Saturday, September 22, 2012

TAARIIKHDII Dr.Qamar Aden Ali

                        
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Qamar was born on 19 September 1957 in a small village outside of Mogadishu, the capital city ofSomalia. She was the third of 11 children. She spent her childhood in Mogadishu, whereshe also went to school and graduated from college. Qamar subsequently moved abroad to East Germany to study political science, and later studied law in England. She eventually graduated as a lawyer and became a British citizen. In the mid-1990s, Qamar returned to her native Somalia, where she later joined the nation's Transitional Federal Government. From 2007 until her death, she served as the national Minister of Health.


WHO: Somali attack a blow to country’s health system.

Somalia’s Minister of Health, Dr. Qamar Aden Ali, was among those killed in Thursday’s terrorist attack in Mogadishu.

Dr. Qamar Aden Ali

The World Health Organization (WHO) called the attack a tragic blow to the nation’s medical fraternity. Marthe Everard, WHO’s representative for Somalia, told UN Radio that Dr. Qamar Aden Ali, a lawyer by profession, was a tireless advocate for health in Somalia: “She has focused on public health especially for Mogadishu. She was very much concerned about the situation in the Hospitals and the continuous problems they face of course as the emergency is a daily basis and people shot, people wounded so it’s all the time that she was very concerned that the supplies were there, that the doctors could do their job.” The attack occurred during a ceremony for medical students graduating from Banadir University, a teaching institution training Somalis to provide healthcare to their fellow citizens suffering from decades of humanitarian crisis. WHO, which has been supporting the training of medical students at the university, says the attack serves only to reinforce WHO’s commitment to alleviating the country’s health crisis and supporting those determined to improve health care.

,”Abdikadir Adan Xiito informs me crisply. He’s explaining his philosophy for teaching math to children,

A Minnesota-Somali Mentor, Mathematician And Moral Force

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There is no wire connecting my mind to yours,”Abdikadir Adan Xiito informs me crisply. He’s explaining his philosophy for teaching math to children, in between sessions correcting the workbooks of two dozen young students in an afternoon homework class at the tutoring school here that bears his name, the Xiito Academy.
The young Somali boys and girls bend over their desks solving sets of addition, multiplication and fraction problems. One might expect high-energy hubbub and hijinks in a late afternoon class for kids, after they’ve spent a full day in school. But no, the room is quiet, energized but serene.
The swish of turning notebook pages is the loudest sound in the room.
Every few minutes, a child completes a set of problems, jumps up and plops down in a chair next to Teacher Xiito (pronounced HEE-toe, the word is a nickname meaning “skinny” in Somali), nervously handing over a notebook for his corrections.
Elegant and slim, decked out in a woolen scarf, Xiito exudes an air of focused intensity. In the classroom, his focus is somehow placed equally on every child in the room. He speeds through each finished problem set that is brought to him with a ballpoint pen, drawing a quick slash through the correct answers, engaging the students to correct the flubs.
A Minnesota Miracle
“Very good,” he finally pronounces before writing down a fresh set of addition problems for a seven-year-old boy, the set customized to slightly expand the child’s skill level. Looking happy, as if he’s just been hugged, the boy grabs his corrected dog-eared workbook and darts back to his seat where he immediately regroups, refocuses, and keeps working.
“To teach them you need to directly connect to their minds,” Xiito says, completing his thought to me. “I say to them sit, first. Listen, second. Watch me, third. And then ask questions. That’s the wire that I use to connect to the kids’ minds: sit, listen, watch me and ask questions. It works.”
It has worked an astonishing Minnesota miracle of sorts for Teacher Xiito, who opened his tutoring academy, the Somali Education Center, in 2001 to help keep Somali children in the state from falling behind in school.
Since then he and a team of volunteer teachers have taught math, English, biology, environmental science and U.S. citizenship skills to more than 2,000 Somali boys and girls in the state.
A Moral Authority
Hundreds of Xiito’s young charges have gone on to finish high school and attend vocational schools and college. His school’s two branches, in Minneapolis and Burnsville, also run specialeducation events such as a Girl’s Math Contest held last summer.
Such successes, and Xiito’s charismatic teaching style, have frequently been featured on Somali TV and other media, and YouTube is replete with video homages to Xiito offered by grateful students and parents.
“He’s indispensable to the Somali community in Minnesota,” said Abdi Aynte, a reporter for the Al Jazeera broadcasting company, who was tutored by Xiito in college for a time. “For many students, it would be impossible to make it through high school and college without him.”
What makes Xiito stand out, Aynte said, is the depth of his sincerity and integrity.
“He wants to help the Somali community’s most vulnerable group, the young, who are at risk for both gangs and extremists,” Aynte said. “He’s a towering moral authority in our community.”
Road to Minnesota
Minnesota’s Somali community numbers in the tens of thousands and is the world’s largest diaspora community of Somalis. The stream of refugees to the state began in 1991, at the beginning of a civil war which continues to this day, has killed a half million people, and has forced more than two million to live as refugees inside and outside the country.
Xiito’s road to Minnesota was typical of many Somali refugees who now live in the state. When the civil war started in 1991, he was a recent graduate of Lafoole University near Mogadishu, just starting as a high school math teacher. He fled to the Otango refugee camp in neighboring Kenya, where he lived for six years before arriving in Minnesota in 1996.
He arrived in this state without a penny, knowing only scraps of English. He worked for a year as a janitor in the 2550 Court International Administration Building in St. Paul, before taking a double-shift job at the Minneapolis airport, checking in-flight catered meals. “I didn’t see the sun for two years,” he remembers. By 2000 he’d saved enough money to enroll at the Metropolitan Technical and Community College in Minneapolis.
Personal Crisis
But his savings ran out. He had to leave after only a semester, and it triggered a personal crisis for Xiito.
“I had three dreams for my life in the U.S.,” he says. “The first was to make a living. The second was to go to university. My third dream was to help people on this earth. I knew I had missed my chance at university. But we should extend ourselves and lend a hand to other human beings. I realized I could still achieve my third dream, and that’s why I started the school.”
One of his first volunteer teachers was Suleiman Amin Egeh, a Somali immigrant himself who signed on after marveling at Xiito’s generosity.
“He’s not only a teacher, he’s a creator and a developer,” Suleiman said. “I was amazed by the man. He started from zero. He saw the need and he began with his own time and money, with small donations from parents. I had never seen anything like it, and I decided to volunteer.”
By 2008, Xiito and his volunteers were tutoring more than 200 students a year, and Xiito was famous for his math teaching in particular.
The Quizmaster
YouTube’s Teacher Xiito section features videos in which students as young as six years old stand next to Xiito as he fires quiz questions at them: “Five times six? Eight times four? Three times nine? Square root of 36? Square root of 144? Twelve times ten? Eighteen times eighteen?”
Enjoying the game immensely, the little prodigies shout back answers in a flash, their faces beaming with pride: “30! 32! 27! 6! 12! 120! 324!
Fadumo Husein, who began sending her fourth grade son to see Xiito in December for math tutoring, says these dramatic videos are no marketing concoction, but rather reflect a common transformation among Xiito’s kids.
“My son couldn’t add two and seven before,” she says. “I was worried about him. Now, within three months, he’s good at math. He was scared at public school but now he has confidence, he believes in himself.”
Xiito teaches their children a lot more than math, parents say.
“He teaches how to focus and get serious,” said Farhio Kalif, a Somali TV show host, whose son is tutored at the Xiito Academy. “Those are important skills. When I took my son in, I was amazed to see that within minutes he wasn’t looking at me, he was just looking in his workbook.”
The Question
“It’s also good to have someplace to take the kids for two or three hours, where you know they are safe and learning useful things,” Kalif adds. “Xiito is good for the health of the parents, as well as their children.”
To keep the school going has required resilience at every step.
Along with many other Minnesota non-profits, the school lost much of its funding in 2009, a huge blow.
Some classes were dropped. But with added support from volunteer staffing and parent donations, the school, rechristened the Xiito Academy, has kept running seven days a week.
“We lost our funding, but I didn’t want to lose my dream,” Xiito said.
“I have only one passion and it’s education,” he says. “It’s a way of life. It’s the future of both the individual and the state. So
Ambasador Abdullahi Abdiaziz Hassan

TAARIIKH KOOBAN: PROF. CUSMAAN YUSUF MAXAMED “JIRFE”

 

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HAMBALYO IYO BOOGAADIN
Tifaftiraha iyo shaqaalaha shabakadda Cammaaro waxay hambalyo iyo boogaadinba u dirayaan Prof. Cusmaan Yusuf Maxamed “Jirfe” oo marwalba u taagan dhiirrigelinta ardada madow guud ahaan, gaar ahaana kuwa Soomaalida in ay noqdaan kuwo ku dadaala waxbarashadooda. Dhiirrigelinta iyo waanada joogtada ah ee uu siiyo ardada ka sokow, waxaan brofesoorka ugu hambalyaynayna in uu noqdo ninkii Soomaaliyeed ee ugu horrayay ee buug uu wax kaqoray laga dhigo dhugsiyada sare ee Kanada. Buuggaas oo la yiraahado,“Echoes from the Past: World History to the 16th Century,” oo la daabacay 2001dii, wuxuu ku saabsanyahay taariikhda adduunka: bilowgii ilaa qarnigii 16naad. Buugga waxaa loodhiga ardada dugsiyada sare ka dhigta gobolka Ontaryo, gaar ahaan kuwa fasalka 11aad. Prof. Cusmaan wuxuu qoray qeybta taariikhda Afrika, oo marka laga reebo tariikhda Masar, aan hore looga dhigin dugsiyada sare ee gobolkan.
Prof. Cusmaan wuxuu kaloo wax ka qoray buug la yiraahdo, “Plundering Afirca’s Past,” oo soo baxay 1995. Buuggan wuxuu ku saabsanyahay dhaca iyo boobka loo gaysto qalabka iyo gobaha taariikhda leh ee qaaradda Afrika, waxaana laga dhiga Jaamicadaha lagu barto cilmiga ataarta qadiimka ah (archaeology). Prof. Cusmaan (iyo Dr. Steven Brandt, la-wadaage) waxay wada qoreen qeybta la yiraahdo, “Starting from Scratch : The Past, Present, and Future Management of Somali’s Cultural Heritage,” oo ku saabsan baahida Soomaaliya u qabto hab lagu dhaqo laguna ilaaliyo goobaha iyo qalabka taariikhda leh iyo dhaqanka Soomaaliga. Qoraalkan oo inta badan laga soo qaaday buugga qalinjebinta Dr. Cusmaan.
Mar labaad, Prof. Cusmaan waxaan ku leenahay, “HAMBALYO,” waxaana kuugu dhiirrigelinaynaa in aad halka ka sii wadid dadaalka. Waxaan akhristayaasha halkan ugu soo bandhigayna qoraal kooban oo ku saabsan taariikhda waxbarashada Prof. Cusmaan Jirfe
TAARIIKH KOOBAN: PROF. CUSMAAN YUSUF MAXAMED “JIRFE”

Prof. Cusmaan Jirfe wuxuu ku dhashay magaalada Jamaame ee gobolka Jubbada Hoose. Wuxuu waxbarashadiisa dugsiga qur’aanka kariimka ah iyo tan dugsiyada hoose/dhexe ku qaatay isla degmadaas, kadibna wuxuu waxbarashadiisa dugsiga sare, labada sano ee hore ku qaatay magaalada Kismaayo (Dugsiga Sare ee Ganaane), labada danbana magaalada Baydhabo (Dugsiga Sare ee 11ka Janaayo).
Shaqadii qaranka iyo tababarkii Xalane kadib, Prof. Cusmaan wuxuu ka mid noqday ardadii gashay Kulliyaddii Waxbarashada Lafoole ee Jaamicaddii Ummadda, halkaas oo uu ka qaatay shahaadadiisii u horraysay ee Jaamicadeed. Lafoole kadib, Prof. Cusmaan wuxuu 1980kii kamid noqday shaqaalihii lagu qoray Akadeemiyada Cilmiga Fanka iyo Suugaanta ee ka tirsaneyd Wasaaraddii Hiddaha iyo Tacliinta Sare. Markuu saddex sanadood ka shaqeeyay Akadeemiyada ayuu waxbarasho u aaday Jamicadda Joorjiya (University of Georgia) ee kutaal gobolka Joorjiya ee dalka Mareekanka, halkaas oo u ku sameeyay dhammaan heerka sare ee waxbarashadiisa isaga oo ku takhasusay cilimiga barashada taariikhda iyo dhaqanka adanaha (Anthropological Archaeology). Prof. Cusmaan wuxuu jaamicaddaasi ka qaatay shahaadada dhexe ee Jaamicadda (Mastrate Digree) sannadkii 1986dii iyo tan Doktoreydka ama Ph.D-da oo uu qaatay 1995.

Duriyada Dir waxaan wadda og nahay dhamaanteen in 30 odaydhaqmeed ee duriyada dir u qeybsaden . DORASHADA DOWLADA 2012 AGOOSTO


Xildhibanada Duriyada Dir iyo Sida La Filaya In Ay Noqdaan Bisha Agoosta 2012.

