Friday, May 27, 2011


Rank of Qutub and Ghawth Explained
by Sufi Sage of Arabia, Imam 'Abdallah ibn 'Alawi al-Haddad;
Translation by Dr Mustafa Badawi
“Poleship,” writes the Imam (‘Abdullah bin ‘Alawi al-Haddad), “means lordship. This is why the term Pole is used analogically for whoever possesses lordship over the men of a particular spiritual station or state. There is thus a “Pole of the People of Contentment” (Qutb al Radin), and so on. The “Possessor of the Degree of Supreme Veracity” is called al-Qutb al-Ghawth to avoid any confusion arising from an analogical use of the term Qutb. To elaborate further would require us to mention the inward states of the men of the “Circle of Sainthood” (Da’irat al-Wilaya), their characteristics, the differences within each rank, and other such things the full knowledge of which belongs by right only to the Qutb, the Ghawth, who encompasses all their ranks and whose rank and state comprehend every single one of theirs. As for other saints, they know about those who are of equal or lesser ranks. They are aware of those above them, but have no full knowledge of them. On the whole, these are questions which can be answered satisfactorily only by contemplative vision and unveiling.”
The Circle of Sainthood that the Imam mentions is that conference of saints described in the hadith transmitted by Imam Abu-Nu’aym in Hilyat’al-Awliya’, which states that there are, at any one time, three hundred saints on earth whose hearts resemble that of Adam, forty resembling Moses, seven Abraham, five Gabriel, three Michael, and one Seraphiel (Israfil).” Al-Yafe’I quotes this hadith in rawd al-Rayahin then remarks that, the one who resembles the heart of Seraphiel is the Qutb and Ghawth and “his position among saints is that of the point at the center of the circle. By him the good functioning of the world is sustained.” These passages were quoted by Imam al-Haddad in answer to a question concerning the Pole. He adds, “As for the Qutb, the Ghawth, he is one in each time. He is the all-comprehensive Fard, and is known among the People as the viceregent (Khalifa), and the Perfect Man (al-Insan al-Kamil). Also attributed to him are the titles of Sahib al-Siddiqiyya al-Kubra wal-Wilaya al-‘Uzma (The Possessor of the Degree of Supreme Veracity and Greatest Sainthood).” He also said in answer to another question, “He is a beloved slave around whom everything revolves. His sign is that he is awe-inspiring, feared by the tyrants and the sons of this world but loved by every believer. His sign is also that he has no inclination whatsoever to choose other than God, and his mind is never disturbed by whatever is happening in the universe; were he to see the earth in full blossom, then look again to find that everything has disappeared, his thoughts would remain unperturbed in the certain knowledge that none other than God has made and destroyed it.”
In a well known poem, Imam al-Haddad describes the Pole as a master whose qualities are humility, reverence, circumspection, piety, and detachment from created things. His behavior is shari’a, his spiritual state is haqiqa, and his rank is slavehood or ‘Ubuda. He is benevolent and compassionate towards all creatures and looks after all things with gentleness. His sea is supplied from the Ocean of Oceans (meaning the light of the Prophet, may God’s blessings and peace be upon him). When these verses were sung before him he said, “This is the description that comprehends the attributes of the Pole, so that those who read it will know that anyone not conforming to it is not a Pole.” Similar descriptions can be read in his poems in praise of Shaykh ‘Abdal-Qadir, al-Faqih al-Muqaddam, and al-‘Aydarus, all of whom were undisputed masters of their times. And it is to these supreme masters that the Imam was likened by the Gnostics of his own time, one of whom said “Sayyid ‘Abdallah possesses the attributes of the great ones such as Shaykh ‘Abdal-Qadir al-Jilani and in him the secrets of the ancestors have become outwardly manifest.” Another said that he possessed “sublime determination and a superior state comparable to that of Abu Yazid al-Bistami.” He then urged the people not to allow the opportunity to slip past them saying, “Delight, therefore, O people of Hadramawt, in sitting with Sayyid ‘Abdallah and in his having been raised amongst you, for he is God’s khalifa on earth.”
It has been said that the Pole were of three kinds, the Pole of Sciences, such as the Proof of Islam al-Ghazali, the Pole of Spiritual States, such as Abu Yazid al-Bistami, and the Pole of Spiritual Stations, such as Shaykh ‘Abdal-Qadir. Imam Abul-‘Abbas al-Mursi is also reported to have said, “Al-Junayd was the Pole of knowledge, Sahl the Pole of Stations, and Abu Yazid the Pole of States.” This was confirmed by Imam al-Haddad when he said, “The one who excels in his own art and surpasses everyone else is the Pole of this art. It is said, for instance, that al-Ghazali was the Pole of Sciences, Sahl the Pole of stations, and so on.” Sayyid Ahmad ibn Zayn al-Habashi stated that Imam al-Haddad was the supreme master of masters and that he had united in himself the attributes of all the previous saints, adding that this was seen by him in contemplative vision, meaning that it was no mere mental conclusion. This is why Imam al-Haddad said, “Our rank cannot be shouldered by a single man, and we shall have to divide it, before our death, among a number of people.” The Imam was able to give further precisions concerning the Pole in brief statements given on many different occasions. He said, “The Pole must be a known man. If he does not qualify for outward renown he must deputize someone who does.” And, “A woman may attain to the [spiritual] rank of the ‘Abdal, but she will not be one of them [in title]. A woman may be neither a Pole nor one of the ‘Abdal.” And he suggested some limits to the absolutist statements about the Pole that one often hears. In one of his letters he writes, “Now as regards the fact that nothing reaches the people of the Circle except with the knowledge of the Pole, this is correct as concerns general secrets and that which relates to this function that they are entrusted with for the good of the world.” And further on in the same letter, “As for your saying that the Pole’s contemplative station is that of the Presence of the Name Allah and that he is therefore called ‘Abd-Allah, God’s Slave, this was stated by Shaykh ibn ‘Arabi with lengthy elaborations. It is correct as far as he is concerned and we concede it to him. But this statement is limiting and too narrowly specific, and there is some ambiguity to it.”



