Sunday, May 29, 2011

Isn't This My Soil?" Land, State and 'Development' in Somali Ethiopia

Isn't This My Soil?" Land, State and 'Development' in Somali Ethiopia

By Zarowsky, Christina

January 31, 1999


Conventional development discourse generally does not incorporate a historical perspective, instead it uses a project, or at best, program-oriented approach. In contrast, a historical and openly political framework is present in the Somali Ethiopian village of Hurso. Land, or the lack of it, was the central issue of Hurso testimonials about the life of grinding poverty that I collected in 1996 and in 1998. The absence of any sustainable means of production is considered the core problem, leading to hunger, disease, lack of social cohesion and cooperation, and both individual and collective demoralization. However, while the problems attributed to lack of land are immediate, their origin and resolution are historical and political. `Development' emerges as an important pragmatic and rhetorical strategy in this community's struggle for survival. Underlying their appeals for development and development assistance, is the memory of their dispossession and an unresolved claim for justice -- for land.
Hurso, in eastern Ethiopia, is home to about 5,000 Somali of the Gurgura clan, formerly fruit farmers and agropastoralists. Hurso's lands were seized by the Derg, the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam, which ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991 in the aftermath of the 1977-78 Ogaden War. In this war, Somalia unsuccessfully attempted to annex the ethnically Somali lands of Ethiopia. These lands consisted of the semi-arid Ogaden, the rich pastures of the Haud, and other lowlands off the eastern edge of the Ethiopian highlands.
Hurso is now known (if it is known at all), as the site of a large military training center of the newly refederated Ethiopia. It is remembered by its inhabitants as an almost heavenly place of permanent water, good grazing, and bountiful orchards. Today, it is a desolate stop on the railway from Addis Ababa to Djibouti, where people eke out an existence gathering and selling firewood (considered one step above begging), running tiny shops and teahouses, and selling meager amounts of onions, potatoes, and bananas. According to one elder:
"Hurso was a big village, with many, many kinds of fruit -- lemons, oranges, papayas, mangos. We have a proverb: `Hurso-the Rome of the Gurgura.' Today the people are returnees and refugees. Women sell firewood. The life of the children is so hard. I was born here and lived 25 years before I left here. Today I see only empty land."
The story of the peoples' flight and return was told by men, women, elders, as well as youth who had been infants at the time. Most villagers fled into the surrounding country side during the Ogaden War and then returned to their lands. In the aftermath of the war, the Ethiopian government decided to expand the military base near the village and began to expropriate farmlands. Some families were offered compensatory lands in Sodere, hundreds of kilometers away, but the majority refused to leave. One day, the military arrived and surrounded the villagers. They were told to evacuate within 12 hours. Bulldozers arrived and destroyed homes and shops. People fled, some to Djibouti, others to Somalia, depending on their contacts and available transportation at crossroads towns. A few stayed in the area and lived in the scrub forest or stayed with pastoralist kin. These individuals would return to their lands and attempt to farm them. They were repeatedly beaten until, according to the villagers, the army concluded these individuals were mad and harmless. A few families were allowed to stay to service the military base and the train that stops in the village; these faced very strict controls on travel, visiting, and other activities between 1979 and 1991. The majority fled to Djibouti, where they stayed in UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) camps.
Beginning in 1986, there was increasing pressure from the Djibouti government for Ethiopian refugees to leave the country, or at least the camps, as food aid from overseas had decreased dramatically. Some Hurso residents returned to Ethiopia in 1988, but the majority stayed in Djibouti, either in the capital, Djiboutiville, or in the border area with Ethiopia. When the Derg fell in 1991, they hoped the lands would be returned. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians, including some Hurso residents, stayed in Djibouti until a final repatriation program was completed in 1996.
With the fall of the Derg in 1991 came promises from the new government under the leadership of the the Tigrean People's Liberation Front (TPLF), that farmlands would be restored and most of the refugees returned. To this day, the population is still waiting, negotiating, and trying to survive. The main sources of income are gathering and selling firewood, petty trade, and portering bundles of goods for traders who board the train at Hurso. A wood-seller spends one day collecting and carrying firewood, which he or she can sell the next day for about 5 birr -- less than US$1; a day laborer can earn 7 birr per day; and women selling tiny amounts of vegetables in the marketplace earn about 5 birr per day. In comparison, the one way fare to Dire Dawa, on a decrepit pickup truck which carries 24 passengers at a time, is 7 birr. Most people eat one or two meals a day and chronic malnutrition is endemic. During the rainy season, epidemics of malaria regularly break out and the health workers at the clinic do their best to manage in the face of sporadic delivery of medication and long periods without receiving their government-paid salaries.
The military base itself is critical to the village's survival; it is the main source of demand for the shops. Behind the clinic is a string of huts, separate from the rest of the village. These are the brothels -- home and workplace to about 50 women frequented by the soldiers at the base. These women need to eat and cook and they buy a significant proportion of the food and firewood that Hurso residents try to sell.
Claiming Rights to Land, Claiming a Human Life
