for twenty journalists with the help of journalism instructors and human rights experts. The trained journalists will produce documentaries on human rights issues, women’s rights, and democracy and related issues, as well as produce six call-in shows focusing on human rights, democracy, and women’s issues. HornAfrik will also publish 1,000 copies of a reference book based on the issues studied in the classes.
Horn of Africa Relief and Development Organization
$25,000*
To undertake youth training at Pastoral Youth Learning (PYL) Centers in six villages in Sanaag, Somalia. Training will follow the PYL curriculum, which focuses on peace and responsible community leadership, resource management, human health, and animal health. After the training, the youth trainees will visit pastoral communities to research local governance systems, natural resource management, and development challenges before cooperatively carrying out a small-community development project throughout the year.
Somali Journalists Network
$20,000
To conduct two sets of training workshops to improve the standards of Somali journalists. The first workshop will address conflict reporting and conflict resolution, while the second will focus on journalist safety.
TOP
Somaliland
Consortium of Somaliland NGOs (COSONGO)
$29,860*
To conduct four civic education training workshops for participants from local NGOs, community-based NGOs, and village elders and to produce and disseminate follow-up reports. In addition, COSONGO will produce a Somali-language version of its monthly newsletter, currently published in English.
HAWO Group
$20,000
To promote democracy and women’s rights among grassroots women’s organizations through a series of trainings for the women in the Sool and Sanaag regions. Workshops will focus on organization capacity building, training-of-trainers on human rights in the media, the need to respect human rights in daily law enforcement functions, and the importance of women(s rights. HAWO will also produce a monthly radio program on democracy, human rights and good governance that will target a grassroots women audience.
Horn of Africa Voluntary Youth Committee
$39,816
To continue its civic education campaign aimed at youth through the use of its traveling circus. The program features acrobats and street theater as tools to disseminate civic education messages. To increase participation of youth in political decision-making, the Committee will also produce booklets and leaflets on good governance and democracy and organize a series of youth workshops and symposiums.
Nagaad Umbrella Organization
$45,549
To organize a series of training workshops to address women’s rights and participation in political decision-making, including one workshop with participants from neighboring countries and one with male politicians and religious leaders. Participants from a training-of-trainers workshop will campaign for women candidates and promote women’s rights in the upcoming parliamentary elections. To promote women’s rights and democracy through civic education programs, such as television projects, songs, and poetry.
Samo-Talis
$43,438*
To conduct human rights seminars and training workshops and to publish its monthly human rights newsletter, including three English-language supplements. For Somaliland’s upcoming national elections, Samo-Talis will conduct voter education; provide advice to political parties on free, peaceful, and ethical participation in the elections; consult with electoral commission staff; and provide election monitoring.
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Posted: Fri Aug 17, 2007 7:50 am Post subject: NED U.SA Grants Somalia 2005
Somalia
Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CDHR)
$27,060
To advocate for and increase awareness of fundamental human rights and democratic processes in Somalia. CDHR will hold a series of four, 3-day workshops in Mogadishu on democratic institution building, democracy and legitimacy, human rights and conflict transformation. CDHR will also convene two roundtable meetings to conduct stakeholder analyses, identifying power centers and interests, importance and influence, networks and coalitions, and natural resource management of the various stakeholders concerned with good governance in Somalia.
Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Organization
$55,060*
To strengthen the capacity of human rights organizations to investigate, document, and advocate against human rights abuses in all eight regions of Somalia. The organization will conduct a series of workshops on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, rights of internally displaced persons and guiding principles on internal displacement, and the role of the police in human rights protection.
Hiran Women Action on Advocacy for Peace and Human Rights (HIWA)
$37,560*
To increase the level of knowledge and support for human rights and democracy in the Hiran region of Somalia. HIWA will conduct a series of workshops in the Hiran region's capital, Beledweyn, that will engage women, elders, intellectuals, youth, artists, and religious leaders in discussions of human rights, the rights of women and children, democracy and good governance, and the rule of law.
International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
$20,000*
To strengthen the sense of unity among journalists and build a coalition of interests to assert values of journalism and free expression. IFJ, with the support of the Somali Journalists Network (SOJON), will organize a conference of Somali journalists that will also serve as the SOJON General Assembly. A conference report will outline challenges facing Somali journalists and form the basis of future actions.
Radio Daljir
$15,600*
To promote community awareness of the impact of gender discrimination and to provide women with a venue for advocacy. Radio Daljir will create a Women's Desk to supplement its programming for the people of the Galkayo region of Somalia. The Desk will engage the local community in producing programming on gender discrimination, politics, female genital mutilation, and other forms of violence against women.
Somali Journalist Network (SOJON)
$30,000
To increase the professionalism, capacity, and organization of journalists in Somalia to aid in the democratic transition. SOJON will train local journalists in the basics of journalism, professional ethics, collective bargaining, diversity, pluralism, and leadership skills. SOJON will also nominate journalists as National Press Freedom Protectors to monitor free press abuses.
Somali Peace Line
$12,540
To hold a series of five workshops in Mogadishu promoting human rights and conflict resolution among traditional clan leaders. The human rights workshops will provide an introduction to characteristics and categories of human rights. The conflict resolution workshops will give an overview of the Somali conflict, provide tools of conflict analysis, compare traditional conflict resolution methods with modern techniques, and develop a framework for peace building.
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Somaliland
Hargeisa Women Group Association (HAWO)
$24,770
To mobilize the communities of Haraf and Jiidali to review existing community structures and promote women's involvement through a series of meetings and workshops. HAWO will conduct outreach and awareness meetings in addition to workshops on organizational development and management. In addition, HAWO will train Hargeisa school teachers to incorporate the principles of democracy, good governance, and human rights into their curricula.
Institute for Practical Research and Training in Somaliland (IPRT)
$48,480
To increase the capacity and public accessibility of the Somaliland parliament. IPRT will continue publication of the Xog Warran, the official House of Representatives bulletin. IPRT will also work to increase the capacity of the library resource center in the House of Representatives; host a training workshop for the media to improve their access, skills, and knowledge of the legislature; and launch and maintain an official website for the Upper House of the Parliament to increase the public's access to the legislature.
Nagaad Umbrella Organization of Hargeisa Women NGOs
$45,000
To mobilize political participation in grassroots communities and increase representation of women and minorities. Nagaad will hold trainings on democratic values for women's groups, youth groups, and teachers in all six regions. Nagaad will organize a grassroots mobilization campaign on voter education in the three months prior to parliamentary elections, and train newly-elected parliament members in leadership skills and good governance after the election.
National Election Commission (NEC)
$12,320
To enable the seven-member National Electoral Commission to travel through Somaliland to identify polling stations and inform voters about the election process. Through two two-week trips, the Commission will hold consultations with community elders and other stakeholders to identify accessible polling stations. NEC will also hold public meetings to raise public awareness about the election process.
Samo-Talis
$44,810
To raise public awareness of human rights through an advocacy campaign. Samo-Talis will lobby decision makers on human rights and will hold meetings for parliamentarians and traditional leaders. Samo-Talis will continue to publish 3,000 copies of its monthly human rights newsletter as an insert to an independent daily newspaper, and will also establish a public resource center equipped with Internet access, books, and periodicals.
Women Rehabilitation and Development Association (WORDA)
$19,772
To conduct a civic education program in the Togdheer region of central Somaliland. WORDA will hold a series of four civic education training workshops on human rights, good governance, and democracy. WORDA will also conduct two awareness raising outreach campaigns in each of the five districts of Togdheer using easily understandable messages and community theater.
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