Segmentary lineage politics

The all-pervasive and highly segmented social formation is an important feature of the Somali culture. In this system of formed segmented and often opposed social units, clan is the most important political unit. Large political units or associations are notoriously unstable, since they depend upon the political context and are usually formed in opposition to others. Despite the highly segmented nature and fluid social situation of the traditional Somali polity, important levels of political grouping could be discerned. Clans belonging to three large families of clans inhabit the Gode zone - Darod, Hawiya and Dir. In anthropological terms, these large groups are described as clan-families. The Somali population in the Horn of Africa is divided into the six large clan families of Darod, Hawiya, Isaq, Dir, Digil and Rahanwein. Since members of these large groups are usually widely distributed across the boundaries of the neighbouring countries in the Horn, an exact association at this level is often symbolic.

Within the clan-family, the most important political unit is the clan. Traditionally, this marks the upper level of political action. In the wake of the downfall of Siad Barre's centralised regime and the following disintegration of the Somali society, the clan emerged as the most stable political unit. The clan and some of the large sub-clans have a nominal head commonly known as suldaan or ugaas.

In our case, the Ogadeni (Darod), Hawiya (an association of Hawiya and Rer Bare) and Dir clans, whose clansmen dominate the affairs of the different districts in the Gode zone, act as independent political entities. Each clan subdivides to constituent lineages whose co-operation or opposition is based on actual or perceived collective interest. Nevertheless, co-operation and solidarity of clansmen could be mobilised when its corporate interest is threatened by an antagonistic group.

Pervasive but often diffuse loyalty to kin groups is strengthened by contractual treaties defining payment and receipt of compensation for homicide and minor damages. These customary ties form the basis for the most stable political unit within the clan, the dia-paying lineages. The strongly bound kinship ties binding kinsmen belonging to closely related dia-paying lineage, is supplemented by a common contractual treaty sanctioning members to pay and receive collectively blood compensation (dia) and minor damages.

The Hawiya and the associated Rer Bare in Kallafo district

The Hawiya and associated Rer Bare in Kallafo wereda are probably the prototype peasant community in the Shabelle Valley on the Ethiopian side of the border. Their social composition is distinct from that of recently settled Somali farming clans which still retain the pervasive kinship-organised political culture. These farming communities in Kallafo district are composed of an association made of two diverse social groups who show distinct physical characteristics. One section of this association, the Rer Bare, have Bantu features similar to those of the minority farming communities in southern Somalia, while the other section are actually sedentarised, and mainly Hawiya groups.

The mixed Hawiya and Rer Bare agricultural groups are segmented like the Somali social clans. Each farming associated mixed segment functions as an independent unit in relation to similar cultivating units and also in opposition to the predominantly powerful pastoral Somali clans. Nevertheless, the unifying forces that claim common ancestors and ties to a fixed territory have not produced any significant intermingling between the mixed Hawiya and Rer Bare groups. The institution of marriage maintains this social distinction, for Somalis do not allow intermarriage with their Bantu allies who have more pronounced African features.

The Hawiya and associated Rer Bare farming groups distinguish themselves into two social categories, known in Somali as bah iyo boqor. This literally translates to "subjects" and "kings". This clear distinction which falls along ethnic lines defines the differentiated hierarchical status of the Somalis (mainly Hawiya) and the Rer Bare division. The latter are classified as “subjects” or “commoners”, while the Somali are acknowledged as “aristocrats” or the “ruling group”. Thus, it is no wonder that many of the ancestors of the Rer Bare belong to the Hawiya “aristocrats”. Another idiom, hair texture, is also commonly used to differentiate between the two associated settled groups. The “noble” Somalis are known as those with the soft hair (jileyc), while their Rer Bare associates are described as those with thick hair (jareer).