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Sida aan wada og nahay dhamaanteen in xakkuumada faderalka ee soomaliya in ay ku eg tahay bisha agoosta waxaana laga rajeenaya in ay soo xullaan ilaa 225 xildhibaan oo ay ku wadajiran dhamaan beelaha somaliyeed oo dhan .
Si kastaba ha ahaato marka waxaan sameeynay cilmi baaris ku saleesan qaabka ay wax u socdaan iyo xisaabta qursoon oo ay dad badani ogeen in kastoo beel walba ay gaar u tahay xasaab gooni u ah lakiin halkan waxaan soo bandhigi doona Xisaab siyaasadeed oo aad iyo aad u quseysa Duriyada Dir oo laga doonaya in ay yeeshan bisha agoosta 50 xildhibaan su.aashu waxey tahay Sidee bay u kala qeeyb sanayaan ?
Waxaa muhiim ah in marka horeba dib loo eeggo qaabka loo qeysadey oday dhaqmeeydayada ee Duriyada Dir waxaan wadda og nahay dhamaanteen in 30 odaydhaqmeed ee duriyada dir u qeybsaden .
Waxaa la yirri sidan u qeybsada dir waqooyi waxey qaaten 22 odaydhaqmeed waxaana ku dhufata 2 jawaabta kuu soo baxda waa xildhibanaada Mustaqabalka ee Bisha Agoosta
Halka dir koofured ay ka qaadatay 7 odaydhaqmeed lakiin Dir/koonfur waxaa ay ka duwan yahiin oo waxaa lagu dhufanaya 1 sidoo kale jawabta ku soo baxdo waa xildhibanada mustaqabalka ee Bisha Agoosta.
Tusaale Ahaan
Beeesha samaroon=waxey qaaten 4 odaydhaqmeed (4x2)=8
Beesha ciiise waxey qaaten 4 odaydhaqmeed ( 4x2)=8
Beesha Isaaq waxey qaaten 14 odaydhaqmeed (14x2)=28
Beesha Biimaal waxey qaaten 3 odaydhaqmeed (3x1)=3
Beesha Surre waxey qaaten 2 odaydhaqmeed (2x1)=2
Beesha Bajamaal waxey qaaten 1odaydhaqmeed (1x1)=1
Beesha madaxweyne Dir waxey qaaten 1 odaydhameed (1x1)-1
Tirada Guud Ahaan Ee Xildhibanada Waa 50 Ee Bisha Agoosta 2012

Ugu
dabeentii ma dooneyno inan ku dheerano balse waxaa ku soo koobeyna dhoor suaaladood.
1_Sida ay duriyada dir wax u qeybsadeed maxey kula tahay arin sax miyaa ?
2_Markii sidan wax loo qeybineyey maxaa helay siyaasiinta surre xildhibanada odaydhaqmeedka eek u sugnaa madasha wax lagu xisaabinayey ?
3 Arinkan xal ma leeyahay ?
Aflagada way ka reeban tahay lakiin waxaa muqadas ah in aad cabirto misanka siyaasadeed iyo dareenka

Comments (9 posted):

dalmar xaaji cali on 22 May, 2012 02:25:12
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asc marka bahda webka camaara salaan kadib hadii aan usii gudbo barnaamijka dir kuunfur ha ahaado biimaal ama surre waa la dhacay xilalkooda waxaana u sawab ah siyaasiintooda cidkale yeysan eedin CIISE oo aanba somalia meel ka joogin inta uu qaatay ayaan ka yaabanahay isagoo joogaa wadankiisa jabuuti ayaa waxaaba ka dad badan biimaal marka biimaal iyo surre iyaga waa in ay tashadaan danahooda wadankoodana ay xureestaan maanta waa dadka kaliya is ka war qabo dhalashadooda aysan muran ku jirin cadaawada aan meel loo raaco aan laheyna meel in ay iska dhigaan dirta ay la xisaabtamaan ayaan dhihi lahaa
cammaara on 22 May, 2012 07:15:20
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Xasan Mircood_Asc dhamaan arkun waa mid Iga Yaabiyay waa maxay sida wax loo wadaagay oo yaa ka dabeeyay arinkun war hayaay .

@Bal Amurtan eega inta sida ay yahiin beelaha dir weligood guul ma garayan oo waxay hoos fadhin beelaha wayo dadku walalaha ahi way in ay isku tanasulaan qaasatan kuwa degga soomaliland way inay muujiyan xigmad intan ka balaaran
cabdalle on 22 May, 2012 09:33:51
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asc anigu waxaan islahaa hadii ay beesha surre siyaan 10 inay yartahay sidaan lakiin waamid aan madaxa galikarin isaaq lagaray lakiin ciise iyo gadobiirsi dad ahaan nagama badna iyo degaan ahaan rabinaa yastur waa ceebwayn
C/RAXMAN on 22 May, 2012 06:12:18
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waxan filayaa nin aamusay hooyadiina wey hilmaamtaa marka waan aragnay qolyaha dowlada inoogu jira iyo xaalkooda marka waxaan ku talinayaa siyaasiyiin iyo oday dhaqameedka beesha in ay muujiyaan sida wax u socdaan in aysan ku qanacsanayn oo aynaan sina ku aqbalikarin waayo hadaanan cabashadaada iyo hamigaaga dibada soo dhigin oo aadan kala cadayn wax kuu cuntamaya iyo waxa aan kuu cuntamaynin cidna kuu qaraabi mayso waligeena ashuun unbaan ku adimaynaa
Surre on 23 May, 2012 03:25:44
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Saaxiib lax waliba shilalkey is dhigtaa lagu qalaa,nin tiisii meel marsaday waxba ha eedin ee adiga kuwa magacaaga wata ee quraacda iyo qadada kugu doorsada iska dhici.
Iidle on 23 May, 2012 08:54:54
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Saaxiibayaal waxaan u malaynayaa in beeshu seexatay WWII
Maanta beelihii soomaaliyeed nin walbe beeshiisa ayuu wax u raadsanayaa si uu ugu soo dhiciyo marka nin walboow u xusulduub sidaad wax ku soo dhicin lahayd
cabdalle on 23 May, 2012 09:22:04
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asc maanta somaliya qabiilka kaliya oo aan waxaba ka aheen waa dir hadii ay tahay xag siyaasedeed ama wax wada qabsi, presedent kama nahi , prime minister iyo speaker of the parliment midnaba mahaysano taas waxay kuu xaqii jinaysaa in ay beesha dir ay tahay dad aan dana hooda aqoon , hadii aan usoo laabto beesha surre anaga ayaa u liidana haydii ay noqoto dir taasi waxay na tusaysaa inaan nahay dad ka uliita somaliya maanta
faqi maxamed on 24 May, 2012 09:28:00
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Ugu horeeyn wan salmayan dhamaan tan xigta 2 arimood waa muhiim iney ka tashadaan surre iyo bimaal waa tan ciise iyo isaaq tan ciise waa mida ugu muhimsan iyago somaliya aan degin kana tirsan dal kale jabuti la qeybsada mamulkasna wax kawada iney manta wax la qeybsadan dir waa qalad weyn tan 2aad isaaq inu asigo weli somalinimada ogoleyn iney tiro intaas le eg qataana waa wax lalayabo iyadana marka surre iyo bimaal waxan leyahay wa iney go an cad ka qataan arintaan iskuna dayan iney wax ka badalaan hadey kale weligood minority ayey ahanayan magacoodana dad kale aya wax ku cuni donaan
wiil_ cabaas Muuse on 25 May, 2012 09:13:44
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ANiga wax fikir ahaaan qaba meesha inu ka dhacay dulmi aad ubalaran waxaas odhana wax nokenay raga kaqayb galay oo sure 2xubnood ka qatay waa arin loga xumaado waxna ku bararujin lahaa dhamaaan wax garadka beesha sure inay arintaaa ka kacaan aadna waa idin wada salamayaa

Saturday, September 15, 2012

Wareeysiyo Prof. Abdirahman Haji Adam Ibbi-Af Somali


Prof. IBBI's Speech: Part 5



http://youtu.be/xdQuzBhPOaE

Speech about the illegality about the Ethiopian invasion in the sovereign nation of Somalia - Professor Abdirahman Haji Adam IBBI- 2005 May 6

http://youtu.be/Ge5L-wy82rE

Let us build Djibouti with our Hawala Money.
A Somali sell-out asks his wife to sleep with Ethiopian official.

Somalia - Prof. IBBI's Speech - Part 4
http://youtu.be/yCfb2iJVAKQ

LWJ_mast_comp2c.jpg

http://www.longwarjournal.org/about.php



Laayaxa-Xeer ilaaliya-

Monday, September 10, 2012

Profiles of Somalia's top presidential candidates - Winner Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud

Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud (Somali: Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, Arabic: الشيخ حسن محمود‎) is a Somali politician and social activist. He is the President of Somalia.

Personal life Mohamoud obtained a diploma from Mogadishu's Somali National University in 1981. He later moved to India and attended Bhopal University, where he earned a Master's Degree in 1988.[1]




Mohamoud is bilingual, speaking Somali and English.[1]

Career

In a professional capacity, Mohamoud initially worked as an education officer for UNICEF in the central and southern parts of the country from 1993 to 1995. In 1999, he co-established the Somali Institute of Management and Administration (SIMAD) in the capital. The institution subsequently grew into the Simad University, with Mohamoud acting as Dean until 2010.[1]




Mohamoud entered Somali politics the following year, when he established the independent Peace and Development Party (PDP).[1] PDP members unanimously elected him as the party's chairman in April 2011, with a mandate to serve as leader for the next three years.[2]












Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed is the current president of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) whose term ends on August 20th.



Ahmed was born in 1964 near the city of Jowhar, where he attended primary education. He later moved to Mogadishu and completed secondary education at Sheikh Sufi Secondary School.



In 1992, Ahmed enrolled at the University of Kordofan in Sudan and transferred two years later to Open University in Libya, graduating in 1998 from the College of Sharia and Law. He taught Geography, Arabic and Religious Studies at Juba Secondary School until 2004, when he was nominated to lead the Islamic Courts Union (ICU).



The ICU was an alliance comprising regional Sharia courts that controlled most of southern Somalia.



In 2007, Ahmed left the ICU and with other former members founded an opposition group called the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia. He later entered into UN sponsored negotiations with the transitional government under the late President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, and joined Somalia's transitional parliament.



Ahmed was elected to succeed Yusuf after the latter resigned in December 2008. Ahmed took office January 31, 2009.



President Ahmed speaks Somali and Arabic.



Abdiweli Mohamed Ali

Abdiweli Mohamed Ali was born in the late 1950s. After completing his secondary school education, he attended the Somali National University and obtained a bachelor's degree in economics in 1984.



He was the director of the tax department at the Ministry of Finance and Revenue from the mid-to-late 1980s. From 1988 to 1991, he was an assistant director at the Research and Statistics department at the Ministry of Finance and Revenue.



After that, he immigrated to the United States to continue his higher education.



He received his master's degree from Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee in 1988 and then obtained another master's degree in public administration from Harvard University in 1999.



He received his Ph.D. in economics from George Mason University in Virginia in 2000.



In 2003, Ali taught economics at Niagara University in New York until he joined Somalia's transitional government as deputy prime minister and minister of planning and international cooperation.



He was appointed as prime minister in June 2011 after Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmajo resigned.



Ali is highly experienced in academia and academic research, development and economic politics as well as financial and public administration. He worked for several international agencies including The World Bank and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP).



Before returning to Somalia in 2010, Ali was a member of the American Economic Association and Atlantic Economic Society.



Ali speaks Somali, English and Italian and holds dual Somali and US citizenship.



Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aadan

Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aadan was born in 1946 in Bardaale to a family originally from the Bay and Bakool regions.



Aadan entered politics in 2004 when he was elected speaker of the parliament in Somalia's transitional government. He held that position until 2007 when he was ousted for holding unauthorized talks with members of the Islamic Courts Union.



Aadan was appointed deputy prime minister and minister of finance when President Ahmed took office in 2009, and became one of the most prominent figures in the cabinet of former Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke.



In May 2010, the Somali parliament re-elected Aadan as its speaker.



Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmajo

Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmajo was born in 1962 in Mogadishu to a family originally from Gedo in south-western Somalia.



In 1985, he was appointed as first secretary at the Somali embassy in Washington DC.



In 1989, he left to earn his bachelor's degree in history from the University of Buffalo in New York. During this time, Farmajo applied for political asylum in the United States after the government collapsed in 1991.



He continued his studies at the University at Buffalo and obtained a master's degree in political sciences and international relations.



After becoming an American citizen, he went on to hold several jobs in New York state, including at the Buffalo Municipal Housing Authority, the Erie County Division of Equal Employment Opportunity, and the New York State Department of Transportation.



President Ahmed appointed Farmajo as prime minister in October 2010 to succeed Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, who resigned from his post following a dispute.



Farmajo resigned from this post in June 2011 under pressure from the international community as part of the Kampala Accord between President Ahmed and the Speaker of Parliament Aadan, during which the mandate of the transitional institutions was extended to August 20, 2012.



In 2011, Farmajo founded a new political party, the Somali Justice and Equality Party, also known as Tayo.



Farmajo is currently secretary general for Tayo, which is chaired by Dr. Mariam Qasim, his former minister of women's affairs. Tayo is the first Somali political party headed by a woman.



Farmajo speaks Somali and English and holds dual Somali and US citizenship.



Ali Mohamed Ghedi

Ali Mohamed Ghedi was born in Mogadishu in 1952.



After finishing his secondary school education, he entered Somali National University in Mogadishu and graduated with a bachelor's degree in veterinary sciences. He later travelled to Italy to further his education with a two-year scholarship at the University of Pisa in 1979.



In 1981, Ghedi returned to Mogadishu where he taught at the Somali National University College of Veterinary Medicine, eventually becoming its head until the government collapse of 1991.



