Waxaa arbacadii magaalada Cadaado lagu doortay Axmed Ducaale Geelle(Xaaf) isaga oo noqon doona madaxweynaha KMG ah ee maamulka Galmudug labada sano ee soo socota.
Axmed Ducaale Geelle(Xaaf), waxaa uu Galkacyo ku dhashay 1949-kii, isla magaaladaas ayuu ku soo qaatay waxbarashada hoose/dhexe.
Mr. Xaaf waxaa uu sidoo kale wax ku bartay magaalada Muqdisho, dugsi sare Jamaal Cabdinasir kadib waxaa uu dhaqaalaha ka dhameeyay Jaamacadda umadda Soomaaliyeed 1976-dii.
Dhanka shaqada, waxaa uu ka shaqeeyay bangiga dhexe 1975-1979-kii, waxaa uu bruburkii kadib aasaasay shirkadda dhismaha ee ADCO Groups 1993dii oo Dib u hawlagisay Garoonka NO 50 iyo Dekada Ceel Macaan ee Gobolka Shabellaha Dhexe intii u dhaxeysay 1992-2011-kii .
Axmed Ducaale Geelle(Xaaf), waxaa uu hirgeliyay Shirkadii Dhoofka Mooska ee Sambana taasoo Xiriir la lahayd Dole Group oo Mareykanka laga lahaa, waxaana Ku diirsaday oo ka faa’idestay mashruucaasi Kumanaan Garab rarato iyo Xirfadlayaal arimaha wax soo saarka ah .
Sidoo kale Mudane Xaaf waa aasaasihii iyo hawlgeliyihii diyaaraddii ugu horeysay ee ka hawlgasha Somaliya (Daallo Airlines), waxa kale ee uu Ceelal Biyood u sameeyay xoola dhaqato Soomaaliyeed Gaar ahaan Gobolada Sh/Hoose Hiiraan Galgaduud iyo Mudug.
Arimaha Dib u heshiisiinta ayuu ku laha door weyn Xaaf oo ka mid ahaa ganacstada maalgaliyay isku keenida iyo Walaalaynta Beelah Soomaaliyeed.
Axmed Ducaalle Geele Xaaf Sanadkii 2000 waxaa uu noqday xildhibaan, waxaana lagu xusuustaa gacantii uu ku lahaa fududaynta ergooyinkii Somaaliyeed ee ka qaybgashay Shirkii Magaalada Carta ee Wadanka Jabuuti, laguna soo doortay Madaxweyne Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xasan,waxa uuna Xildhibaan soo ahaa illaayo sanadkii tagay ee 2016-kii.
Shaqooyinkii uu soo maray ka hor Ganacsigiisa iyo Siyaasada Axmed Xaaf waa Mudadii burburka ka hore Wuxuu la soo shaqeeyay qaar ka mid ah Hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobe sida WFP, Save Children, FAO ACRC SOS Canoko.
Ugu dambayn Madaxweyne Xaaf wuxuu ku hadlaa marka laga Tago Luuqadeena Hooyo Sadex luuqadood oo kala ah Ingiriis, Carabi Iyo Talyaani.
Banana Wars of Somalia
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03056249508704133?needAccess=true&journalCode=crea20
http://www.ipsnews.net/1996/04/somalia-politics-no-end-in-sight-to-banana-war/
SOMALIA-POLITICS: No End In Sight To Banana War
By Moyiga Nduru
Moyiga Nduru
NAIROBI, Apr 24 1996 (IPS) - A banana war between two of Somalia’s main warlords is underway over the control of the lucrative banana export trade to Europe.
The forces of Gen. Mohamed Farah Aideed, the self-proclaimed president of Somalia, are pitted against the militiamen of his former financier-turned-foe, Ali Hassan Osman “Atto”, and the fighting has been fierce.