The mainly Hawiya and Rer Bare associates are said to be the descendants of two ancestors, namely Badbedan and Kunle. Each of these two associated groups is further sub-divided into three important sections that are further segmented into small lineages. Except two sub-divisions of the Badbedan, Ali Mad and Dagine, who are largely composed of Rer Bare, these mixed settled communities usually consist of a mixture of mainly Hawiya and Rer Bare. Because of internal discord in the past, the Ali Mad and Dagine seem to have formed independent and exclusive Rer Bare groups (see Figure 1). The Bajimal contains a large number of Dir, while Rer Gedow, Rer Ise, and Gasar contain a large number of Hawiya groups, most importantly the Ajuran.

It is important to bear in mind that ethnic labelling in the socially mixed farming communities of Gode zone, and particularly in Kallafo district, is very sensitive. It is also very flexible. The primarily pastoral groups in the zone tend to despise these settled agricultural groups, who themselves despise nomads. Although the Rer Bare generally acknowledge the “aristocratic” status of the Hawiya, they also tend to assert their independence as a separate entity and demand equality with their Somali associates.

Figure 1: The Genealogical Chart of the Hawiya and Associated Rer Bare


Adal Empire
Dir Era
I researched Adal, the Islamic kigndom that existed between Eritrea all the way to Coastal City Berber.

I thought Adal was mostly Afar and Arab kingdom, but I'm suprised Somalis have connection to Adal.

When and where Adal Empire was born:
*It was on the 13th century that came to the light, in Horn of Africa, one of the strongest Empire that existed in East Africa. Adal Empire had its origine in the city of Zeyla, situated until today in the northern region of the former Democratic Republic of Somalia. The father of that State was King Omar D. Ahmed (nicknamed Aw-Barkhadle). The king who had a long live, occupied the throne for many years. When he passed away, he left behind him many children, mainly males. Among them, the successors to the throne who inherited the kingdom. Later, Adal Empire became an Islamic Empire that expanded the religion of Islam with determination, into the entire Horn of Africa. Remarked by its faithful actions, other Islamic States in the world called Adal Empire "Diraasal-Islaam".

During the centuries that followed, Adal Empire was engaged into many wars against the Abysinians (Habasha), where thousands and thousands individuals died. At that time, Adal Empire became the most loved Islamic State among the entire Islamic Nations because of its determination to its cause; its strong judicial system and its faithful expansion of Islam into the territories of Abyssinians and Galas (Oromos). At that period of time, Adal Empire had a strong alliance with the Ottoman Empire of Turkey, while the Portuguese supported the Abyssinians.
Geographical location of Adal Empire:
In order for you to better situate the indications that will be mentioned, you are invited to refer to the Map of Africa in 1808 as well as other maps. Saying that, to the North, Adal Empire was situated up to the region of Danaakil (actually, North of the Republic of Djibouti, populated by Afar people). While to the South, the empire had its border up to the region of Ras-Xaafuun (actually called Hays and Maydh, located in today's Region of Sanaac). From the East, Adal Empire as well as the actual State of Awdal, had the entire code facing the Red Sea while to the West, it was situated up to the Region of Shawa (in Ethiopia), also called Shawa at that time. In fact, Shawa was the base of the Kingdom of Abyssinia and today, it's the home of its descendents leaded by the Ethiopian government, with its capital city of Addis-Ababa.

Composition of Adal Empire:
Adal Empire was composed of seven (7) States. According to the size of their land and the military forces of each state, here is their names: Ifaad, Dawaaro, Araabiini, Hadaya, Sharqa, Baali and Daara, where each of them had its own government. Please refer to the map titled Map of Adal Empire (13th century). The largest and strongest State Ifaad, known from Egypt and "Shaam" as Zeyla's land, became later the dominant and the central one with its capital city of Zeyla. Ifaad will lead the entire Empire and will face many challenges. According to the historians of that period, Ifaad was large as 20 days of walk from North to South and 15 days of walk from East to West. Its military force was composed of 15000 cavaliers and 20000 of infantries.

In his book titled "Masaalikal-Absaar"(this is in Somali spelling), the Egyptian author, Subhul Ahsha mentioned that Zeyla was the nucleus city of Adal Empire. Continuing into the description of this city, he added that Zeyla was "The City of Light", which had many Mosques and many schools, where all kind of subjects were taught. In fact, Mr. Ahsha described Zeylac as "The Place" where one can acquire any kind of knowledge that may be taught in that period of time. The author added in his description that the people were 100% Muslim. Mr. Ahsha said that they were gathering in large number into the Mosques of the city, as faithful believers to Islam. According to this writing, these Mosques could be compared to the municipal libraries that can be found today in big cities of our century. In addition of that, schools were places where people use to enjoy meeting, share knowledge, discuss about social issues and debate intellectually. As a matter of fact, Zeyla was known as the place where the knowledge was at the merci of everyone.