Ghedi served as prime minister of Somalia's Transitional Federal Government under the administration of President Abdullahi Yusuf from 2004 to 2007, when he resigned.



This is the second time that Ghedi is running for the presidency; the first was in 2009, but he withdrew his nomination.



Ghedi speaks Somali, Italian and English.



Abdirahman Abdullahi Baadiyow

Abdirahman Abdullahi Baadiyow was born in 1954 in Galguduud in central Somalia.



Baadiyow joined the Somali National Army in 1971, reaching the rank of Lieutenant Colonel and remained in active duty until 1986, when he decided to leave the military due to President Siad Barre's military response against clan-based armed factions that were emerging against his regime.



After leaving the armed forces, he enrolled at McGill University in Canada where he earned a master's degree and a PhD in Islamic studies.



He returned to Somalia in 1993 as the East Africa regional director of Mercy-USA for Aid and Development, a non-profit organisation that works to provide relief and promotes economic and educational development. While with Mercy-USA, Baadiyow worked in health and education until 2007, establishing primary and secondary schools as well as health centres in the region.



In 1996, he co-founded Mogadishu University where he serves as the current chairman of the Board of Trustees.



In 2000, Baadiyow took part in the Somalia National Peace Conference held in Djibouti and was selected as a member of the Technical Committee charged with overseeing the charter for the Transitional National Government.



Baadiyow speaks Somali and English and holds dual Somali and Canadian citizenship.



Ahmed Ismail Samatar

Ahmed Ismail Samatar is a prominent academic who has lived in the United States for over 30 years.



He is the current James Wallace Professor of International Studies at Macalester College in Saint Paul, Minnesota, where he also served as the Dean of International Studies and Programming, and as the founding Dean of the Institute for Global Citizenship.



Samatar's expertise is in the areas of global political economy, political and social thought and African development. He has authored five books and published over 30 articles. He received a PhD in 1984 from the University of Denver.



He has lectured at various universities including the Somali National University, London School of Economics and Political Science, Cornel University, Harvard University, University of Amsterdam, and the University of Otago.



Samatar is originally from the northern region of the country and opposes Somaliland's unilateral separation from the rest of the country.



He is the current leader of the Hiil Qaran political party, and one among 13 presidential hopefuls who have formed a coalition called National Association for Change. The group has struck a unity deal and will nominate one of its members as the presidential candidate.



Samatar holds dual Somali and US citizenship and speaks Somali, Arabic and English.



Hassan Sheikh Mohamud

Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is an academic and political and civic activist who has worked for several national and international peace and development organizations.



Mohamud graduated from the Somali National University in 1981 and then went on to study in India where he obtained a master's degree from Bhopal University in 1988.



In 1993, Mohamud worked for the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund as an education officer in south and central Somalia until the departure of the United Nations Operation in Somalia forces in 1995.



In 1999, he co-founded the Somali Institute of Management and Administration Development in Mogadishu, which later evolved into Simad University, and served as its dean until 2010.



In 2011, he founded the Peace and Development Party and currently serves as its chairman.



Mohamud speaks Somali and English.



Yusuf Garaad Omar

Yusuf Garaad Omar is a veteran journalist and former director of the BBC Somali Service in London.



Omar was born in 1960 in Mogadishu's Hamar Jajab district and completed his secondary education in Mogadishu. He attended the Somali National University where he studied French and graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in Linguistics.



He joined Radio Mogadishu in 1984 where he worked until the collapse of the central government.



In 1990, Omar immigrated to Italy and attended the University of Siena to pursue advanced studies in anthropology. He joined the BBC Somali Service in 1992, initially working as a freelance reporter from Italy. He became the head of the unit in 2000.



Omar holds dual Somali and British citizenship and speaks Somali, English, Italian and French.



Saturday, September 8, 2012

Coup in Somalia Wednesday, October 22, 1969 Mr. Ibrahim Egal,General Korshel, the police commandant

Coup in Somalia The Times Wednesday, October 22, 1969

The collapse of another democracy in Africa is regrettable. Since their independence in 1960, when their British and Italian administered homelands were hastily united, the Somalis maintained parliamentary institutions and an impartial judiciary. These free institutions survived what amounted to an unsuccessful war with Kenya and Ethiopia to unite the Somali nation throughout the horn of Africa.



Clearly, however, Somali democracy was crumbling under electoral and other abuses. Whether or not the assassination of the President, Abdi Rashid Shermarke, was directly connected with rising opposition, his death brought trouble to a head.



The elections in March a flood of electoral petitions against corruption which were astonishingly dismissed by the Supreme Court after a respected Italian judge had been retired. The government of Mr. Ibrahim Egal, who has been detained, certainly seemed to be overreaching themselves in their desire to stay in power. Admittedly the electoral regulations almost invited the Government to exert pressure. But after the accusations of rigging , there was little possibility of holding elections for a new president which would have been accepted as fair, and in Somalia the president has some vital executive duties. Haji Muse Boghor, whose name was mentioned prominently as Mr. Shermarke`s successor, was known as an associate of Interior Minister, Mr. Yasin Nur.



The takeover by the army and police (as in the anti-Nkrumah coup they worked together) may prove therefore to be popular movement against a ruling clique that had abandoned the rules of fair play as the Somali clans respect them. The new regime will have to be reformists. Fortunately, mineral developments promise a desperately poor land new resources – indeed this prospect may have tempted Mr. Egal`s government to cling to power. But the whole administration needs overhauling, and Somalia`s return to democracy may well take as long as, for example, Sierra Leone`s.



It is worth noting that in Africa Army rule tends to be an interlude. The politicians, suitably chastened for their hubris, are allowed back for their technical skills when the officers see that their popular backing has evaporated. The army in many African states is, in a sense, the alternative government rather than the nominal political “opposition”.



Meanwhile change is in the air among Somalia`s neighbours in the horn of Africa. It is unclear what will follow the leadership of the respected but aged Emporor of Ethiopia and President Kenyatta of Kenya. Bothe countries are threatened with disruption – Ethiopia by Eritrean secessionism, Kenya by anti-Kikuyu feeling. The new Sudanese regime has also signally failed to deal with its southern secessionists. Amid such uncertainties, the Somalis may be glad of military leadership, based on their Russian-equipped but far from Russian-indoctrinated Army, for a period of national consolidation.



Soviet Advisors` role in Somali Army, By Ralph Hawkins-The Times,October 26, 1969

Mogadishu, Oct 26. Russian advisors were with the Somali Army throughout last week`s bloodless takeover of power, it was disclosed here today.



When staff of other embassies were refused permission to go to their offices or to leave them if they were already inside, Soviet diplomats had free movement throughout the capital.



Diplomatic sources disclosed that it was initially assumed that the military take-over was inspired by communists. But now they are reluctant to confirm that opinion. “The Somali Army cannot operate without the Russian advisors. And in that case they may just have been doing their jobs. At any rate it is difficult now to see any communist inspiration in the announced aims of the revolutionary Council,” one sources declared.


Piecing together the events of the Tuesday coup, it is now clear that the army acted alone.


The evening before the revolution the ruling Somali Youth League met in closed session and confirmed Haji Musa Boghor as the party`s nominee for the vacant presidency. Army informers inside the meeting disclosed that Mohammad Ibrahim Egal, the Prime minister, intended to rush through the election at a specially called meeting of the national Assembly the next day. By 2 o`clock the next morning, however, troops went into action. They surrounded and captured the police headquarters, took over the radio station and Ministry of Information, surrounded other public buildings, and cut telephone wires inside and outside Mogadishu.



General Korshel, the police commandant, is believed to have won his freedom, after arrest, by guaranteeing police support to the coup.



Mr. Egal and his cabinet were rounded up, along with the acting President, Sheik Muktar.



Mr Egal is now under heavy guard in his seafront home. An armoured troop carrier blocks the front entrance, and another guards the rear. Troops have sealed off streets around the house.



It is widely alleged in Mogadishu today that the army has discovered a £500,000 deficit in a special Government account handling Somalia oil deals.



This weekend General Mohammad Siyad, Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and spokesman for the Supreme Revolutionary Council, met the press for the first time.



In the officers` club at Army headquarter, on the outskirts of Mogadishu, General Siyad pledged the new regime to continue friendly relations with neighbouring countries.



General Siyad is not thought, by many observers, to be the real power behind the revolution. A group of officers of the rank of lieutenant-colonel and colonel are believed to have been responsible for the planning of the coup.



But Mogadishu itself is being run by captains and majors who have taken over different ministers and appear to have absolute authority.



Even now the Revolutionary Council chooses to remain anonymous, and for the moment the streets of Mogadishu are quiet.



Turmoil in a Land of Proud and Hostile Clans

The New York Times

October 26, 1969



This dispatch was written by a New York Times correspondent who recently visited Somalia



Paris – Of all the countries in Black Africa, only little Somalia – the nine-year-old nation that occupies the almost biblical wilderness of Africa`s Eastern Horn – has anything approaching ethnic unity.



Almost all of its 2.5 million people are Somalis – long-limbed, curly-haired, dark and handsome. But not all Somalis live in Somalia; there are substantial numbers also in Kenya, Ethiopia and French enclave of Djibouti, a valuable port on the Red Sea.



The Somali constitution pledges the country to the reunion of the Somali peoples, and that was a cardinal tenet of government policy in Mogadishu, the sleepy seaside capital, in the early years. The talk of the politics there was to talk of national “irredentism”.





Seated portrait shows a smiling Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, the prime minister of Somalia, 1968. New York. (Photo by Bachrach/Getty Images)



Prime Minister Mohammad Ibrahim Egal, an articulate, studious and relatively unbelligerent leader, took office on July 5, 1967, and immediately set about reducing the tensions between Somalia and its neighbors, which had resulted in a series of undeclared border wars. He succeeded in working out a détente with Kenya and with Djibouti, and as recently as last month was conferring with Emperor Haile Selassie on problems in the Ogaden desert of Ethiopia.



Now all of his efforts have been swept away, and it appears possible that new hostilities will poison the area, which is given great strategic significance by its position at the mouth of the Red Sea across from Aden.



On October 15, a man in a policeman`s uniform shot and killed the President, Abdirashid Ali Shermarke, as he visited Las Anod in the extreme northeastern part of the country, which has been devastated by a severe, two-year drought. It was the third political slaying in East Africa this year; previously, Dr. Eduardo Mondlane, leader of the Mozambique Liberation Front, and Tom Mboya, Kenya`s Minister for Economic Development, had been killed.



Last Tuesday morning, a few hours after the President was buried, the Somali police and army seized power, driving Mr. Egal from office and arresting him and other ministers. The country`s name was immediately changed to “the Democratic Republic of Somalia” – a formulation that in Africa usually, but not always, signifies an intention to move to the left.



It is not clear whether there was any connection between the assassination and the coup d`etat, and the country`s new leaders have done little to tip their hand. But the military and police officers have praised Mr. Shermarke, an unreformed irredentist, and locked up Mr. Egal, the negotiator.



If renewed militancy in Somalia is bad news for neighboring countries, it is equally unfortunate for the Somalis themselves, even though a Soviet diplomat who was on the scene for the coup said that it “seemed to have wide popular support.” The reason is that continued diversion of the country`s limited resources into military spending, without any real hope of battlefield success, can only postpone Somalia`s marginal chances of economic development.



Much had been made of deposits of uranium about 200 miles from Mogadishu, but it is not yet clear whether these will be commercially exploitable. In the meantime, Somalia`s economy depends on the export of bananas to Italy – a trade that has been made more difficult by the closing of the Suez Canal.



The gross national product works out to be about $55 per capita, low even by the hard scrabble standards of Africa. Despite copious aid from the east and West (by some reckoning, Somalia has received more aid per capita in the last decade than any country in the world), the country still lacks roads, schools, port facilities, housing, water, hospitals and almost everything else.



One everyday sight in Mogadishu serves to set the scene. Except for the very rich, the capital`s 200,000 people must buy their water, day by day, form peddlers who lead mules bearing aluminum cans through the crowed streets.



Why was Mr. Egal swept from office? He himself remarked about two months ago that his time was limited, that he had produce both peace some measure of prosperity relatively quickly, and the coup-makers may have felt that that was beyond his reach. He is also charged with corruption and election fraud, but that alone has seldom been enough to bring down an African regime.



In any event, he appeared to many foreigners to be the ablest man on the scene, and whoever emerges as the new strong will find as difficult as he did the realities of running the country – balancing the interests of Somalia`s dozens of proud and antagonistic clans, working out a modus Vivendi with its neighbors, and finding some way to make its sands and scrub a viable place to live.







One Response to Coup in Somalia The Times Wednesday, October 22, 1969








Mahad Cabdalla oo loo doortay G/ku-xigeenka 2-aad ee baarlamaanka (Sawiro)



Afhayeenka Dowladda Soomaaliya


Doorashadii Afhayeenka Baarlamaanka iyo Ku/Xigeenadiisa oo Goordhow Dhamaatay

Posted by admin on Aug 28th, 2012 and filed under Warar. You can follow any responses to this entry through the RSS 2.0. You can skip to the end and leave a response. Pinging is currently not allowed.



Waxa la soo gabagabeeyay doorashadii guddoonka baarlamaanka iyo ku xigeenadiisa, oo ka dhaceysay dugsiga tababarka ciidanka ee General Kaahiye.