Aideed needs the revenues, estimated at around 800,000 dollars a month, to pay his soldiers as he tries to establish his control in the Bay and Bakol regions and take on the Rahenweyne clan. Atto, in a lose alliance with another self-proclaimed president, Ali Mahdi Mohammed based in northern Mogadishu, wants to deny him.
Renewed clashes beginning last month have left scores of people dead, including Atto’s son shot by a sniper, as business leaders and elders attempt to negotiate a truce.
“We are doing our best to stop the fighting. People phone me every day from Mogadishu that they are working very hard to stop the carnage,” Hussein Ali Dualleh of the Nairobi-based Somali Affairs Monitoring Committee told IPS.
“What’s happening in Mogadishu is not a political war. It’s purely an economic war. A war sparked by an attempt to control the port of Merca and Somalia’s lucrative banana trade. That’s why the fighting is not being joined by other Somali factions,” says the former Somali ambassador to Kenya.
Merca, a small and ancient port some 90 kms south of Mogadishu, is Aideed’s economic lifeline. “The port was renovated by two tiny foreign firms — an Italian company called Somali Fruit and an American company called Sombana — when the main port of Mogadishu was closed by Ali Mahdi following a quarrel over the banana trade last year,” Dualleh explained.
“The two companies renovated Merca and pay Aideed for every carton they export 20 cents. That comes roughly to about 800,000 dollars a month during the peak season from April to August,” he says.
Additional levies bring in an additional 200,000 dollars to Aideed’s coffers each month.
Atto and Ali Mahdi blocked Aideed from using Mogadishu port last October. Fighting again flared in March when Atto demanded that the warlord either share the revenues from Merca or see that port closed.
In the battle that followed, Aideed’s forces were overrun. A full-scale war was averted after elders of the Habir Gedir clan, to which the two warlords belong, persuaded Atto’s militia to withdraw.
As they pulled back to Mogadishu, Atto’s militia felt “humiliated and bitter”, according to a Somali elder here who refused to be named, “and they immediately attacked Aideed’s forces. That’s the origin of the present conflict.”
Before Somalia collapsed into the anarchy of warlord politics with the overthrow of former dictator Siad Barre in 1991, the country was earning some 20 million dollars annually from banana exports. That represented around 15 percent of the country’s total export earnings.
The money now goes to whoever can control the fertile Lower Shabelle region and a port. Fearing that he may lose out on the banana trade, Ali Mahdi has built his own port of Al Eel Maan, 30 kms north of Mogadishu.
The current round of fighting comes at a time when the majority of Somalis struggle to survive. With the withdrawal of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in 1995 and the sharp drop in the number of foreign aid agencies willing to risk operating in Somalia, jobs are scare.
A recent report by the U.N.’s Food and Agricultural Organisation warned that poor harvests due to drought and insecurity in parts of the country have led to sharp rises in the cost of food and, with the low purchasing power of most Somalis, has caused pockets of malnutrition.
Between 1991 and 1992, some 300,000 people died of starvation and famine-related diseases as a result of the civil strife, prompting the ill-fated four billion-dollar U.S. and U.N. intervention.
Aideed, whose armed opposition to the mission led to its demise, last June declared himself president of Somalia. He has appointed a government, announced a budget, tried to collect taxes and enforce his authority from his south Mogadishu headquarters. Only Libya has recognised him.
He is resisted by the other warlords, not least Ali Mahdi and his Abgal clan, which retains control of the northern half of a divided Mogadishu. In other parts of the country, clan-based statelets have emerged and, since 1991, the north-western region has proclaimed itself independent as Somaliland.
Last week, several small Somali political parties formed a consultation group here to seek a peaceful solution to their country’s agony after the failure of repeated attempts brokered by neighbouring Ethiopia and the Organisation of African Unity. But the meeting was not attended by Aideed, Ali Mahdi or Atto.
“I think the conference was just a political gimmick to show the world that they were still alive and kicking,” says Dualleh. “A conference to bring peace in Somalia should not be held in a hotel in Nairobi. It should be held in Somalia and the deliberations should take at least three months, not four days.”