Well, now that you understand the value of Adal Empire, it is reasonable that you ask what did happen to that great Empire, how did it collapse? Who were the people living under the ruling of that great Empire, well known by its strong judicial system? Who were in fact the civilized nation living in that period of time and what did become their descendants? For the time been, I need your patient in order for me to work into the information that I collected. Meaning that you will know for sure what did happen to that great Adal Empire, very soon. Concerning your questions about the people of that nation or what did they become and who are the descendants, I'm inviting you to click on "People" under "About Awdal" category and voila!

The Adal of yesterday is the Awdal of today:
First of all, though the Empire that we mention all along was called Adal Empire, in their mother language (Somali), the people of that nation called "Cadal". Translating the word Cadal into Latin gave Adal. With the time, people changed the word Adal (Cadal) to Awdal and that is how the Awdal of today is referred to the Adal Empire of yesterday.

The State of Awdal borders with Djibouti from the North-West, Ethiopia from the West, the former Democratic Republic of Somalia from the South and, the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea from the North-East through the entire Easter coastal region. The region has an estimated land area of 22,000 sq. km and a 170 km long coastline on the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. Awdal experiences three distinct climatic seasons; the rainy season which starts in March and ends in July, the dry season which starts in August and lasts until November and a kind of Mediterranean Fall, from December to February. High temperatures of above 35C and 20C are observed along the coastal settlements during the summer and winter months respectively. Average annually rainfall is between 450-500 mm. the State of Awdal consists of four districts: Boroma - with Boroma City as the regional capital city, Zeila, Lughaya and Baki.

As mentioned above, the State of Awdal corresponds to the former Adal Empire, which became Gadabursi Land under the British colonial, in the 19th century. Later, it was called Awdal Region until the disintegration of the dictatorial regime of the former Democratic Republic of Somali, in 1991. the State of Awdal did not officially proclaim yet its status to the rest of the world and it's not recognized yet as an Independent Nation by the United Nations but so far, the Awdalites live in their homeland under the ruling of local authorities, with freedom. After the collapse of the Somali government in 1991, Awdalites continued to maintain a stable existence, despite the economic infrastructure left behind by British and humanitarian organizations assistance programs. The State of Awdal is one of the African's largest source of incense and myrrh, which are forestry products. Also, the Awdal's chief exports include livestock, fish, hides and skins and, petroleum products. Nowadays, as one of the most recently established nation, the State of Awdal presents a new field of study for scholars and investors.

Ahmad Guray was a Dir Somali (his mother was a Harari Ethiopian though...) The Dir are the northernmost of the 6 Somali Clans, They include the Gadabursi of Northwest Somaliland and the Iessa of Djibouti.

The capital of Adal Sultanate was Harrar (which was an Islamic center) and its major ports were Zeila and Sahil (now Berbera) Ahmad the Left-handed's army included alot of recently Islamisized Somalis from the east (like the Ogaden, and Majerteen) and also a lot of Oromo and it also covered almost all of the Afar regions. It was truly the first and only 100% Cushitic Empire.

And man, did he give the Abbysinians a run for their money! He conquered lands as deep into the Ethiopian interior as Lake Tana (the source of the blue Nile) and he was killed in battle there. Only for his wife to carry on the first Jihad in the Horn of Africa.

He was also the first non European to use cannons and muskets in his warfare

Somali Origin
Dir Era
Due to a lack of written evidence of the early history of the Somaal, numerous historical perspectives on the origins of the Somaal have been presented. According to Arab historical sources the ancestors of the Somali people migrated south from the shores of the Red Sea into the Cushitic-speaking Oromo region from approximately the 10 th century, with the Oromos displacing the Bantu-speaking people further south. According to another source based in northern oral history, the Somali are a hybrid group originating in the marriages of two Arab patriarchs to local Dir women, whose descendants migrated from the Gulf of Aden towards Northern Kenya in the tenth century.

Most contemporary scholars however argue that the ancestors of the Somaal came not from Arabia but from an area between southern Ethiopia and northern Kenya and linguists trace Somali to the Cushitic language group. Based on a hybrid of archaeological, anthropological and historical linguistic evidence, it is now widely asserted that the Somaal originated in the lake regions of current day southern Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda and Malawi, as a sub-group of the Cushitic peoples. In the decades BC, it is believed that the sub-group known as the Omo-Tana moved northwards from the lake highland areas until reaching the Tana river and the Indian Ocean. Some settled along the Lamu peninsula, situated near the northern Kenya and southern Somalia border, while others continued to move northwards into southern Somalia. In southern Somalia patterns of farming and pastoralism provided a mixed economy for the Omo-Tana group that continued to move from the Lamu peninsula into the Somali peninsula. It is here that the initial references to Somaal were asserted. It is believed that by the 1 st Century AD the Somaal, who had continued to migrate northwards, had reached the Red Sea and occupied most of the Horn of Africa. During the 8 th to 10 th Century the movement of Somaal brought them into contact with coastal groups.