Waxa doorashadii ugu dambeesay ay ahayd tii guddoomiye ku xigeenka labaad ee baarlamaanka Soomaaliya, waxana isku soo taagay ilaa afar musharax oo kala ah:



1- Cabdulaahi Cismaan Sugule waxa uu helay 48



2- Maxamed Cabdulaahi Xasan waxa uu helay 22



3- Cusmaan Cilme Boqorre oo helay 19



4- Mahad Cabdalle Cawad oo helay 122 cod



Markii lagu dhawaaqay natiijadda dooradhada koobaad ee guddoomiye ku xigeenka labaad ee baarlamaanka, ayaa gudigga doorashada waxa ay u sheegeyn musharixiinta in ay jiraan wax tanaasulay, maadama wareeg labaad la galaayo, intii aan wareeg labaad lagalin ayaa waxa musharixiinta ay sheegeyn in ay uga taansuleen xilka ninka ugu codbadiyay qeybta koobaad oo ah Mahad Cabdalle Cawad.



Waxana meesha ku soo dhamaaday doorashadii guddoomiye ku xigeenka labaad ee baarlamaanka.



Intaas kaddib waxa goobta lagu dhaariyay guddoomiyaha cusub ee baarlamaanka iyo ku xigeenadiisa, waxana markii dambe la hadlay xildhibaannadda iyo marti sharafta kale afhayeenka cusub ee baarlamaanka Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan Jawaari, waxa uu sheegay in dadka ay daalan yihiin, shirkana uu xiran yahay.



Wuxu sheegay in maalinta bari la nasan doono, laakin khamiista toddobaadkan la qaban doono kullan, markaas oo la shaacin doono wax yaabaha ay qaban doonaan guddoonka cusub ee baarlamaanka.



Waxa sidaas ku soo dhamaaday munnaasabadii saaka barqadii soo bilaabatay ee lagu soo dooranaayay guddomiye baarlamaan iyo ku xigeennadiisa.



Waa markii ugu horreysay ee doorashada baarlamaanka ay ka dhacdo Soomaaliya muddo ka badan 20 sanno.



Kala soco warar sugan: Ishabaydhaba.com



2012/08/29, 06:21 am



Khaanad: Gobolada, Muqdisho, Wararka Lifaaqyo: Baarlamaanka, guddoomiye ku-xigeenka labaad, loo doortay, Mahad Cabdalla.



Mahad Cabdalla oo loo doortay G/ku-xigeenka 2-aad ee baarlamaanka

Tartankii doorashada guddoomiye ku-xigeenka labaad ee baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ayaa waxaa ku guuleystay Mahad Cabdalla Cawad kaddib markii Afar musharrax ay xilkaasi u tartameen.



Xubnaha xilka guddoomiye ku-xigeenka labaad ee baarlamaanka u loolamayay ayaa waxay kala ahaayeen Mahad Cabdalla Cawad, Cismaan Cilmi Boqorre, Cabdullaahi Cismaan Ducaale iyo Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan.



Doorashadaas ayaa waxaa codeeyay 201 xildhibaan, 112 cod waxaa helay Mahad Cabdalla Cawad iyadoo markii loo gudbay wareegii labaad ay tanaasuleen saddexdii musharrax ee kale, waxaana qofka ugu soo dhowaa codadka uu ahaa Cismaan Cilmi Boqorre.



Gabagabadii, waxaa goobta lagu dhaariyay guddoomiye ku-xigeenka koowaad ee baarlamaanka Soomaaliya Jeylaani Nuur Iikar iyo guddoomiye ku-xigeenka labaad Mahad Cabdalla Cawad.



Afhayeenka cusub ee baarlamaanka Prof. Maxamed Sheekh Cismaan (Jawaari) ayaa sheegay in barito ay tahay nasasho, isla markaana xildhibaannada baarlamaanka ay isku imaan doonaan maalinta Khamiista ah.



Tuesday, September 4, 2012

Qoraalo Tarikho Ku Saabsan Beesha Bimaal - Geledi iyo Halgankii Biyamaal iyo Talyaniga


In the first article we saw how the Geledi people settled on the banks of the river Shabeelle, in the town that is now known as Afgooye, where they liberated themselves from the rule of the Silcis and became allies of the Wacdaan clan who had settled on the opposite bank of the river. By counting the generations we can tell that this must have been towards the end of the 17th century CE (11th century AH).

The Geledi went on to prosper and became a small city state whose wealth rested on farming and trade. The rich soil of the river bank produced abundant crops, and their settlement was located at the point where the important caravan route from the interior to the port city of Mogadishu crossed the Shabeelle river, so that it became a major market and its rulers collected tolls from the caravans. It also made them rivals of another powerful clan, the Biimaal, who controlled the parallel trade route to the port of Marka. The Geledi had their own system of government. At the head of the community was - and still is - the man known as the Sheikh or the Suldaan. This double title shows that he is both a religious and a political leader; but he is no absolute ruler, but rather the 'first among equals'. For about three centuries this role has been held by a member of the Gobroon lineage.

The most famous Suldaan of the Geledi was Yuusuf Maxamuud Ibraahim, who reigned in the early part of the 19th century CE (13th AH). It was Yuusuf who led the Geledi to become the dominating power in southern Somalia at the time. His authority rested on a combination of political and military ability with a reputation for religious baraka and knowledge of divination and mystical arts (wardi and tacdaar or asraar). At this time the Somali coast was nominally under the rule of the Omani Sultans of Zanzibar, but in reality their rule did not mount to much and certainly did not extend inland. The formerly great city of Mogadishu (Xamar) had declined into a very poor condition, so that the real power passed to the Geledi inland, and Yuusuf was able to take advantage of that.

We know the history of Yuusuf, both from the memories that are preserved by his people, and from the eyewitness accounts of two Europeans, who both visited Geledi (as the town was then known) in the 1840s because they were interested in setting up trade relations. The first was an English sailor, Lt. William Christopher of the British East India Company. This is his description of Yuusuf, dated April 11th 1843:

'The chief is a tall man with an intelligent countenance, about 45 years old, dressed only in a long white cloth loosely thrown around his person... his head is shaven and he has a scant beard round the edge of the lower part of the face...'

The second visitor was a Frenchman, Captain Charles Guillain, who was there five years later. He did not succeed in meeting Yuusuf, who was away, but he met his two brothers: Ibrahim, whom he describes as ‘a man of authority and ideas’ whose ‘sharp, jutting profile suggested a spirit of cunning and intrigue’, and Muuse, a very tall man who ‘though his features do not show the energy of the soldier... generally accompanies Yuusuf when he goes to war’. Guillain has left us a vivid description of the town of Geledi as it was at that time (it was not then generally called Afgooye). This is what he wrote:

‘I enjoyed following the paths which ran through the village, ... irregular and capricious as an arabesque design. The picturesque appearance of this barbarian city, dotted here and there with trees, shrubs and little patches of millet or sesame, was not without charm. the gaiety of the facial expression of the inhabitants, the vivacity of their gait, gestures and speech; the women, carrying jars on their heads1 to fill them in the river; the great oxen, the donkeys with their loads, the lines of camels making their way through the fields or fording the river, followed and urged on by their drivers with long slender spears; and then, in the midst of the groups of huts gilded by the sun, clumps of greenery where a multitude of brilliantly coloured birds fluttered, sometimes hanging their nests on the very tips of the branches which overhung the river; and finally the river itself, with its deep bed, its winding course, its steep banks edged with a border of dense bushes; rolling its muddied waters, constantly stirred up by the trampling of men and beasts on their way across; all this formed a picture as cheerful as it was animated...’ In his book about his journey he also published a picture, showing a view of Geledi which was still recognisable until recently, though there have been so many changes, and the town has grown so much.

From this base, Yuusuf made Geledi the centre of a network of alliances extending over most of southern Somalia. By 1842 he was able to lead out an army of about 8,000 men to help settle a succession dispute in Mogadishu. The next year came his most famous achievement, the victory over the community of Baardheere on the Jubba river. This was a religious brotherhood, 'jamaacad', founded in the 1820s. By the 1840s it was headed by Sharif Ibraahim and Sharif Cabderraxmaan, whose zeal to reform the way of life of the southern Somali peoples, and bring it closer to true Islam as interpreted by the brotherhood, won them devoted support, but also violent hostility. The brotherhood forbade dancing and the chewing of tobacco. Its women members covered their faces with veils and their legs with a kind of trousers. Sheikh Ibraahim also forbade the handling of elephant or hippopotamus tusks, since these were unclean animals. This proposal would have ruined the ivory trade, and it therefore made him an enemy to trading clans like the Kasar Gudda of Luuq. He had started to impose these reforms by force on the surrounding clans, and had captured the city of Baraawe, where the inhabitants were obliged to obey his orders. It was naturally to Yuusuf, as the strongest ruler in the area, that other clans turned for protection and leadership. It was not just a matter of trade and economics. He too was a religious leader, and was defending a more traditional kind of Islam, angrily rejecting the accusations of the Sheikh of Bardheere that he was an 'infidel'.

A large army from a wide alliance of clans gathered to Yuusuf; the whole country, it was said, was empty of men of fighting age - only old men, women and children were left. They besieged, attacked and defeated the Baardheerans, killed their leading sheikhs and burnt the settlement to the ground (though it was later revived).

Many stories are told about this campaign, for instance that Yuusuf's army had with them four large haan milk vessels filled with bees. They opened these and the bees flew at the Baardheere army, driving them into panic. Ever since, the Gobroon Sultan is praised as 'shinni duuliow', 'who makes war with bees'.

The fame and prestige of this victory were immense. For the next few years the Geledi were far the strongest power in the region, and most of the other clans hurried to become allied with them. However, enmity continued between them and the Biimaal clan, who had supported the Baardheerans. Yuusuf, once again at the head of an army drawn from many clans, attacked Marka early in 1847; the Biimaal were defeated,and the city surrendered. But the main body of the Biimaal, who lived outside the town, had not submitted to him. The following year, Yuusuf, with his brother Muuse, again gathered an army at Golweyn in order to give battle to them. The two armies met at Cadcadey near Jilib, at midday on Friday the 12 May 1848 (8th of Jumaada II, 1264 AH). We know the exact date because it was recorded by Captain Guillain, who received the news just before he left Somalia. The battle was very bloody, the Geledi were routed, and Yuusuf was killed together with his brother Muuse.

Dhulkii Cadcadey, dhib aa ku dhahayo Nin oon dhimahayn dhulkiis ha joogo.

But there is a tradition that Yuusuf did not die in the battle; he disappeared mysteriously; some old people say that ‘he flew’ – as the greatest sheikhs among the southern Somali – and years later pilgrims to Mecca saw him there. He was such a great man in his people’s minds that they refused to believe in his death.

The power of the Geledi never fully recovered from this defeat, though Yuusuf’s son Axmed tried to maintain it until he too was killed in battle in 1878. By the time of the Italian colonial take-over in the 1890s, the Geledi were no longer a major force. However the people of Afgooye and southern Somalia still remember the 'golden age' of Suldaan Yuusuf.

Bibliography

Yuusuf’s life is known from local traditions which were told to me in the 1960s and 1980s. It is also known from two contemporary European witnesses: Lieut. W. Christopher,(Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 1844, XI :76-103) and Captain Charles Guillain, (Documents sur l’histoire, la geographie et la commerce de l’Afrique orientale. Vols I, IIa and IIb. Paris,Arthus Bertrand, 1856), but these are hard to access.

Pietro Barile tells some of the traditions in his book Colonizazzione Fascista nella Somalia Meridionale, (1935. Roma: Societa Italiana Arti Grafiche). He is the source for the poem I have quoted.

Modern works are: Cassanelli, Lee.V. The Shaping of Somali Society; Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People 1600-1900. Philadelphia 1982. Luling, Virginia. Somali Sultanate; the Geledi City-State over 150 Years. London and Piscataway New Jersey, 2002

TAARIKHAHA DIR EE LA AASAY WAXAA UGU WEYN TA BOQORTOYADII BIMAAL IYO KACDOONKOODI AY SOMALIA ISKU DAYEEN IN AY KA XOREEYAN GUMEYSTA NOOC WALBA GAAL, CARAB IYO DABADHILIF SOMAALIYEED

1857 BIMAALKA WAXA AY KU BILAABEEN DAGAAL BOQORTOYADII SICIID BARQASH EE CUMAANIYINTA AHAYD IYAGOO U DIIDAY IN AY DALKA KONFURTIISA BANADIR XUKUMAAN.

SULDAANKA BIMAAL AYAA WAXA UU U DIRAY WARQAD BOQORKA CUMAAN OO UU KU LEYAHAY CARABTU SADEX SIYAABOOD AYAY AFRIKA KU SOO GALAAN: DACWA DIIN FAFIS, ISHTARAK GANACSI AMA FATUUX QABSASHO XOOGA AH. SULDAANKA BIIMAAL WUXUU U SHEEGAY IN CUMAAN DIIN FAFIN KARIN WAAYO WAA CIBADI, GANACSI KA FURI KARIN WAAYO SULDAANKA BIIMAAL FASAX KAMEY HELIN, XOOGNA IN AY WALIGEED SOMAALI CARAB KU QABSAN ISKA DAA DIR E.