However, the spokesman for the group, Mohamed Awale, justified the peace initiative. “The people of Somalia are suffering simply because there is no government in their country and their leaders cannot agree to produce one,” he stressed.
The forces of Gen. Mohamed Farah Aideed, the self-proclaimed president of Somalia, are pitted against the militiamen of his former financier-turned-foe, Ali Hassan Osman “Atto”, and the fighting has been fierce.
Aideed needs the revenues, estimated at around 800,000 dollars a month, to pay his soldiers as he tries to establish his control in the Bay and Bakol regions and take on the Rahenweyne clan. Atto, in a lose alliance with another self-proclaimed president, Ali Mahdi Mohammed based in northern Mogadishu, wants to deny him.
Renewed clashes beginning last month have left scores of people dead, including Atto’s son shot by a sniper, as business leaders and elders attempt to negotiate a truce.
“We are doing our best to stop the fighting. People phone me every day from Mogadishu that they are working very hard to stop the carnage,” Hussein Ali Dualleh of the Nairobi-based Somali Affairs Monitoring Committee told IPS.
“What’s happening in Mogadishu is not a political war. It’s purely an economic war. A war sparked by an attempt to control the port of Merca and Somalia’s lucrative banana trade. That’s why the fighting is not being joined by other Somali factions,” says the former Somali ambassador to Kenya.
Merca, a small and ancient port some 90 kms south of Mogadishu, is Aideed’s economic lifeline. “The port was renovated by two tiny foreign firms — an Italian company called Somali Fruit and an American company called Sombana — when the main port of Mogadishu was closed by Ali Mahdi following a quarrel over the banana trade last year,” Dualleh explained.
“The two companies renovated Merca and pay Aideed for every carton they export 20 cents. That comes roughly to about 800,000 dollars a month during the peak season from April to August,” he says.
Additional levies bring in an additional 200,000 dollars to Aideed’s coffers each month.
Atto and Ali Mahdi blocked Aideed from using Mogadishu port last October. Fighting again flared in March when Atto demanded that the warlord either share the revenues from Merca or see that port closed.
In the battle that followed, Aideed’s forces were overrun. A full-scale war was averted after elders of the Habir Gedir clan, to which the two warlords belong, persuaded Atto’s militia to withdraw.
As they pulled back to Mogadishu, Atto’s militia felt “humiliated and bitter”, according to a Somali elder here who refused to be named, “and they immediately attacked Aideed’s forces. That’s the origin of the present conflict.”
Before Somalia collapsed into the anarchy of warlord politics with the overthrow of former dictator Siad Barre in 1991, the country was earning some 20 million dollars annually from banana exports. That represented around 15 percent of the country’s total export earnings.
The money now goes to whoever can control the fertile Lower Shabelle region and a port. Fearing that he may lose out on the banana trade, Ali Mahdi has built his own port of Al Eel Maan, 30 kms north of Mogadishu.
The current round of fighting comes at a time when the majority of Somalis struggle to survive. With the withdrawal of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in 1995 and the sharp drop in the number of foreign aid agencies willing to risk operating in Somalia, jobs are scare.
A recent report by the U.N.’s Food and Agricultural Organisation warned that poor harvests due to drought and insecurity in parts of the country have led to sharp rises in the cost of food and, with the low purchasing power of most Somalis, has caused pockets of malnutrition.
Between 1991 and 1992, some 300,000 people died of starvation and famine-related diseases as a result of the civil strife, prompting the ill-fated four billion-dollar U.S. and U.N. intervention.
Aideed, whose armed opposition to the mission led to its demise, last June declared himself president of Somalia. He has appointed a government, announced a budget, tried to collect taxes and enforce his authority from his south Mogadishu headquarters. Only Libya has recognised him.
He is resisted by the other warlords, not least Ali Mahdi and his Abgal clan, which retains control of the northern half of a divided Mogadishu. In other parts of the country, clan-based statelets have emerged and, since 1991, the north-western region has proclaimed itself independent as Somaliland.