It is known that coastal settlements of non-Somali people existed well before the 10 th century. The coastal culture was hybrid, absorbing influences of the Egyptians, Phoenicians, Persians, Greeks, Arabs and Romans who came to trade and to tap frankincense and myrrh along the Gulf of Aden and sometimes also to settle. The market town of Zelia (Saylac) dates back to the 6 th century BC, when merchants there traded goods from the African interior such as hides, leopard and giraffe skins, ostrich feathers, ivory, rhinoceros horns and slaves. Coffee came from the Abyssinian highlands to supply a large local market. Saylac later became the centre of the Islamic culture of the northern region; the capital of the medieval state of Adal.

On the whole urban commerce and Islam was more developed in the south. There, coastal towns came into contact with Swahili trading settlements and ships sailing from the Indian subcontinent, China and southwest Asia. By the 9th century Mogadishu was the most prosperous of these towns.

Between the 11 th and 13 th centuries many Somali converted to Islam. During this time, many of the Prophet’s earliest followers fled the Arabian Peninsula to seek refuge in Africa, where the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia often afforded them protection. This penetration from the peninsula sparked another population shift, this time from the coastal areas into the interior. The political unit that developed in the interior from the 13 th century onward that forms a prototype for contemporary political structures was the diya-paying group. In this system groups belonging to the same clan have a contractual alliance that joins them together in payment and receipt of damages to or from another group. These groups are governed by Heer, a social contract that incorporated elements of Islamic law and common laws determined by consensus among the males of the community. In addition Somali songs and poetry took on the social and political importance they retain today, preserving oral histories of the clan as well as expressing political ideas and military ambitions.

During the 14 th century, goodwill continued to exist between the Ethiopian Christian kingdom and the settled Muslims in the Somalia region, since the highlands made the kingdom largely inaccessible for Islamic conversion campaigns. In the early 15 th century, however, the Ethiopian kind Yeshaq invaded Muslim kingdoms in the Adal region forcing them to relocate to current day Djibouti. During the 15 th and 16 th centuries, centralised state systems emerged within the kingdoms of Ethiopia and Adal, with each of the kingdoms fighting off domination by the other. During the 16 th century, numerous retaliation campaigns were carried out by both kingdoms, and the arrival of the son of Vasco De Gama aided the Ethiopians in routing the Muslim operations. By the mid-16 th century, the repeated Ethiopian excursions into Saylac caused trade and the Islamic cultural centre to shift to Berbera, with both these cities falling under the sphere of power exerted by the sharifs of Mocha (in current day Yemen). By the 17 th century, Saylac and Berbera fell under the flag of the Ottoman empire. The continued fighting in the region, caused the locus of power to shift more inland towards the Ujuuraan State, at the convergence of the Shabeelle and Jubba rivers. The power of Ujuuraan diminished with the arrival of the Portuguese on the East African coast.

From the late 15 th century until the early 17 th century migrations brought clans more or less into the regions they occupy today. In the early 17 th century, “Ahmed the left-handed”, with the help of Ottoman troops, conquered a large part of Abyssinia, establishing his capital at Harar.

Between the 16 th and 18 th centuries trade between the interior and the coast increased and clans struggled to establish control over the caravan routes to the Banaadir coast. Eventually, the Somali clans dislodged the Arab-dominated merchant oligarchies in the coastal towns. An exception was that in the early 19th century, the Banaadir coast was nominally controlled by the Omani Sultanate, then based in Zanzibar.

Trading in slaves became significant during that time. Somali landholders had long made use of the slave labour as farming was considered a humble occupation. Bantu-speaking slaves captured in Malawi and Tanzania harvested grain and cotton in the Shabeelle and Jubba river areas. Oromo women and children were used as domestic slaves and concubines.


The History of the Dir People.
Fatuhal Habash bookDir People from Ahmed Gurey Ibrahim's era

In the 1500's several things happened in the early struggles of Axmed Gran with the Ethiopia Christian Imperialists who where sprearheading attacks into Muslim lands.

According to Fatuh Al Habash: 1) Ahamed Gran came into the hinterlands of North Westren Somalia in order to recruit fighters amoung the Mandaluug Dir, Mahomed Xiniftire Or Mahe Dir and Madoobe.


The fatuh al Habash mentions the Habar Magadle (Maha Dir) by name as one group which Gureey try to draw into his camp.Nevertheless, the Habar Awal and Habar Yonis joined the Gurey jihaad.

For Example, the Makaahil of the Habar Awal was the son of an Amhara princesse who was broght back to Somali by a Habar Awal worrior. The Amhara princes asked her captor one favour which to name the first son. After she bore the son she named him Makahil "Micheal" the angel. As a matter of fact many Mahe Dir like the Habar xabuush or Habar Jeclo were also named in such a case.