1)DACWA- IYAGOO DIIN WADA, WAXA UU CUMAANIDA KU YIRI DIIN IYO DACWA KAA AKHRISAN MEYNO OO WAXAAD TIHIIN (CIBAADIYIIN) IBAADITES WAA MADHAB DALKA CUMAAN KALIYA KA JIRTA OO UU UGU YEERAY MADHAB AAN SAX EHEYN ISAGUNA ISKU TILMAAMAY SHAFICI GAADIRIYA HAYSTA IYO AHMADIYA

2)FATUUXNA DAGAAL CARAB WALIGOOD SOMALI UGAGA MACAASHIN

3)WARQADA WAXAA KU QORNAA IN GANACSI AY KA SAMEYN KARIN CUMAANIDU ISKA DAA QALCADO IN AY KA DHISTAAN IYO HIRZ (FORTES) BIMAALKU CUMAANIDA IN AY DHULKA JOOGAAN WAAY U DIIDEEN XAMAR IYO WARSHEEIKHNA AYAY U CARAREEN. CUMAANIDU WAXA AY ADEEGSADEEN BOQORTOYADA GOBROON OO XUKUMI JIRTAY XAMAR BEELAHA HAWIYE EE DAGA IYO RAXANWEYN. GOBROON WAXA AY KA MID AHAYEEN GALADIGA IYO BEELWEYNTA RAXANWEYN DIGIL.

1890 MAJEERTEENKA TALYAANIGA AYAY ISKU DHIIBEEN- TALYANIGUNA SACIID BARQASH WIILKIISI AYAY KU QANCIYEEN IN AY KA KIREEYAAN GOBOLKA BANAADIR MAADAMA AY XUKUM KARI LA YIHIIN BIYAAMAALKA DARAADOOD. KONFURTA BANAADIR TALYAANIGA AYAA KIREYSATAY OO BILAABAY GOBROONTA IN AY HUBEEYAAN.

SAYID MAXAMMED CABDULLE XASAN XITAA TALYANIGA AYUU ISKU DHIIBAY OO TALEEX AYAA LA SOO DAJIYAY WAXAAN HESHIISKA KU QORNAA IN UU JOOGO ITALIAN SOMALILAND KADIB TALYAANIGU KIREYSTAY.

BIMAALKA SADEX GOBARNATOORE GOVERNERS IYO BOQOLAAL TALYAANIYA AYAY DILEEN. XAFADA XAMAR EE KAAMBO AMXAARO AYUU TALYANIGU KEENAY 4000 OO ASKARI OO ERITERIA LAGA KEENAY, 340 CARABA, IYO 10000 OO CIDANA OO GOBROONTU HOGAMINAYSO. BIMAALKU 21 SANO AYAY TALYAANIGA LA HALGAMEEN. GOOBAHA LAFOOLENA UGU YARAAN 46 ASKARI OO GENERAL SEECHI (CEECHI) KU JIRO AYAY KU DILEEN.

TALYAANGU GOOB TAALA AYAY KA DHISEEN SHALAMBOOD OO LA DHAHO VICTORIA DEL AFRICA AADNA ULA YAABEEN GEESINIMADA IYO XAMASADA MUJAHIDIINTA. XILIGII SIYAAD BARRE IYO DOWLADIHII KA HOREEYAY LAGAMA HADAL HALGANKA BIMAAL OO KA DHEERAA KII SAYID CABDULLE XASAN,XITAA SAYIDKA MARKII UU ISKU DHIIBAY TALYAANIGA EE TALEEX SOO DAGAY BIMAALKU DAGAAL KULUL AYAY KULA JIREEN BEEL AHAAN.

GOBROONTA OO XAMAR, WARKSHEEIKH IYO KONFURTA BANAADIR WAKIILA UGA AHEYD CUMAAN IYO TALYAANIGA DHIBAKANAA KU DHACAY

4. Suldaanadii Gelledi, sida suldaan Maxamud, suldaan Yuusuf, iyo suldaan Axmad.

Haddaanu wax ka xusno labadaas maamul, waxaa jira in Suldaan Axmad Yuusuf (1848-1878) uu ahaa suldaankii ugu dambeeyay xilliyadii wacnaa oo ay taariikhda ku yeelatay boqortooyadii Gelledi. Suldaanku wuxuu ku dhintay kacdoon ay Biyamaalku kaga cabanayeen cadaadiskii siyaasadeed ee maamulkii suldaanku uu ku hayay bulshadii degaanka. Dagaalkaas lagu dilay suldaanka wuxuu ka dhacay meel la yiraahdo Aw-Shaafac oo ku dhow degmada Marka, sanadkii 1847-kii. Suldaan Axmad wuxuu xiriir siyaasadeed iyo mid ganacsiba la lahaa suldaankii Sensibaar oo markaas ka talinayay Xamar. Xiriirkaas oo uu ku helay kaalmo dhaqaale iyo mid ciidan ayaa sababay xasilloonidii maamulkii aabihiis iyo kii awoowihiis. Waxaa kale oo jiray ciidamo reer Sensibaar ah oo ku sugnaa degmooyinka Xamar iyo Marka, kuwaas oo dhinacooda ka cadaadin jiray dadka Soomaalida ah. Heesaha dhaqan galay ee inoo muujinaya cadaadiskaas siyaasadeed ! ! waxaa kamid ah tixdan ay Biyamaalku tiriyeen xilligaas :

Inta askar, inta Axmad

Allow Ilaahoow

Intee aadsaheynaa.

Waxaa kale oo ay taariikhdu reebtay, markii Suldaan Axmad la dilay dabadeed, sheeko dhex martay gabar uu suldaanku dhalay iyo nin Biyamaal ah. Gabadha suldaanku dhalay ayaa magaalada Marka waxay ku aragtay nin Biyamaal ah, markaas baa iyada oo aabaheed waydiinaysa, ayay hees waxay ku tiri :

Shucbaale aan kuu gadaa aad shuun ku xiiratee

Shaqo aan kuu xiraa aad ku shoobtidee

Shood bun aan kuu tumaa aad sharuursatee

Aabow Shooblahayga ma ii sheegi kartaa.

Ninkii Biyamaal, isaga oo gabadhii u jawaabaya ayuu wuxuu yiri :

Shucbaalahaaga ad shuun ku xiiro

Shuqadaada adlee ku shoob

Shantaada bun adlee sharuurso

Aabow shooblahaaga an kuu sheego

Aw-shaafac aa shufta looga gooyey

Humbow waraabaa hambuuqahaayay

Haad boorraa hirrigey ku haayay

Hablahaynaa har-haraatihaayay

Hirka maanyaa hab-dhabow ku haayay.

Codka beesha direed

Politics, Language, and Thought: The Somali Experience

By David D. Laitin


However, enmity continued between them and the Biimaal clan, who had supported the Baardheerans. Yuusuf, once again at the head of an army drawn from many clans, attacked Marka early in 1847; the Biimaal were defeated,and the city surrendered. But the main body of the Biimaal, who lived outside the town, had not submitted to him. The following year, Yuusuf, with his brother Muuse, again gathered an army at Golweyn in order to give battle to them. The two armies met at Cadcadey near Jilib, at midday on Friday the 12 May 1848 (8th of Jumaada II, 1264 AH). We know the exact date because it was recorded by Captain Guillain, who received the news just before he left Somalia. The battle was very bloody, the Geledi were routed, and Yuusuf was killed together with his brother Muuse.

Dhulkii Cadcadey, dhib aa ku dhahayo Nin oon dhimahayn dhulkiis ha joogo.

But there is a tradition that Yuusuf did not die in the battle; he disappeared mysteriously; some old people say that ‘he flew’ – as the greatest sheikhs among the southern Somali – and years later pilgrims to Mecca saw him there. He was such a great man in his people’s minds that they refused to believe in his death.

The power of the Geledi never fully recovered from this defeat, though Yuusuf’s son Axmed tried to maintain it until he too was killed in battle in 1878. By the time of the Italian colonial take-over in the 1890s, the Geledi were no longer a major force. However the people of Afgooye and southern Somalia still remember the 'golden age' of Suldaan Yuusuf.

Bibliography

Yuusuf’s life is known from local traditions which were told to me in the 1960s and 1980s. It is also known from two contemporary European witnesses: Lieut. W. Christopher,(Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 1844, XI :76-103) and Captain Charles Guillain, (Documents sur l’histoire, la geographie et la commerce de l’Afrique orientale. Vols I, IIa and IIb. Paris,Arthus Bertrand, 1856), but these are hard to access.

Pietro Barile tells some of the traditions in his book Colonizazzione Fascista nella Somalia Meridionale, (1935. Roma: Societa Italiana Arti Grafiche). He is the source for the poem I have quoted.

Modern works are: Cassanelli, Lee.V. The Shaping of Somali Society; Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People 1600-1900. Philadelphia 1982. Luling, Virginia. Somali Sultanate; the Geledi City-State over 150 Years. London and Piscataway New Jersey, 2002

TAARIKHAHA DIR EE LA AASAY WAXAA UGU WEYN TA BOQORTOYADII BIMAAL IYO KACDOONKOODI AY SOMALIA ISKU DAYEEN IN AY KA XOREEYAN GUMEYSTA NOOC WALBA GAAL, CARAB IYO DABADHILIF SOMAALIYEED

1857 BIMAALKA WAXA AY KU BILAABEEN DAGAAL BOQORTOYADII SICIID BARQASH EE CUMAANIYINTA AHAYD IYAGOO U DIIDAY IN AY DALKA KONFURTIISA BANADIR XUKUMAAN.

SULDAANKA BIMAAL AYAA WAXA UU U DIRAY WARQAD BOQORKA CUMAAN OO UU KU LEYAHAY CARABTU SADEX SIYAABOOD AYAY AFRIKA KU SOO GALAAN: DACWA DIIN FAFIS, ISHTARAK GANACSI AMA FATUUX QABSASHO XOOGA AH. SULDAANKA BIIMAAL WUXUU U SHEEGAY IN CUMAAN DIIN FAFIN KARIN WAAYO WAA CIBADI, GANACSI KA FURI KARIN WAAYO SULDAANKA BIIMAAL FASAX KAMEY HELIN, XOOGNA IN AY WALIGEED SOMAALI CARAB KU QABSAN ISKA DAA DIR E.

1)DACWA- IYAGOO DIIN WADA, WAXA UU CUMAANIDA KU YIRI DIIN IYO DACWA KAA AKHRISAN MEYNO OO WAXAAD TIHIIN (CIBAADIYIIN) IBAADITES WAA MADHAB DALKA CUMAAN KALIYA KA JIRTA OO UU UGU YEERAY MADHAB AAN SAX EHEYN ISAGUNA ISKU TILMAAMAY SHAFICI GAADIRIYA HAYSTA IYO AHMADIYA

2)FATUUXNA DAGAAL CARAB WALIGOOD SOMALI UGAGA MACAASHIN

3)WARQADA WAXAA KU QORNAA IN GANACSI AY KA SAMEYN KARIN CUMAANIDU ISKA DAA QALCADO IN AY KA DHISTAAN IYO HIRZ (FORTES) BIMAALKU CUMAANIDA IN AY DHULKA JOOGAAN WAAY U DIIDEEN XAMAR IYO WARSHEEIKHNA AYAY U CARAREEN. CUMAANIDU WAXA AY ADEEGSADEEN BOQORTOYADA GOBROON OO XUKUMI JIRTAY XAMAR BEELAHA HAWIYE EE DAGA IYO RAXANWEYN. GOBROON WAXA AY KA MID AHAYEEN GALADIGA IYO BEELWEYNTA RAXANWEYN DIGIL.

1890 MAJEERTEENKA TALYAANIGA AYAY ISKU DHIIBEEN- TALYANIGUNA SACIID BARQASH WIILKIISI AYAY KU QANCIYEEN IN AY KA KIREEYAAN GOBOLKA BANAADIR MAADAMA AY XUKUM KARI LA YIHIIN BIYAAMAALKA DARAADOOD. KONFURTA BANAADIR TALYAANIGA AYAA KIREYSATAY OO BILAABAY GOBROONTA IN AY HUBEEYAAN.

SAYID MAXAMMED CABDULLE XASAN XITAA TALYANIGA AYUU ISKU DHIIBAY OO TALEEX AYAA LA SOO DAJIYAY WAXAAN HESHIISKA KU QORNAA IN UU JOOGO ITALIAN SOMALILAND KADIB TALYAANIGU KIREYSTAY.

BIMAALKA SADEX GOBARNATOORE GOVERNERS IYO BOQOLAAL TALYAANIYA AYAY DILEEN. XAFADA XAMAR EE KAAMBO AMXAARO AYUU TALYANIGU KEENAY 4000 OO ASKARI OO ERITERIA LAGA KEENAY, 340 CARABA, IYO 10000 OO CIDANA OO GOBROONTU HOGAMINAYSO. BIMAALKU 21 SANO AYAY TALYAANIGA LA HALGAMEEN. GOOBAHA LAFOOLENA UGU YARAAN 46 ASKARI OO GENERAL SEECHI (CEECHI) KU JIRO AYAY KU DILEEN.

TALYAANGU GOOB TAALA AYAY KA DHISEEN SHALAMBOOD OO LA DHAHO VICTORIA DEL AFRICA AADNA ULA YAABEEN GEESINIMADA IYO XAMASADA MUJAHIDIINTA. XILIGII SIYAAD BARRE IYO DOWLADIHII KA HOREEYAY LAGAMA HADAL HALGANKA BIMAAL OO KA DHEERAA KII SAYID CABDULLE XASAN,XITAA SAYIDKA MARKII UU ISKU DHIIBAY TALYAANIGA EE TALEEX SOO DAGAY BIMAALKU DAGAAL KULUL AYAY KULA JIREEN BEEL AHAAN.