Last week, several small Somali political parties formed a consultation group here to seek a peaceful solution to their country’s agony after the failure of repeated attempts brokered by neighbouring Ethiopia and the Organisation of African Unity. But the meeting was not attended by Aideed, Ali Mahdi or Atto.
“I think the conference was just a political gimmick to show the world that they were still alive and kicking,” says Dualleh. “A conference to bring peace in Somalia should not be held in a hotel in Nairobi. It should be held in Somalia and the deliberations should take at least three months, not four days.”
However, the spokesman for the group, Mohamed Awale, justified the peace initiative. “The people of Somalia are suffering simply because there is no government in their country and their leaders cannot agree to produce one,” he stressed.
Waa kuma madaxweynaha xilkiisa lagu muransan yahay ee Xaaf
Axmed Ducaale Geelle (Xaaf) waxaa lagu tilmaamaa in uu yahay nin ka duwanaan kara madaxda kale ee maamul goboleedyada.
Xilligaasi ka hor lama oran karo siyaasadda Soomaaliya kuma lug lahayn. Wuxuu ka mid ahaa raggii aadka u taageeri jiray Jeneraal Maxamed Faarax Caydiid.
Wuxuu miisaan siyaasadeed iyo mid dhaqan ku leeyahay gobolka Galmudug iyo magaalada Muqdisho oo muddo uu ku noolaa.
Dhan kale, waa nin ganacsade ah oo tan iyo billowgii todobaatameeyadii ku soo jiray ganacsiga Soomaaliya.
- Shan arrimood oo “fududeeyay” in la rido madaxda Galmudug iyo Hirshabelle
- Shan arrimood oo diinta la xiriira oo baraha bulshada Soomaalida qabsaday
- Maxaa horyaallo ra'iisul wasaaraha la magacaabay?
Shirkaddaas oo madax uu ka ahaan jiray Xaaf iyo mid kale oo lagu magacaabo Somalfruit ayaa mooska Soomaaliya caalamka u iibgeyn jiray.
Isla sanadahaa, wuxuu aad u kobciyay hantidiisa ma guurtada ah ee uu ku leeyahay gobollada qaar ee Soomaaliya.
Wuxuu ka mid ah ahaa dadkii billaabay in dayaaradaha ay ka shaqeeyaan Soomaaliya. Wuxuu dhisay garoonka dayaaradaha ee Lambar-50, inkastoo hadda uusan gacantiisa ku jirin.
Wuxuu horraantii sagaashameeyadii, Muqdisho iyo qaybo ka mid ah bartamaha iyo koofurta Soomaaliya ka hirgaliyey xafiisyada iyo duullimaadyada shirkadda dayaaradaha ee Daallo oo ilaa iyo hadda ay maamulaan xubno ka mid ah qoyskiisa.
Siyaasadda, taajirnimada, galaangalka siyaasadeeda, aqoontiisa hoose oo dhisan, iyo shabakadaha uu ku leeyahay gobollada dalka, waxay u saamaxeen in dhowr goor uu xubin ka noqdo baarlamaanka Soomaaliya.
Baarlamaanka kaliya ee uu ka maqnaa tan iyo dawladdii Carta waa kan iminka jira, taa bedelkeeda, wuxuu hantiyey madaxtinimada maamul goboleedka Galmudug.
Waxaa lagu tilmaamaa in uu yahay nin garanaya sida dadka loola saaxiibo, dhanka kalena wuxuu ku xeeldheer sida loo qaato go'aanno u baahan calool adeyg.
Sidaa darteed, waa go'aan laga filan karo in uu ku adkeysto diimadiisa ah in xilka madaxweynaha Galmudug laga qaaday, ka dib markii xubno ka mid ah baarlamaanka maamulka ay ku andacoodeen.