According to the Fatuh Al Habash, "the fierce and rebellious Isaaq, Issas, and Afar clans who lived close to these groups and was know as "Oda Cali" caused Guurey many problems because as soon as the attacked the Habash enemies and gained some booty they would return to their territorie this angered Imam Ahmed who wanted a displined army. Ali and Mataan a brothers in-law of Gurey and Ahmed Nuur a knephew or Gurey, who later married Gurey's wife Batiyo Delwambero(Dawmbiro). It is interesting to not The name Dalwambero. It is no accidental it sounds like Dombiro. The Darood Somali clans under Imam Ahmed Gurey where led by another Garad who was know as Guuray and he was married to Delwambera's sister Mardiya. It was at this period that the Madaxweyn Dir enlisted the Yabbare, Geeri, and Harla, also it was at this juncture of history that the Darood confuse history.

1) The Darood confuse to distinct persons. Namely, Imam Ahmed Ibrahim Ghazali Aragsame the proper Ahmed Guray and the Garad Gurey who led the Darood armies. After centuries they think that their Garad whose name is mentioned in the Fatuh Al Habash as Guray is the same as Ahmed Gurey. So the legacy of Axmed Gurey is not limited to the Gababuursi or Ciisa or Gurgure but as touched all Somalis.

Mohamud Abdi Nur Juje Public Affairs Minister Qubeys Surre/Dir Trusteeship adminstration

Honorable Abdullahi Isse Mohamud, .first Prime Minister of Somalia under the Italian Trusteeship Administration (AFIS). .

The ministers were only six

The cabinet was as follows.
1. Abdullahi Isse Mohamud Prime Minister Habar Gidir
2. Haji Farrah Ali Omar Minister of Economy Habar Gidir
3. Haji Muse Boqor Osman Interior Minister Majeerteen
4. Salad Abdi Mohamud Finance Minister Majeerteen
5. Sheikh Ali Jim’ale Social Affairs Minister Hawaadle
6. Mohamud Abdi Nur Juje Public Affairs Minister Qubeys Surre/Dir

Ambassador Dr. Abdul Majid Hussein--The Permanent Representative of Ethiopia to the United Nations passes away (29 March 2004)

The Permanent Representative of Ethiopia to the United Nations passes away (29 March 2004)

The Permanent Representative of Ethiopia to the United Nations (UN), Ambassador Dr. Abdul Majid Hussein passed away in Dire Dawa town on 29 March 2004 from an illness that was beyond the efforts of doctors in New York City, United States of America.
Doctors in New York City attempted to treat the Ambassador but the illness reached a level where they could not provide any further medical remedies. After hearing the opinion of his wife and the doctors, he asked that he return to his country to be among his people before he passes away.

Ambassador Dr. Abdul Majid Hussein arrived at Bole International Airport in the evening of 28 March 2004 where Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, other senior government officials, Members of Parliament and friends and close relatives, received him. He immediately flew to Dire Dawa town where he met his relatives as planned and then he passed away at 5 a.m. on 29 March 2004.
After the fall of the dergue regime, Dr. Abdul Majid served Ethiopia by working in high government positions and has since served his country full heartedly disregarding his own personal comfort.

The Ambassador had also held a high position in the United Nations Education Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) where he promoted the interests of his country and fellow compatriots. He was also engaged in struggle for peace and democracy, which had once led to an assassination attempt on his life by anti-peace elements in Ethiopia that failed to stop him from accomplishing his objectives as a patriot of the country.
Apart for his utmost efforts he made for the promotion of democracy, peace and stability in the Somali region, Dr. Abdul Majid was also the Chairman of the Somalia Democratic Peoples’ Party (SDPP).

With his eagerness to serve Ethiopia, Ambassador Abdul Majid was appointed and served as the Permanent Representative of Ethiopia to the United Nations in New York where he fully executed his duties and responsibilities.

Dr. Abdul Majid Hussein is remembered as being friendly with all his colleagues who loved him.
A funeral ceremony was held on 29 March 29, 2004 in Dire Dawa where higher government officials were in attendance.

"Our people felt they definitely came from Ethiopia," he told Reuters. "They were attacking Lugh. Our staff at the airport as they left saw Lugh under missile or artillery fire from across the Ethiopian border." No faction in Somalia is believed to have any aircraft.
An Ethiopian Foreign Ministry spokesman in Addis Ababa declined to comment on the reports of the invasion, Reuters and BBC Radio reported.

Since the collapse of central authority in Somalia after the overthrow of President Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991, rival clans have carved the nation up into fiefs, ruled mostly by young clansmen with guns.

The Islamic Union is a faction made up of fervently religious people, mostly from the Ogadeni clan in Somalia. The group controlled Dolo and Lugh, having turned them into tiny Islamic city-states ruled according to strict Koranic codes. Even cigarette smoking was considered a crime in Lugh.

The group, which has offices in Mogadishu, has also claimed responsibility for a violent campaign inside Ethiopia aimed at gaining independence for the Ogaden region. In January, a bomb at a hotel in Addis Ababa killed one person. A month later another bomb at a hotel in Diredawa took three lives. On Aug. 5, a third blast killed another man at a hotel in the capital.