GOBROONTA OO XAMAR, WARKSHEEIKH IYO KONFURTA BANAADIR WAKIILA UGA AHEYD CUMAAN IYO TALYAANIGA DHIBAKANAA KU DHACAY

4. Suldaanadii Gelledi, sida suldaan Maxamud, suldaan Yuusuf, iyo suldaan Axmad.

Haddaanu wax ka xusno labadaas maamul, waxaa jira in Suldaan Axmad Yuusuf (1848-1878) uu ahaa suldaankii ugu dambeeyay xilliyadii wacnaa oo ay taariikhda ku yeelatay boqortooyadii Gelledi. Suldaanku wuxuu ku dhintay kacdoon ay Biyamaalku kaga cabanayeen cadaadiskii siyaasadeed ee maamulkii suldaanku uu ku hayay bulshadii degaanka. Dagaalkaas lagu dilay suldaanka wuxuu ka dhacay meel la yiraahdo Aw-Shaafac oo ku dhow degmada Marka, sanadkii 1847-kii. Suldaan Axmad wuxuu xiriir siyaasadeed iyo mid ganacsiba la lahaa suldaankii Sensibaar oo markaas ka talinayay Xamar. Xiriirkaas oo uu ku helay kaalmo dhaqaale iyo mid ciidan ayaa sababay xasilloonidii maamulkii aabihiis iyo kii awoowihiis. Waxaa kale oo jiray ciidamo reer Sensibaar ah oo ku sugnaa degmooyinka Xamar iyo Marka, kuwaas oo dhinacooda ka cadaadin jiray dadka Soomaalida ah. Heesaha dhaqan galay ee inoo muujinaya cadaadiskaas siyaasadeed ! ! waxaa kamid ah tixdan ay Biyamaalku tiriyeen xilligaas :

Inta askar, inta Axmad

Allow Ilaahoow

Intee aadsaheynaa.

Waxaa kale oo ay taariikhdu reebtay, markii Suldaan Axmad la dilay dabadeed, sheeko dhex martay gabar uu suldaanku dhalay iyo nin Biyamaal ah. Gabadha suldaanku dhalay ayaa magaalada Marka waxay ku aragtay nin Biyamaal ah, markaas baa iyada oo aabaheed waydiinaysa, ayay hees waxay ku tiri :

Shucbaale aan kuu gadaa aad shuun ku xiiratee

Shaqo aan kuu xiraa aad ku shoobtidee

Shood bun aan kuu tumaa aad sharuursatee

Aabow Shooblahayga ma ii sheegi kartaa.

Ninkii Biyamaal, isaga oo gabadhii u jawaabaya ayuu wuxuu yiri :

Shucbaalahaaga ad shuun ku xiiro

Shuqadaada adlee ku shoob

Shantaada bun adlee sharuurso

Aabow shooblahaaga an kuu sheego

Aw-shaafac aa shufta looga gooyey

Humbow waraabaa hambuuqahaayay

Haad boorraa hirrigey ku haayay

Hablahaynaa har-haraatihaayay

Hirka maanyaa hab-dhabow ku haayay.

Codka beesha direed

Dhawaan waxaa lagu wadaadaa in uu ku furmo xarunta gadiidka booliiska ee Magaalada muqdisho anisixidii qabya qoraalka ee looga fadhiyo in ay ansixiyaan ku dhawaad 825 oo ka mid ah odayaasha dhaqanka oo laga kala keeni doono Goboladda Dalka oo dhan, lakiin sida uu sheegay Ugaas Axmed Ugaas Sid Cali Ugaas Xuseen oo ka mid ah Odayaasha Dhaqanka Rasmiga ah ee Beesha Biimaal in uu dareemay in uu ka jiro xafiiska ra’isulwasaaraha is bar baryaac u dhexeeya ugaasyada dhabta ah ee beesha Biimaal iyo ugaasyo macmil ah oo uu ku tilmaamay kuwo gardaro oo ay hoosta ka wadaan xildhibaan iyo wasiir uu ku shegay in ay ka soo horjedaan Ugaasyada dhaqanka ee beesha aqoonsan tahay kuwaas oo kala ah



1. Ugaas Axmed Ugaas Sid Cali Ugaas Xuseen

2. Suldaan Axmed Suldaan Maxamed Cali

3. Iyo Ugaas Faarax Cabdi Shiikh

 

 

 

 

Imaam Sheekh Xasan Sheekh Nuur Sheekh Axmed

“ Sheekh Xasan Barsane “ ( 1853 – 1927 )Sheekh Xasn Sheekh Nuur Sheekh Axmed oo lo yiqiin Sheekh Xasan Barsane wuxuu dhashay sanadka markuu ahaa 1853, wuxuuna ku dhashay tuulada loo yaqaan Ubaadi oo u jirta qiyaas ilaa 68Km magaalada Jowhar, Gobolka Shabeelaha Dhexe, Soomaaliya.



Hooyadiis waxaa la dhihi jiray Xalima Hilowle Sheekh Xasan wuxuu ka soo jeeday qoys Somaali ah una saxiib ah Diinta Islaamka iyo fardooleey. Aabihii Sheekh Nuur wuxuu ahaa sheekh ka tirsan dariiqooyinka Raxmaaniya. Wuxuu ka dhex muuqday hoggamiyana u ahaa jameecadiisa.Sheekh Xasna Sheekh Nuur Sheekh Axmed wuxuu bartay Qur’aan Kariimka isagoo ya, kuna bartay tuulada Unaadi wuxuuna barashada Diinta Islaamka ku bilaabay isagoo aan weli gaarin 10 jir halkaas oo la shegay in aabihiiis uu mashaa’ikhda Diinta bartaa ugu keenay. Markuu laabtan jirsaday ayeey isaga iyo aabihiis isku raaceen inuu sii kordhisto wax barashadiisa uu doonto iyadoo ay jirtay in aabihii uu mashaa’iikh fara badan ugu keenay halkii ay ku noolaayeen.Shiikhii wuxuu aaday meel walbo oo uu ku tabaayay in cilmi uu yaalo oo uu ka sii kororsas karo meelaha uu cimliga u dontay dalka gudihiisa waxaa ka mid ahaa Mateey Aw Xasan oo ku taala Afgooye iyo Muqdisho. Sheekhu kama uusan zuulin inuu raadiyo cilmi isagoo markaana day dalka dibadiisa sida magalada Marka uu tagay laba jeer oo kala duwan wuxuuna halkaas ku soo gutay xajkii iyo cilmi uu raadinayay, wuxuu halkaas ku maqnaa muddo ka bdan saddex sanadood.Sheekhu waxa uu halkasi kula soo kulmay Sheekh Maxamed Saalax oo sheekha ay dariiqada SAALIXIYADA ka soo jeedo ah.Sheekh Xasan Barsane markii uu ku soo laabty dalka waxaa dalka soo buux dhaafiyay gumeyste kala duwan oo markaas iyo ka horba ku sugnaa dalka tan iyo intii ay dhacday qeybsashadii Afrika ( 1884 ) dalalka reer galbeedak oo ay ugu horeeyeen Ingiriiska, Faransiikam Talyaaniga iyo Boruqiiska aya soo galay dalkeena hooyo ee Somaaliya. Sheekhu wuxuu ka biyo diiday inuyu ku hoos nooaado gumeyste isagoo ka doo biday inuu geeriyoodo isagoo dhawraya sharafta Diinta iyo dalka. Sheekhu wuxuu dhexgalay dadka isagoo jamciyay ciidan firadiisa lagu qiyaasay ilaa laabtan kun ilaa soddon kun ( 20,000 – 30.000). tababar dheer iyo wacyi gelin ka dib sheekha iyo ciidamadisii u kacay difaaca dalka iyo Diinta.Waxaa ay la kulmeen hanjbaad iyo hujuum kaga imaanayay dhanka gumeystaha Talyaaniga oo iyagu markaas heestay dhamman koofurta Soomaaliya iyo Etiopia oo aheyd dalka kali ah ee Afrika kana qeyb galay qeybsashada dalalka Afirca ee Berlin 1884.

Sheekhu dhag jalaq uma siin dhamaan hanjabaadaas iyo baqdin galin taas kaga imaameysay dhanka Gumeystaha gumeystaha Talyaaniga xiligaasi waxaa Soomaaliya wakiil uga ahaa Jeneral la oran jiray Mario Devechio.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee Sheekha wuxuu go’aansaday inuu la dagaalamo.





Waqtigii ayaa dhamaaday waxaa bilowday dagaaladii fool ka foolka ahaa ee Sheekhu la galay gumeysihii. Sheeikha iyo gumeystaha waxay kulmeen marar badan iyagoo dhamaan dagaaladii uu la galay gumeystaha uu halkaasi kaga guuleystay. Waxaana dagaaladii u Sheekha la galay gumeystaha ka xusi karnaa :

· Gumar Sheel ( 1905 ) waxa uu ahaa dagaalkii ugu horeeyay ee uu la galay Amxaardii oo markaas isku dayaysay inay la wareegto dhamaan dhulka Soomaaliyeed iyadoo markaas timid Taytayle

( Balcad ). Waxaa jiray dagaalo kale uu Sheekha la galay Ethiopia ilaa markii danbe ay dalka ka baxaan

Waxaa kaloo ka mid ahaa dagaaladii uu la galay gumeystaha gaar ahan Talyaaniga oo aan ka xusi karno :

1. Dagaalkii Buulo Barde oo dhacay 1922

2. Ceel Dheere 1922 iyo 1923

3. Hilweyne 1923

4. Jiliyaale 1924

5. Hareeriile 1924



Sheekh Xasan Barsane wuxu ku caan baxay inuu ciidanka ka bar bar dagaalamo isago dhiiri galin jiray una sheegi jiray wax yaalaha hadii ay ku dhintaan iyo hadii ay ka bad baadaanba haleyaan waxaan u wadaa Aakhiro iyo Aduun. Dagaaladii faraha badanaa ee uu la galay Sheekha wuxuu ku laayay rag faro badan oo ka tirsanaa gumeystaha oo isugu jiray saraakiil iyo dablay .



Gumeystaha oo ka faa’ideystay maqnaashaha ciidamada Sheekha oo markaas ku maqnaa dagaalo dhinaca Hiiraan ayaa dhabar jabin ka dib waxa ay hareereeyeen xaruntii Sheekha iyagoo adeegsanaaya hubka xiligaa ugu casrisnaa lana yimid ciidan fara baan oo ay ka oo wadeen dhankaas iyo cadan iyo weliba kuwa kale oo ay ka soo ka xeeyeen dalalka kale oo ay gymeysan jireen kuwaas oo ahaa calooshood u shaqeystayaal sida ku cad buugii uu qoray Mario Devechio oo lagu magacaabo ORIZENTO DI IMPERO. Ka bid Sheekha waxaa uu u gacan galay cadowga, waxayna ka dalbadeen inuu ciidamadiisa ku amro inay is dhiibaan, waa uu ka biyo diiday. Si kastaba ha ahaatee gumeystaha ayaa aakhiritankii ku guuleystay inay qabtaan oo ay xabsiga dhigaan Sheikh Xasan Barsane sanadu markay ahayd 1924.



Waxaa Sheekha lagu xabisay xabsiga loo yaqaaney Gaalshiro iyadoo markaasi maxkamada gumeysiga ay ku xukuntay 30 sano oo xarig ah oo ay u dheertahay shaqo adag iyo jirdil. Si kastaba ah ahaatee hadana gumeystaha ayaa ku qanci waayay inay xabisaan oo kaliya waayo Sheekh Xasan Barsane ayaa ahaa caqabadii ugu weyneyd ee ay gumeystaha Talyaaniga kala kulmeyn koonfurta Soomaaliya iyadoo aanba dhihi karno sheekha wuxuu ahaa quwada kali ah ee dagaalo waaweyn kaga hortimid. Talyaaniga ayaa 3 sano ka dib waxay hadana isku dayeen inay dilaan Sheekha iyagoo ay u suuro gashay sanada Markey ahayd 1927 iyado markaasi ay gumeystuhu ku xireen meel god ah oo aan ku filneyn inuu fariisto godkaas ayaa wuxuu lahaa oo kali ah meel yar oo shabaq camal ah oo uu xoogaa wax u neef ah ka qaadan jiray. Intaas oo kali ah ugumaysan simin hadana waxay ugu dareen inay sun ku buufiyaan qolkii uu ku xirnaa waxaana amarkaasi bixiyay KABEELLO sida uu xusay MAXAMED ABDI (Odoyaasha Muqdisho ) oo ka mid ahaa sadexdii Nin ee loo adegsaday inay fuliyaan falkaasi. Ugu danbeyntii Sheekha ayaa ku geeriyooday suntii. Sida ku xusan Orizento Impero iyo TREE ANNI DE IN SOMALIA .Sheekhu wuxuu dhintay taarikhdu mrkey ahayd 13. January 1927. waxaana lagu duugay Qabuuraha Sheekh Suufi oo ku yaalay agagaarka madaxtooyada Soomaaliya waxaana markii danbe loo qaaday oo uu hada ku aasan yahay degmada JILIYAALE oo markii hore Sheekha xarun u ahayd.

 

 





















Marzo 1902: la Soc. del Benàdir presenta al Parlamento un programma d'azione vasto e coordinato che porta poi all'occupazione di Bardéra e Lugh, l'istituzione di un servizio di trasporti di terra e di mare e un trattato col sultano di Ghelédi. Le forze militari italiane in quel paese sono veramente esigue e costituite solo da locali o yemeniti mercenari costituiti in bande comandate da Italiani e da eritrei. Due anni dopo, la crisi commerciale della Società del Benadir e la politica restrittiva italiana che prendeva provvedimenti contro la schiavitù delle tribù arabe della costa, portò al primo scontro con la fazione dei Bimal nella zona di Merca. Nostre accuse di schiavismo ritenute infondate e timori d'invasione del Mùllah portano alla risoluzione della convenzione con la Soc. del Benàdir. Di fatto, però l'Italia s'era sostituita alla Società già da alcuni mesi. Nei successivi quattro anni si conteranno altre due guerre contro questa Tribù.

