Saturday, June 9, 2018

SOMALIA-POLITICS: No End In Sight To Banana War-war over Bimaal Lands


 How Hawiye Habar Gidir Subdued and took the Dir Banana Farms of Jammam and the war over Bimaal Lands

 


 
 

Moyiga Nduru
NAIROBI, Apr 24 1996 (IPS) - A banana war between two of Somalia’s main warlords is underway over the control of the lucrative banana export trade to Europe.

The forces of Gen. Mohamed Farah Aideed, the self-proclaimed president of Somalia, are pitted against the militiamen of his former financier-turned-foe, Ali Hassan Osman “Atto”, and the fighting has been fierce.


Aideed needs the revenues, estimated at around 800,000 dollars a month, to pay his soldiers as he tries to establish his control in the Bay and Bakol regions and take on the Rahenweyne clan. Atto, in a lose alliance with another self-proclaimed president, Ali Mahdi Mohammed based in northern Mogadishu, wants to deny him.
Renewed clashes beginning last month have left scores of people dead, including Atto’s son shot by a sniper, as business leaders and elders attempt to negotiate a truce.


“We are doing our best to stop the fighting. People phone me every day from Mogadishu that they are working very hard to stop the carnage,” Hussein Ali Dualleh of the Nairobi-based Somali Affairs Monitoring Committee told IPS.


“What’s happening in Mogadishu is not a political war. It’s purely an economic war. A war sparked by an attempt to control the port of Merca and Somalia’s lucrative banana trade. That’s why the fighting is not being joined by other Somali factions,” says the former Somali ambassador to Kenya.

Merca, a small and ancient port some 90 kms south of Mogadishu, is Aideed’s economic lifeline. “The port was renovated by two tiny foreign firms — an Italian company called Somali Fruit and an American company called Sombana — when the main port of Mogadishu was closed by Ali Mahdi following a quarrel over the banana trade last year,” Dualleh explained.

“The two companies renovated Merca and pay Aideed for every carton they export 20 cents. That comes roughly to about 800,000 dollars a month during the peak season from April to August,” he says.

Additional levies bring in an additional 200,000 dollars to Aideed’s coffers each month.

Atto and Ali Mahdi blocked Aideed from using Mogadishu port last October. Fighting again flared in March when Atto demanded that the warlord either share the revenues from Merca or see that port closed.


In the battle that followed, Aideed’s forces were overrun. A full-scale war was averted after elders of the Habir Gedir clan, to which the two warlords belong, persuaded Atto’s militia to withdraw.
As they pulled back to Mogadishu, Atto’s militia felt “humiliated and bitter”, according to a Somali elder here who refused to be named, “and they immediately attacked Aideed’s forces. That’s the origin of the present conflict.”


Before Somalia collapsed into the anarchy of warlord politics with the overthrow of former dictator Siad Barre in 1991, the country was earning some 20 million dollars annually from banana exports. That represented around 15 percent of the country’s total export earnings.


The money now goes to whoever can control the fertile Lower Shabelle region and a port. Fearing that he may lose out on the banana trade, Ali Mahdi has built his own port of Al Eel Maan, 30 kms north of Mogadishu.

The current round of fighting comes at a time when the majority of Somalis struggle to survive. With the withdrawal of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in 1995 and the sharp drop in the number of foreign aid agencies willing to risk operating in Somalia, jobs are scare.


A recent report by the U.N.’s Food and Agricultural Organisation warned that poor harvests due to drought and insecurity in parts of the country have led to sharp rises in the cost of food and, with the low purchasing power of most Somalis, has caused pockets of malnutrition.


Between 1991 and 1992, some 300,000 people died of starvation and famine-related diseases as a result of the civil strife, prompting the ill-fated four billion-dollar U.S. and U.N. intervention.
Aideed, whose armed opposition to the mission led to its demise, last June declared himself president of Somalia. He has appointed a government, announced a budget, tried to collect taxes and enforce his authority from his south Mogadishu headquarters. Only Libya has recognised him.


He is resisted by the other warlords, not least Ali Mahdi and his Abgal clan, which retains control of the northern half of a divided Mogadishu. In other parts of the country, clan-based statelets have emerged and, since 1991, the north-western region has proclaimed itself independent as Somaliland.