The Islamic Union has also said it was behind the attempted assassination of an ethnic Somali who is the transportation minister in the Ethiopian government, Dr. Abdul Majid Hussein.

In his capacity as Minister of Transportation and Communication Dr. Abdul-Majid, the chairman of the governing ESDL party, disclosed his ministry’s plan to install a network of telephone lines to various parts of this peripheral region, including Jigjiga, Dhagah Bur, Xarshin, Gaashaamo, Gallaadin, Wardher, Kabri Dhaharre, and others. The installation of the network would be completed within period of 4-14 months. Dr. Abdul-Majid also made public plans for the construction of new airports and immediate flights of Ethiopian Airlines to important towns in the region, such Jigjiga and Kabri Dhahar.

To conclude, the regional adminstration succeeded in achieving most of the intended goals of this remarkably successful conference. First, the administration provided the impetus for wider participation in the affairs of this underdeveloped region. Second, it secured the necessary consensus and cooperation of the public on critical issues (peace and developement), which are still affecting the development of good governance in this previously unstable region.

The administration’s underlying objective of putting behind itself the inauspicious record during the transition period (1991-1995) warrants the encouragement and support of the federal government, donors and international community. However, this optimistic view will certainly not be confirmed until the conclusion of the negotiations between the ESDL and ONLF.

Report on the Peace and Development Conference
Jigjiga, 10-13 March 1996
Dr. Ahmed Yusuf Farah, Anthropologist, UNDP Emergencies Unit for Ethiopia - 3 April, 1996

"Shirweynaha Nabadda Iyo Horumarka"
Conference on Peace and Development

1.1. Participants

The administration of the Ethiopian Somali National Regional State organized a conference, held in the capital city of the region, Jigjiga, between 10 - 13 March 1996. As indicated by its title, peace and development were the two major topics deliberated upon during the confrence. This brief report is prepared by EUE/UNDP anthropologist who attended this 4 day conference.
A total number of 700 persons attended the Jigjiga confence. The majority of the particpants (460) were delegates representing the 46 districts administered by the regional administration - 10 representatives came for each district. In addition, 75 delegates representing 15 disputed districts along blurred border areas between the neighboring Somali and Oromo autonomous entities also attended the conference. Thus an overwhelming majority of the participants (535) were from the weredas.
Somali officials working at various levels of the regional and federal government constituted a large number of the remaining participants - including members of the regional council and 30 members of the federal parliament, the minister of transport and communication, Dr.Abdul-Majid Hussein and the two vice ministers, Shamsudin Ahmed (vice minister of energy and mining) and Abdurashiid Dullane (vice minister of water resources development). Non-Somali senior officials also attended the conference. The Deputy Prime Minister and Defence Minister, Tamirat Layne, inaugurated the conference with an extensive in-depth analysis of the security issues in the region. The presence of the Foreign Minister, Seyoum Mesfin, added to weight to the participation from the federal government and signified the importance attached to the event. At the closing ceremony Dr. Abdul-Majid apologized on behalf of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi for not being able to attend, and read his message which implored Somalis to carry out the agreements reached in the course of the conference. The presidents of Tigrai and Harari regional administrations and representatives from Amhara and Southern Nations, Nationalilties Peoples National Regional State also attended the conference. They expressed their support and solidarity to the weak administration of the Ethiopian Somali National Regional State.
Even though a good number of the wereda representatives were religious leaders, some distinguished Somali spiritual scholars also attended the conference. Their participation was to enhance Islamic solidarity among the estranged Muslim Somalis and clarify religious arguments used by the fundamentalist itixad, in perpetuating violence in the region.
The Ethiopian Somali Democratic League (ESDL), which represents a coalition of more than a dozen local clans and is headed by Dr. Abdul-Majid Hussein, as well as representatives of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), participated the congress. A representative of the EPRDF also attended the conference.