Maamul Goboleedyo ayaa la saftay Xaaf
Markii Khilaafka uu xoogeystay ka dib, madaxweynayaasha maamul goboleedyada qaar ee Soomaaliya ayaa soo saaray warsaxaafadeed ay ku cambaaraynayaan xildhibaanno sheegay in ay xilka ka qaadeen madaxweynaha Galmudug Axmed Ducaale Geelle Xaaf.Warsaxaafadeedka oo ay ku wada xusnaayeen madaxweynaha Puntland Cabdiwali Maxamed Cali Gaas, kan Jubbaland Axmed Maxamed Islaam, Koonfur Galbeed Shariif Xasan Sheekh Aadan, kan Hirshabeelle Maxamed Cabdi Waare iyo Galmudug Axmed Ducaale Geelle ayaa sidoo kale lagu cambaareeyay farogalin la sheegay in dowladda dhexe ay ku hayso arrimaha Galmudug.
Madaxtooyada Jubbaland ayaa BBC-da u xaqiijisay in ay warsaxaafadeedka qeyb ka tahay, balse maamul goboleedyada kale ayaan wali dhankooda ka hadlin in warsaxaafadeedkan ay wax ka og yihiin.
Madaxweynayaasha ayaa madaxda dowladda dhexe ugu baaqay in ay dib uga laabato go'aanka lagu taageeray hadalka xildhibaanada Cadaado, waxaana laga digay in talaabadan ay qalqal siyaasadeed iyo mid amni ka abuuro karto gudaha dalka.
Ugu dambeyntii madaxweynayaasha ayaa shaaciyay in ay shir degdeg ah ay isugu tagayaan magaalada Kismaayo si looga wada xaajoodo arrimaha taagan. Shirkan ayaa waxaa horey ugu baaqay madaxweynaha Jubbaland Axmed Maxamed Islaam.
Dhanka kale madaxweynaha Galmudug Axmed Ducaale Geelle Xaaf ayaa mar uu BBC-da waraysi siiyay waxa uu waxbo kama jiraan ku tilmaamay xil ka qaadis la sheegay in ay ku sameeyeen qaar ka mid ah xildhibaanada, wuxuuna intaas ku daray in dastuurka Galmudug uu qabo in aanan madaxweynaha xilka laga qaadi karin lixda bilood ee ugu horeysa xilka, isaga uu hadda xilka hayo afar bilood uun.
Ma haystaan ciidammo u gaar ah
Galmudug waxaa ka hawlgala ciidammada dowladda federaalka haddii ay ahaan lahaayeen xoogga dalka iyo waliba kuwa nabad suggida oo si toos ah uga amar qaata dowladda dhexe.War saxaafadeedkii isbuucii hore kasoo baxay wasaaradda arrimaha gudaha federaalka ee lagu taageeray xil ka qaadista madaxweyne Xaaf ayaa qodobka ugu dambeeya waxaa amar lagu siiyay ciidamada kala duwan ee Galmudug ku sugan in ay sugaan amniga, kana hortagaan wixii qalqal ku ah amniga.
- Khilaafka Khaliijka iyo siduu u kala qaybiyay Soomaaliya
- Maxaa sababay arrinta ninka lagu eedeeyey in uu nabiga u gafey?
Arrin kale oo muujinaysa in uu jiro isku tashi xag ciidan ayaa waxa ay tahay in guddoomiyaha baarlamaanka Galmudug Cali Gacal Casar oo mar BBC-da la hadlay wuxuu sheegay: "Halkan waxaa ka taagan arrin aad u cakiran oo ciidamadii la uruurinaayo, oo la isku duba ridayo, meel loo wado ma garanayno."
Gudoomiyaha oo la sheegay in xilka laga qaaday iyo Madaxweyne ku xigeenka ayaa diidan go'aan uu Xaaf ku taageeray xulafada Sucuudiga oo Qadar go'doomiyay.
Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa sheegtay in arrinta Khaliijka dhexdhexaad ay ka tahay.
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