Last week, several small Somali political parties formed a consultation group here to seek a peaceful solution to their country’s agony after the failure of repeated attempts brokered by neighbouring Ethiopia and the Organisation of African Unity. But the meeting was not attended by Aideed, Ali Mahdi or Atto.

“I think the conference was just a political gimmick to show the world that they were still alive and kicking,” says Dualleh. “A conference to bring peace in Somalia should not be held in a hotel in Nairobi. It should be held in Somalia and the deliberations should take at least three months, not four days.”


However, the spokesman for the group, Mohamed Awale, justified the peace initiative. “The people of Somalia are suffering simply because there is no government in their country and their leaders cannot agree to produce one,” he stressed.


Somalia's post-conflict banana harvest revival
https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2015/07/somalia-post-conflict-banana-harvest-revival-150714074855951.html


https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03056249508704133?needAccess=true&journalCode=crea20

http://www.ipsnews.net/1996/04/somalia-politics-no-end-in-sight-to-banana-war/
 
After Barren Years in Somalia, Signs of Growth in Bananas
     

n June, workers harvested bananas in Afgooye, Somalia, where the industry is being revived. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times


By ISMA’IL KUSHKUSH
Saturday, December 13, 2014

AFGOOYE, Somalia — Armed with machetes, the men push their way through the densely packed rows of trees, emerging every few minutes with large bundles of green bananas over their shoulders.
A guard, his chest crossed with bullet belts, his hands cradling a Russian-made rifle, scans the tree line for intruders as the men throw the bananas on a trailer before dashing back into the plantation for another load.

When the trailer is piled high with bananas, it is pulled by tractor to a nearby warehouse, where the fruit is sorted and boxed for transport to destinations across Somalia and as far away as the Middle East.

After years of warfare that decimated an industry that was once the largest in Africa, the banana is making a tentative comeback in Somalia. Farms are stepping up production and eyeing overseas markets that have been dormant for years.
“Last April we exported to Saudi Arabia for the first time in 23 years,” said Kamal Haji Nasir, 30, whose father, owns this plantation in Afgooye, a town on the Shebelle River, about 45 minutes’ drive from Mogadishu. “We are excited and hopeful.”
For more than two decades, Somalia was the epitome of a failed state — a country rife with war, anarchy, famine, piracy and terrorism. Many of those problems persist — there has been a recent surge in attacks by Shabab militants, the government is riven with infighting and the United Nations has been warning of a growing risk of famine — but the country has nonetheless made some progress in the past few years.

Somalia elected a new president and adopted a constitution in 2012, bringing some stability, and attracting pledges of aid from international donors. Somali pirates, who once threatened international shipping in the Indian Ocean, have largely been contained and the Shabab have lost their grip over many towns.

“By any measure, Somalia today is in a better situation than it has been for the past 23 years,” said Nicholas Kay, the United Nations’ special representative for Somalia.

That stability has allowed farmers like Mr. Nasir, who studied agriculture at Mogadishu University, to return to a business that has been in his family for four generations.

Banana farming was brought to the fertile Shebelle and Juba river basins in the southern part of the country by Italian colonists in the 1920s. Soon, bananas became a major staple of Somali cuisine, consumed with rice or pasta, or just as a fruit, and farmers began exporting to Italy and the Middle East. With investment by Italian and American fruit companies, the banana trade reached its peak in the 1980s, led by the brand Somalita, which was partly owned by De Nadai, an Italian company. In 1990, Somalia’s banana exports were worth $96 million, according to Mohamood Abdi Noor, a former World Bank agricultural expert.

“The industry was doing very well and moving forward,” said Hasan Haji Osman, an agricultural consultant, who previously worked for Italian and Somali fruit companies.

That all came to a halt when civil war broke out in 1991. The government collapsed, and Somalia became a battleground in which warlords and Islamic extremists vied for control and pirates became the scourge of the surrounding seas. In what became known as “the banana wars,” rival warlords fought to control exports of the fruit as a source of hard currency. The once-thriving banana industry fell apart. Irrigation systems were damaged, plantations were abandoned, farmers were displaced and storage facilities and ports destroyed.

Mr. Osman shook his head sadly as he recalled farms lying damaged and unattended.
“What was in my head were the banana farms with no workers” and destroyed irrigation systems, he said. “I was thinking about that more than my family.”