13 Gennaio 1905: accordo tra Italia e Inghilterra (che rappresentava "tout court !!!" il sultano di Zanzibàr). L'Italia riscatta i quattro scali somali in cambio di un compenso forfettario di 144.000 sterline destinate al governo di Zanzibàr. Con un altro accordo, l'Inghilterra affitta all'Italia un appezzamento di terreno nella baia di Chisimàio. Il terreno è destinato alla costruzione di uno sbarcatoio e di magazzini merci. Nello stesso anno è proclamata la colonia italiana della Somalia (a nordest e sud).

26 Agosto 1905: vittoria italiana a Gilìb contro i ribelli Bimàl, contrari ad abolizione e repressione della schiavitù (per le tribù guerriere rastrellare le zone più inesplorate a caccia di schiavi per gli arabi era un "Business".

06 Febbraio 1907: sulla costa fra Mérca e Mogadìscio è previsto un concentramento di ribelli Bimàl; per impedirlo, 2 colonne (600 ascari comandati dal Ten. Streva e 4 sottotenenti) muovono dalle città e disperdono i ribelli ritirandosi poi a Danàne.

Settembre 1907: Menelik invia dall'Etiopia una spedizione per estorcere tributi. Dopo essere stata respinta una prima volta dagli uomini del Mullah, riesce a raggiungere i pozzi di Berdalè presso Lugh dando inizio ad una serie di razzie. I capitani Bongiovanni e Molinari con 300 uomini decidono di intervenire per ottenere pacificamente la restituzione del bottino. Raggiunta Bahallè sono costretti allo scontro dagli abissini e vi trovano la morte. Gli eccessi compiuti nelle razzie verranno puniti dallo stesso Menelik. In seguito a questi fatti si conclude ad Addis Abeba un trattato per la delimitazione dei confini tra Etiopia e colonia Somala. In pratica però i confini furono fissati solo da Dòlo (a sud) a Lét. Il problema dei confini, che comprendeva anche l'Ogaden, resterà sospeso e sarà una palla al piede della diplomazia italiana e causa di guerra per noi e dopo di noi.

15 Dicembre 1907-02 Marzo 1908: il cap. Vitali alla testa di 500 ascari batte a Dongàb i ribelli Bimàl, tornati all'azione contro l'estendersi dell'occupazione italiana. L'azione è sostenuta dalla Regia Nave "Staffetta", con la cooperazione della R.N. "Volta, che dal mare disperdono a cannonate i ribelli presso Danàne.

11-12 Luglio 1908: la spedizione guidata dal magg. Antonino Di Giorgio libera Mérca, minacciata dai ribelli. Scontro a Merére tra i ribelli e gli uomini di Di Giorgio (Sarà generale nella grande guerra quando comanderà il corpo d'armata speciale di copertura della ritirata da Caporetto) che sono costretti ad incendiare il villaggio ed in seguito ad occupare Afgòi. Il sultano di Ghelédi con 5000 armati si sottomette all'Italia.

01 Agosto 1912: gli italiani occupano Uànle Uén mentre gli inglesi combattono ferocemente contro gli uomini del Mullah che stanno dilagando nel Somaliland. Questi era un ribelle, che passerà alla storia col nome di Mad Mullah “Mullah Matto” noto ai somali come Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan. Tenne impegnate per oltre un trentennio (1889/1920) soprattutto le forze britanniche del Somaliland, ma diede molti fastidi militari, fino alla sua morte, anche alla colonia italiana. Gli strascichi della guerra Italo-Turca coinvolgono anche piccoli scontri a Balad (gennaio 1912) e Scidle (marzo 1912)

19 Giugno 1913: truppe italiane a Bur Acaba e ad Iscia Baidòa.

Febbraio 1920: la grande offensiva inglese contro il Mullah termina con la fuga di quest'ultimo nel nostro territorio del Nogàl. Egli morirà presso Imi nell'alto Uébi nel 1921. In Italia intanto viene costituita a Milano la Società Agricola Italo-Somala su iniziativa di S.A.R. il Duca degli Abruzzi.

15 Luglio 1924 Convenzione di Londra: l'Inghilterra cede il Jubaland all'Italia come compenso post-bellico (per non aver partecipato alla spartizione delle colonie tedesche ?). Nel luglio dell'anno successivo iniziano le operazioni per l'occupazione del Jubaland sotto il Commissariato Generale dell'Oltregiuba. La Somalia non diventerà mai una colonia di popolamento, anzi la capitale Mogadiscio non arriverà mai alle dimensioni "italiane" di Asmara, arrivando a contare, al massimo dell'immigrazione italiana, non più di 10.000 italiani.

 

 

 

Beesha Biyamaal oo sheegtay inay taageersantahay maamulka Banaad ir State, waxba kama jiraanna ku warar sheegayey…

Kulan balaaran oo ay shalay ku yeesheen magaalada Muqdisho qeybaha kala duwan ee beesha Biimaal ayaa waxay uga hadleen hadal dhawaan ka soo yeeray xubno kale oo sheegay inay ka tirsanyihiin beesha Biyamaal oo ka soo horjeestay maamulka Banaadir State, waxayna sheegeen qeybaha kala duwan ee kulankii ka qeybgalay in dadkaasi aysan metelin beeshooda, beeshuna dhamaateed ay taageersantahay dowlad goboleedka Banaadir State.

Kulanka ayaa waxaa ka qeybgalay Wasiirkii hore ee Gaashaandhigga dowladda KMG, Xildhibaano ka socday dowladda KMG Soomaaliya iyo Culimaa’udiin, Siyaasiyiin, Odayaal iyo qeybahaka duwan ee beesha Biyamaal ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay in beeshu ay taageersantahay maamulka Banaadir State, kuwa sheegaya inay ka soo horjeedaana aysan metelin beesha sida ay yiraahdeen.

Afhayeenka Madaxtooyada ahna Xildhibaan ka mid ah Baarlamaanka Banaadir State ayaa ka warbixiyay u jeedka kulanka waxuuna yiri

“Aniga oo ku hadlaya magaca Banaadir State kana soo jeeda Beelaha Biimaal waxaa xaq u leenahay inaan ka talino aayaha dalkeena iyo dadkeena, waxaana dan u aragnay inaan Xildhibaano ka noqono Ismaamul goboleedka Banaadir State, beesha Biyaamaal-na si buuxda ayey u taargeersantahay maamulka Banaadir State, sidoo kale waxaa ka soo horjeednaa hadalo ka soo yeeray dad u dhashay beesha Biimaal oo la marin habaabiyey inaan u aqli celino, una sharaxno ujeedada fog ee laga leeyahay Banaadir State” ayuu yiri Afhayeenka Madaxtooyada ahna Xildhibaan ka mid ah Baarlamaanka Banaadir State.

Sidoo kale waxaa kulanka ka hadlay AVV Xasan Subeer Aadan oo ah mid ka mid ah Xildhibaanada Baarlamaanka dowlada KMG Soomaaliya, waxaana uu yiri “Iyadoo shacabkii uu dhistay maamul danahooda ka shaeeya ayey haddana Xukuumadd waxay leedahay ma aqoonsai maamulka Banaadir State, taasi micnaheed waxay tahay sharci ma jiro”.

Short URL: http://www.somaaljecel.com/wp/?p=7395

Islam Women For Dating


Qoraal u soo saaray Suldaanka Beesha Biimaal

Mogadishu, Khamiis, July 26, 2007 SMC .


Ku: Shir guddoonka shirka dib u heshiinta beelaha

Soomaaliya Md Cali Mahdi Maxamed

Og: Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Md Cabdullahi Yusuf Axmed

Og: Guddoomiyaha Barlamaanka Soomaaliya Sheekh Aadan Madoobe.

Og: Ra'iisalwasaraha Somaaliya Prof Cali Maxamed Geeddi

Og. Martigeliyaha Shirka dib u heshiisiinta beelaha

Soomaaliya Imaam Maxamuud Imaam Cumar.

Og. Dhammaan odey dhaqameedyada beelaha Soomaaliyeed

Marka 25/07/2007

Ujeeddo: BEESHA BIIMAAL OO AAN LAGU CASUUMIN KA QAYB GALKA SHIRKA DIB U

HESHIINTA BEELAHA SOOMAALIYEED

Salaan diirran ka dib, anigoo ah Suldaanka beesha Biimaal Suldaan Axmed Suldaan Maxamed

waxaan idin soo gudbinayaa qoraalka hoos ku qoran:

1.Waxaan idin ogeysiinaya in beesha Biimaal aan lagu marti qaadin shirka dib u heshiisiinta beelaha

Soomaaliyeed oo haddeer ka socda magaalada Xamar, anigoo ah madax dhaqmeedka muctarafka ah ee beesha Biimaal (Decretato1956) oo aan la i soo gaarsiinin warqadda martiqaadka ka soo qaybgalka shirka dib u heshiisiinta, Siday horey u sheegeen madaxda qabanqaabiyaasha shirka waxay ahayd in dhamaan duubabka beelaha la gaarsiiyo waraaqaha martiqaadka ka hor taariikhda qabashada shirka.


2-Waxaan idin ogeysiinaya in shir guddonka shirka dib u heshiisiinta uu u oggolaaday in shirka ay ka qaybgalaan shaqsiyaad rasmi ahaan wakiil ka aheyn Beesha biimaal oo ay magacaabeen qaar ka mid ah siyaasiinta beeshaan. Shaqsiyaadkaas oo siyaasiinta ay ku sheegeen xilal aan waxba ka jirin sida Suldaan iyo Ugaas oo aysan hore u ahayn. Midda siyaasiinta ku magacaabayaan ergada beelaha shirka uga qayb galayo waa arrin si cad u qilaafsan mabaadii'da lagu saleeyey qabashada shirka, maadaama magacaabidda ergada beelaha uu ahaa xil u gaar ah duubabka beelaha.

3-Haddaba waxaan codsanaynaa in si dhaqsi ah naloo soo gaarsiiyo waraaqaha martiqaadka rasmiga ah si beesha Biimaal ay uga qayb qaadato dib u heshiisiinta iyo xalinta mashaakilaadka dhex yaalla beelaha Soomaaliyeed.

4-Waxaan idin ogeysiinayna in haddii sida loo wada sameeyey dhammaan beelaha kale, beesha Biimaal an la soo gaarsiinin martiqaadka ka soo qeyb galka shirka ayadoo loo soo marsiiinayo madax dhaqmeedka saxa ah oo la aqoonsanyahay sida beelaha kale, in beeshaan aysan aqoonsandoonin natiijooyinka ka soo baxa shirkaan madaama si xaq darra ah looga hor istaagay inay kaga qayb gasho shirka ergo si nadaamsan loo soo magacaabay sida uu horey u sheegay guddoomiyaha shirka Md Cali Mahdi Maxamed.

Wabillahi Towfiiq.

Suldaan Axmed Suldaan Maxamed

_____________________________



Tel: 002521-676064 / 5570910

Somaliweyn Media Center (SMC)
Muqdisho Somalia

 

 





Beelaha Dir waxaa hayaankan uga qayb qaatay reerka Biyamaal oo sida sheekooyinka lagu hayo ka soo guuray gobollada waqooyi bartamihii qarnigii 18-aad. Waxaa la tilmaamaa in ay sababtu ahayd gar-colaadeed oo lagu heshiisiinayay iyaga iyo beesha Gadubiirsay oo uu dagaal xumi dhex maray. Gartaas oo ay galeen odeyaal u dhashay beelaha Isaaq iyo Ciise ayaa Biyamaalku waxay ka tirsadeen in laga eexday. Markaas baa reerihii Biyamaal waxay guddoonsadeen talo uu xargihii reerku u dhamaa oo ahayd in ay degaanka isaga guuraan. Adeerow inkasta oo waddadii ay Biyamaalku soo raaceen aanan sheekooyinka lagu xusin, misana waxaa la hubaa in hayaankoodii ay ku soo fureen koonfurta webiga Shabeele, halkaas oo illaa maanta ay degan yihiin. Xilligaas waxaa ay degaanka ugu yimaadeen beesha Gelledi oo lahayd maamul siyaasadeed oo hanaqaad ahaa. Labada Beelood (Gelledi iyo Biyamaal) dagaalo badan ayaa dhex maray, kuwaas oo ay Biyamaalku ku dileen saddex suldaan oo Gelledi ahaa oo is dhalay (suldaa! ! n Maxamuud, suldaan Yuusuf iyo suldaan Axmad). Socdaalkii Biyamaal intaas kuma hakan ee qaybo beesha kamid ah ayaa koonfur u sii kacay oo gobolka Jubada-Hoose ku hakaday. Qolyihii koonfurta aaday ayaa dhexdoodii colaadi ka aloosantay. Dabadeed jifi kamid ahayd baa waxay u tallaabeen bulshooyinka Baantuuga ah ee ku dhaqan gobolka waqooyi-bari iyo bariga dalka Keenya halkaas oo ay ku milmeen dadyowgii ay u tageen. Adeerow xus oo beelo kamid ah reeraha la yiraahdo Reendiille ee ku nool yuulada Mkunuumbi oo ka tirsan degmada Laamo waxaa la rumaysan yahay in ay yihiin dadyowgii kuushiitiga ahaa ee ku noolaa koonfurta Banaadir. Sheeko-dhaqameedyada reeraha Biyamaal waxaa ku xusan in qayb kamid ah reeraha Reendiille ay yihiin dad iyaga ka tegey oo absaxankooda la garanayo. Dadkaasi waxay ku tageen dagaal ay jifiyadii Biyamaal isugu tageen. Magaca reerka tegey waa Kalafoow, absaxankooduna wuxuu gelayaa Sacad oo ah jifi Biyamaal kamid ah.