1.2. Characteristics
In contrast to Kabari Dheherre conference of February 1995, women were well represented- for the good reason that they constitute half of the regional population and for the fact women and children are often greatly affected by the prevailing instability and ensuing underdevelopment. Fair representation of women, and other social groups from the districts, traditional and religious leaders, youth organizations, etc. corroborate the grassroots nature of the Jigjiga conference. As mentioned in the preceding section, the Jigjiga conference was conceived, organized and carried out by the incumbent administration.
The wide participation in the Jigjiga conference could be considered as a deliberate decision on the part of the present administration. Several reasons explain this inclination. First, is an apparent lack of effective communication and interaction between Jigjiga and the weredas. The initial need to reorganize and reform the administrative structures at the regional and zonal level, together with the absence of popular mass media, shortage of communication facilities and essential infrastructure as well as the large size of the region certainly contributed to limited interaction between Jigjiga and the districts.
To assure the electorate that the government is trying to fulfill its mandate and also to ensure public support and cooperation, the government felt the need to establish a dialogue on crucial issues affecting the lives of the population in the region - development and peace - with the representatives from all the weredas.
The first routine meeting of the regional council was due at time of the conference. This made the political atmosphere in Jigjiga replete with distracting and confusing propaganda, with ONLF radicals alleging that the intention of the conference was to replace members of the regional parliament who oppose the ESDL and the present administration. Many of these rumors were said to have been propagated by individuals with personal ambitions for power ambition and who were against the development of a viable regional government. Thus, the administration thought it imperative to bypass these individuals, who falsely represent groups in the districts, and conduct the conference.
The conference served as a successful public relations exercise for the administration. In addition to the support it enlisted from the participants, the administration presented progress reports on the activities by bureaus in the first half of the year and also presented its plans for further administrative reorganization and reform. As requested by the participants from the weredas, the administration promised to hold follow-up grassroots conferences at the zonal and wereda levels. The request of the participants to make this conference an annual event was also endorsed by the administration.
Another important feature of conference was that it was multi-dimensional. Guests from the central government and presidents, or representatives from other autonomous regions attended the conference, presumably to witness the changes taking place since the elections in the middle of last year. Regional artists performed an entertaining and educating drama featuring the developments that has taken in the region. That the Somali region is no more a troubled and dangerous place but a reviving part of the country, seems to have been the underlying message of the drama.

2.1. Security
As reflected in the 7 point resolution (see annex) endorsed by the conference, three crucial issues: security, administration and development, attracted the most attention and interest of the conference. During the transitional period (Mid 1991-mid 1995) governance in the Somali region not only prove elusive, it was seen as part of the problem contributing to the low intensity but disruptive conflict blamed on armed Itixad and ONLF groups. During this period the tendency of administration officials to give loyalty first to the interest of their kin group rather than the public interest, further explain the poor record of the weak and unstable administrations during the transitional period.
The current administration appears determined to tackle any lingering insecurity posed by the armed Itixad or ONLF factions. In this regard the participation of senior ONLF delegation headed by chairman, Bashir Abdi, signals positive sign of a possible end to instability. The chairmen of the two main political organizations, ESDL and ONLF, disclosed an on-going dialogue between them to settle their differences, through negotiation.

The change of policy on the part of ONLF and the stated desire to settle their differences with the governing party, the ESDL, through negotiation and dialogue received applause from the participants of the conference. Public appreciation of this move to possible political reconciliation between the two important organizations in the region was further encouraged by the reported advanced stage of the bilateral talks.
The talks are said to based on a six point agenda covering crucial issues including those addressed in the conference (peace and development), regional administration, fate of ONLF members in prison, etc. The ONLF chairman declared that the two sides had agreed to cooperate on matters concerning peace and development. The ONLF chairman also warned that they will not tolerate further violence from either the Itixad or radical ONLF factions, whose externally based leadership had been replaced in the organization’s conference at Harar prior to the elections in 1995. Bashir pledged that the ONLF will take an active take part in restoring peace and stability to region by using all means necessary, including fighting against armed elements who refuse to renounce violence.
In a televised discussion between the secretary of the ESDL and the chairman of the ONLF, the latter stated that their differences on most issues on the agenda had been narrowed down to a manageable level, thus predicting a successful and rather quick accord. Nevertheless, he stated that agreement on sharing power between the two organizations in governing the Somali federal unit is far from being resolved. Here the contentious issue relates to the proportional representation of parties in the regional council.
Although there are about 20 ONLF members in the regional council, only one of of them holds a seat in the executive council. Allocation of additional seats may be undertaken if it could deliver the desired goal- an end to violence and peaceful participation in the affairs of the region. If other matters are successfully resolved and there are encouraging signs towards this end, Dr. Abdul-Majid affirmed the possibility of integrating ONLF to the regional administration.
Accommodation of ONLF in the regional politics and its participation in the administration is crucial to the process of restoring peace and stability. The other destabilizing force, Itixad, lacks a social constituency in the region. With access to funds received from fundamentalist groups based abroad, the supporters of militias of Itixad are mostly individuals belonging to different clans. Because of the significance of clan based social organization in matters relating to security, Itixad or any other guerrilla group cannot operate anywhere in the region without the approval of the clan or clans controlling the area of operation.
Just before the conference, Itixad initiated raids to areas in Jigjiga zone controlled by the Abiskuul clan (Jidwaq - Abiskuul, Bartire and Yeberre), apparently in collaboration with .disaffected members of this clan. Established local security forces cleared Itixad infilterators from Jigjiga zone. Dr. Abdul-Majid reported that the defeated remnants of the Itixad militia had sought refuge in disputed border areas between the Somali and Oromo regions, which act as hideout for the Itixad and Ormo fundmentalist rebel groups.

As reported by Dr. Abdul-Majid, a settlement and durable solution will soon be reached on the governance of the weredas claimed by both Somali and Oromo regions. This will deny the fundamentalist militias in both states a base from which launch their violence. Possible reconciliation and accommodation of the ONLF most probably will further marginalize the Itixad in the region.

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