The bananas harvested in Afgooye are sent to destinations as far away as the Middle East. Credit Daniel Berehulak for The New York Times
For those who continued to farm, the breakdown of supply chains and transport links proved to be disastrous. “There were no markets for our bananas,” said Abu Bakr Hirabe, 70, who has been farming bananas in Afgooye for decades. “We lost a lot of money.”

As the security situation began improving a few years ago, Mr. Hirabe, along with other banana farmers, set about trying to rebuild the industry. They repaired irrigation systems, hired new workers and security guards and set their sights on markets overseas. In 2011 they established a company, FruitSome, to market and export their bananas.

Mr. Hirabe said FruitSome had contacted Del Monte, Dole and fruit companies in the Middle East, but the response so far has been mixed.
Dole, which has in the past invested there, said it was cautious about committing to Somalia.
“The Somali banana industry has potential,” Xavier Roussel, the marketing and communication director at Dole Fresh Fruit Europe in Hamburg, Germany, said in an email. But, he added, “right now it seems difficult to develop any agriculture program in Somalia because of the local situation.”
The banana farmers, however, have had some success connecting with regional buyers, with some help from the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization.

The FAO helped organize a conference in Dubai this year at which Somali businesses exhibited their goods to an international audience for the first time in years. FruitSome had its bananas on display.
“We let them taste them and they were surprised,” said Omar Farah, a FruitSome representative. “Some asked us, ‘How can we order this?’ ”

Since then, FruitSome has exported five containers to the Middle East and hopes that some of the contacts forged at the conference will yield further gains.

Somali bananas, experts say, have several advantages that make them marketable, including easy and short access to seaports from farms and proximity to markets in the Middle East.
And, aficionados say, they taste great.

“Sweet, slightly sour, creamy vanilla,” is how Edward Baars, an agricultural engineer with CGIAR, a group of research organizations, described their taste. “The quality of Somali bananas is near unmatched in taste and texture which is due to the unique growing conditions.”

Despite that, experts say that considerable issues need to be addressed before Somalia can once again become a leading banana exporter. Mr. Noor said that irrigation and drainage systems, roads and storage facilities all needed to be improved, as did quality control and packaging. And, he added, security was still an issue.

According to Jose Lopez of the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization, the country needs to attract more private investment to rebuild the industry.

Mr. Farah of FruitSome, however, said he was optimistic about the future.

“When you try a Somali banana,” he said, “you can tell the difference.”

Source: New York Times
 
 
 

A prominent Bimal woman describes the post-war situation in Lower Shabelle: “in the past, land was seized with the pen, today, land is seized by gunpoint.”25 This notion is reiterated by a Somali employed by the World Bank. He states that “the last ten years of the military government, injustice was done using the pen, using government machinery. But in the last twelve years, injustice was done using guns.”26 He believes that “the key to conflict is
injustice. And inequitable, non merit based use of resources.”27 Accordingly, he argues that “injustice was the main accentuating [force] but now appears as if it is a resource conflict.”28

 
Another Bimal politician from the Shabelle region argues that unjust practices of land tenure and unequal resource distribution were rooted in the colonial regime:  After independence, the Italians have tried their best to introduce the element of [...] giving [people from the central regions] land titles. The colonial settlement policy was substituted by another national settlement policy followed by the administrations which have succeeded the Italian colonial administration. The local populations have been deprived from everything, their have been deprived of their political representation through electoral fraught, they have been deprived from having any access to any economic resources of the nation. There was a policy specifically engineered for their
marginalisation. After 1969, the socialist regime also followed the same path covering itself with ideological colours. And when that period was over at the beginning of the 1990s, the Hawiye
invasion took place spearheaded specifically by the Haber Gedir had led to the deprivation of the local population both in the Lower Shabelle region as well as in the Juba regions.29
In 1994, when banana production resumed in Lower Shabelle, the American firm Dole challenged De Nadai’s near monopoly; the latter’s banana plantations covered some 6,000 hectares.30 With two multinational corporations operating, both through local subsidiaries, Dole-Sombana31 and De Nadai-Somalfruit32, banana production recovered. Somalia’s banana production reached 80 per cent of the pre-war production in 1997, with an estimated 9,000
 
 

 

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