Dhaqdhaqaaqii ganacsatada reer Cumaan wuxuu raad ku yeeshay qaybo kamid ah gobollada Soomaaliya. Saldanaddii beesha Gelledi ayaa xilligii ay is-beddelayeen labadii qarni, kii 18-aad iyo kii 19-aad, waxay yeelatay maamul hanaqaaday. Saldanaddaas oo xarunteedu ahayd degmada Afgooye ayaa waxay xiriir la lahayd maamulkii ka jiray magaalada Xamar. Xilligii suldaan Yuusuf oo qiyaastii ku beegan 1812-kii - 1845-kii ayaa saldanaddu xoogowday. Waxaa ballaartay dhulka uu ku baahay ganacsigii saldanadda. Dekadda Xamar ayaa waxaa laga dhoofin jiray dalayga ka soo go´a beeraha reerka Gelledi iyo xubnaha dugaagga. Reerku waxay dekadda kala soo degi jireen waxyaabaha ay dibadda uga baahnaayeen oo dharku uu kamid ahaa. Waxaa kale oo ay soo dhoofsan jireen dadka addoomada ah, kuwaas oo beeraha ka shaqayn jiray. Adeerow waxaa xusan, sanadihii u dhexeeyay 1820-kii iyo 1840-kii, dekadaha Xamar iyo Marka in sanad walba lagala soo degi jiray dad gaaraya 10.000 oo addoomo ah.

Adeer ! wakhti ku dhow xilliga ay Biyamaalku hayaameen ayaa galbeedka Soomaaliya waxaa iyaguna ka soo kacay beelo kamid ah reeraha Kablalax (Ogaadeen). Beelahaas waxaa kamid ahaa , Maqaabil, Cawlyahan, jifiyo kamid ah reerka Maxamd Subayr iyo Caabud-waaq oo kamid ah jifiyada Talamuge. Geediga reerkan wuxuu soo maray gobolka Bay. Sida ay isku raaceen da´wayntii sheekooyinkan laga wariyay, muddo sanado ah ayay halkaas ku sugnaayeen. Dabadeed waxay u soo tallaabeen degaanka Jilib, halkaas oo ay ka samaysteen saldhig ay ka sahan sadaan degaanka.

Waxaa jira sheekooyin tilmaamaya in beelaha soomaaliyeed ay si wadajir ah ula dirireen dadkii Baantuuga ahaa ee ku noolaa degaanka Juba, arrintaasi waxay xoojinaysaa aragtida oranaysa in beelaha soo hayaamay ay isugu yimaadeen degaanka Jilib oo markaas ahayd degaan Tunni. Oday la yiraahdo Xasan Ribadle oo Ogaadeen ah, kana mid ah facihii dambe ee ka qayb qaatay hayaankii ay beeshu ku degtay dhulka Juba ayaa wuxuu tilmaamay sababta uu u qaxay in ay ahayd colaadaha reerka dhexdiisa ka socday. Xasna ayaa muddo laga joogo 150 sano wuxuu tiriyay tix gabay oo uu ku tilmaamayo sababta uu u qaxay, wuxuuna yiri :

Jiilaalkan ruuga ah waxaan Raari uga guuray

Oon ramashe doogoobay iyo roob la sugi waayay

Reer Caraale uun baan ka tegi ruun colowgiisa

Warankay ridahayaan ayuu ruuxda iga goyne

Ama towbaday iga raddiyi oo raq baan dhigiye

Biimaal defeat King of Gelledi ending the Kingdom and Yusuf and 2 sons perish in anti Bimal Campaigns

However, enmity continued between them and the Biimaal clan, who had supported the Baardheerans. Yuusuf, once again at the head of an army drawn from many clans, attacked Marka early in 1847; the Biimaal were defeated,and the city surrendered. But the main body of the Biimaal, who lived outside the town, had not submitted to him. The following year, Yuusuf, with his brother Muuse, again gathered an army at Golweyn in order to give battle to them. The two armies met at Cadcadey near Jilib, at midday on Friday the 12 May 1848 (8th of Jumaada II, 1264 AH). We know the exact date because it was recorded by Captain Guillain, who received the news just before he left Somalia. The battle was very bloody, the Geledi were routed, and Yuusuf was killed together with his brother Muuse.

Dhulkii Cadcadey, dhib aa ku dhahayo Nin oon dhimahayn dhulkiis ha joogo.

But there is a tradition that Yuusuf did not die in the battle; he disappeared mysteriously; some old people say that ‘he flew’ – as the greatest sheikhs among the southern Somali – and years later pilgrims to Mecca saw him there. He was such a great man in his people’s minds that they refused to believe in his death.

The power of the Geledi never fully recovered from this defeat, though Yuusuf’s son Axmed tried to maintain it until he too was killed in battle in 1878. By the time of the Italian colonial take-over in the 1890s, the Geledi were no longer a major force. However the people of Afgooye and southern Somalia still remember the 'golden age' of Suldaan Yuusuf.


HISTORY OF THE GELEDI. 2. SULDAAN YUUSUF MAXAMUUD IBRAAHIM about 1800-1848)

In the first article we saw how the Geledi people settled on the banks of the river Shabeelle, in the town that is now known as Afgooye, where they liberated themselves from the rule of the Silcis and became allies of the Wacdaan clan who had settled on the opposite bank of the river. By counting the generations we can tell that this must have been towards the end of the 17th century CE (11th century AH).

The Geledi went on to prosper and became a small city state whose wealth rested on farming and trade. The rich soil of the river bank produced abundant crops, and their settlement was located at the point where the important caravan route from the interior to the port city of Mogadishu crossed the Shabeelle river, so that it became a major market and its rulers collected tolls from the caravans. It also made them rivals of another powerful clan, the Biimaal, who controlled the parallel trade route to the port of Marka. The Geledi had their own system of government. At the head of the community was - and still is - the man known as the Sheikh or the Suldaan. This double title shows that he is both a religious and a political leader; but he is no absolute ruler, but rather the 'first among equals'. For about three centuries this role has been held by a member of the Gobroon lineage.

The most famous Suldaan of the Geledi was Yuusuf Maxamuud Ibraahim, who reigned in the early part of the 19th century CE (13th AH). It was Yuusuf who led the Geledi to become the dominating power in southern Somalia at the time. His authority rested on a combination of political and military ability with a reputation for religious baraka and knowledge of divination and mystical arts (wardi and tacdaar or asraar). At this time the Somali coast was nominally under the rule of the Omani Sultans of Zanzibar, but in reality their rule did not mount to much and certainly did not extend inland. The formerly great city of Mogadishu (Xamar) had declined into a very poor condition, so that the real power passed to the Geledi inland, and Yuusuf was able to take advantage of that.

We know the history of Yuusuf, both from the memories that are preserved by his people, and from the eyewitness accounts of two Europeans, who both visited Geledi (as the town was then known) in the 1840s because they were interested in setting up trade relations. The first was an English sailor, Lt. William Christopher of the British East India Company. This is his description of Yuusuf, dated April 11th 1843:

'The chief is a tall man with an intelligent countenance, about 45 years old, dressed only in a long white cloth loosely thrown around his person... his head is shaven and he has a scant beard round the edge of the lower part of the face...'

The second visitor was a Frenchman, Captain Charles Guillain, who was there five years later. He did not succeed in meeting Yuusuf, who was away, but he met his two brothers: Ibrahim, whom he describes as ‘a man of authority and ideas’ whose ‘sharp, jutting profile suggested a spirit of cunning and intrigue’, and Muuse, a very tall man who ‘though his features do not show the energy of the soldier... generally accompanies Yuusuf when he goes to war’. Guillain has left us a vivid description of the town of Geledi as it was at that time (it was not then generally called Afgooye). This is what he wrote:

‘I enjoyed following the paths which ran through the village, ... irregular and capricious as an arabesque design. The picturesque appearance of this barbarian city, dotted here and there with trees, shrubs and little patches of millet or sesame, was not without charm. the gaiety of the facial expression of the inhabitants, the vivacity of their gait, gestures and speech; the women, carrying jars on their heads1 to fill them in the river; the great oxen, the donkeys with their loads, the lines of camels making their way through the fields or fording the river, followed and urged on by their drivers with long slender spears; and then, in the midst of the groups of huts gilded by the sun, clumps of greenery where a multitude of brilliantly coloured birds fluttered, sometimes hanging their nests on the very tips of the branches which overhung the river; and finally the river itself, with its deep bed, its winding course, its steep banks edged with a border of dense bushes; rolling its muddied waters, constantly stirred up by the trampling of men and beasts on their way across; all this formed a picture as cheerful as it was animated...’ In his book about his journey he also published a picture, showing a view of Geledi which was still recognisable until recently, though there have been so many changes, and the town has grown so much.

From this base, Yuusuf made Geledi the centre of a network of alliances extending over most of southern Somalia. By 1842 he was able to lead out an army of about 8,000 men to help settle a succession dispute in Mogadishu. The next year came his most famous achievement, the victory over the community of Baardheere on the Jubba river. This was a religious brotherhood, 'jamaacad', founded in the 1820s. By the 1840s it was headed by Sharif Ibraahim and Sharif Cabderraxmaan, whose zeal to reform the way of life of the southern Somali peoples, and bring it closer to true Islam as interpreted by the brotherhood, won them devoted support, but also violent hostility. The brotherhood forbade dancing and the chewing of tobacco. Its women members covered their faces with veils and their legs with a kind of trousers. Sheikh Ibraahim also forbade the handling of elephant or hippopotamus tusks, since these were unclean animals. This proposal would have ruined the ivory trade, and it therefore made him an enemy to trading clans like the Kasar Gudda of Luuq. He had started to impose these reforms by force on the surrounding clans, and had captured the city of Baraawe, where the inhabitants were obliged to obey his orders. It was naturally to Yuusuf, as the strongest ruler in the area, that other clans turned for protection and leadership. It was not just a matter of trade and economics. He too was a religious leader, and was defending a more traditional kind of Islam, angrily rejecting the accusations of the Sheikh of Bardheere that he was an 'infidel'.

A large army from a wide alliance of clans gathered to Yuusuf; the whole country, it was said, was empty of men of fighting age - only old men, women and children were left. They besieged, attacked and defeated the Baardheerans, killed their leading sheikhs and burnt the settlement to the ground (though it was later revived).

Many stories are told about this campaign, for instance that Yuusuf's army had with them four large haan milk vessels filled with bees. They opened these and the bees flew at the Baardheere army, driving them into panic. Ever since, the Gobroon Sultan is praised as 'shinni duuliow', 'who makes war with bees'.

The fame and prestige of this victory were immense. For the next few years the Geledi were far the strongest power in the region, and most of the other clans hurried to become allied with them. However, enmity continued between them and the Biimaal clan, who had supported the Baardheerans. Yuusuf, once again at the head of an army drawn from many clans, attacked Marka early in 1847; the Biimaal were defeated,and the city surrendered. But the main body of the Biimaal, who lived outside the town, had not submitted to him. The following year, Yuusuf, with his brother Muuse, again gathered an army at Golweyn in order to give battle to them. The two armies met at Cadcadey near Jilib, at midday on Friday the 12 May 1848 (8th of Jumaada II, 1264 AH). We know the exact date because it was recorded by Captain Guillain, who received the news just before he left Somalia. The battle was very bloody, the Geledi were routed, and Yuusuf was killed together with his brother Muuse.

Dhulkii Cadcadey, dhib aa ku dhahayo Nin oon dhimahayn dhulkiis ha joogo.

But there is a tradition that Yuusuf did not die in the battle; he disappeared mysteriously; some old people say that ‘he flew’ – as the greatest sheikhs among the southern Somali – and years later pilgrims to Mecca saw him there. He was such a great man in his people’s minds that they refused to believe in his death.

The power of the Geledi never fully recovered from this defeat, though Yuusuf’s son Axmed tried to maintain it until he too was killed in battle in 1878. By the time of the Italian colonial take-over in the 1890s, the Geledi were no longer a major force. However the people of Afgooye and southern Somalia still remember the 'golden age' of Suldaan Yuusuf.

Bibliography

Yuusuf’s life is known from local traditions which were told to me in the 1960s and 1980s. It is also known from two contemporary European witnesses: Lieut. W. Christopher,(Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 1844, XI :76-103) and Captain Charles Guillain, (Documents sur l’histoire, la geographie et la commerce de l’Afrique orientale. Vols I, IIa and IIb. Paris,Arthus Bertrand, 1856), but these are hard to access.

Pietro Barile tells some of the traditions in his book Colonizazzione Fascista nella Somalia Meridionale, (1935. Roma: Societa Italiana Arti Grafiche). He is the source for the poem I have quoted.

Modern works are: Cassanelli, Lee.V. The Shaping of Somali Society; Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People 1600-1900. Philadelphia 1982. Luling, Virginia. Somali Sultanate; the Geledi City-State over 150 Years. London and Piscataway New Jersey, 2002

 

 

 

 

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