According to Gurgura tradition, firm claims to farming lands can be established on two grounds: traditional use over several generations and cultivation by individuals or lineages. This method of claiming land corresponds to the Somali, whose traditional use of lands for grazing and as a source of water are the two main sources of legitimate claims to territory. The lands around the village of Hurso are claimed by the Gurgura on several grounds: traditional use over at least seven generations, grants by various Ethiopian and Italian governments, military conquest, and extensive planting of mango, citrus, papaya, and other fruit orchards. The farms were held by families, although the individual whose name is mentioned as `owner' of the larger farms or gardens, are trustees of land considered to be available for the subsistence purposes of extended families or entire lineages.
People speak of the land as if they still own it; "This is Ahmed's garden;" "This is Amina's garden." Although the lands were taken almost 20 years ago, the community is still intensely loyal and passionate about them. People cling to the lands both because they are good, fertile lands, and because they still consider them to be their lands. Until there is an option for creating ties to other lands or other livelihoods, both identity as well as survival are associated to them. I asked dozens of people why they had returned to Hurso. People patiently told me that the government had changed and they were promised the lands would be returned; there was no longer a way to make a living in Djibouti and lands surrounding Hurso could not support a significantly larger population -- the land looks empty, but is in fact, full to its carrying capacity. Also, the original owners of the lands near Sodere (where some Hurso residents had been resettled) had returned after the fall of the Derg and had thrown out the resettled Hurso families. One man was less patient:
Q: "Why did you return to Hurso?"
A: "What do you mean? Isn't this my soil?"
Survival, Development, Identity, and State
The relationships among and between community members, government, military, and the workers hired by the military to guard the expropriated lands are complex. Resentment against the military base and the workers was minimal; the community's anger is directed not at the soldiers, but at the government. Some Gurgura men from the village itself, former members of the Gurgura Liberation Front, were also being trained at the base. The men guarding the farmlands chewed a mild stimulant, chat, (also an appetite or hunger suppressant) to maintain cordial relationships with the villagers in case of an eventual return of farmlands.
Responsibility for the initial dispossession and current poverty is placed on the government and the Ministry of Defense -- believed to be holding on to the lands out of greed -- both for revenue, (which a local member of the federal parliament estimated at US$3-4 million per year), and simply possession. However, the district and regional governments shared some of the blame because it was felt they mishandled the negotiations for their return. Two trips to Addis by Hurso elders exhausted funds that could have been used for direct negotiation by the community Future progress depended on action by district, regional, and federal officials.
Relationships between Somali Ethiopians and the Ethiopian state are ambivalent -- clearly illustrated in Hurso. The history of relations between Somalis and the Ethiopian state is long and generally negative from both the Somali and Ethiopian perspective. The current Hurso situation is clearly the result of acts by the Ethiopian state against a predominantly Somali population. In the newly refederated Ethiopia, however, Somalis now speak and go to school in Somali, have their own regional government (albeit corrupt and inefficient, in the view of many), and are for the first time, potentially equal to other Ethiopians as citizens. Many of my Somali interlocutors were cautiously optimistic about the possibilities for Somalis in the new Ethiopia.
Loyalty and identity, however, were invested in the clan, land, and Somali ethnicity. What becomes clear through examining the history of land claims in Hurso is that the state is not seen as an oppressive and unitary force, but rather as a feature of the environment, currently a powerful actor with a tendency to swallow all other players, but with whom it is possible to make certain tactical alliances. In Hurso and elsewhere among both men and women, national politics are now seen as crucial to development and survival.
Currently, both necessity and the tentative opening of the Ethiopian state to regional autonomy and full participation by all citizens lead Hurso and other Somali Ethiopian communities to conclude that the potential benefits are worth the risk of aligning themselves with the state. Nevertheless, it is always better to keep as many options open as possible. `Development' puts the state's role into a broader framework, where it is often the de facto final arbiter, but where the poor also have other potential advocates.
In 1998, a UNICEF-funded water project was working well, a new district government was in place, and other ties to the state and regional economy gave Hurso more power to press their claims for survival and restitution. International relief assistance where the refugee relief system is the dominant organizing institution, is no longer the only tie between the community and the rest of the world. However, the channels of communication represented by both humanitarian aid and development must be kept open, in part as a check on the abuse of power by the state.
In his 1994 book, The Anti-Politics Machine, James Ferguson documents how the depoliticizing discourse and practice of development facilitates the encroachment of the state and its bureaucracy into more places and dimensions of life. For example, even though most development projects are deliberately apolitical, building a school, clinic, or agricultural extension office also brings employees who are ultimately responsible, not to the community nor to the donors, but to the government. The interests of the government are fundamentally, political.
In Hurso, this same encroachment is visible, but the current and former residents of Hurso see this encroachment in historical, political, and pragmatic terms. My criticisms of development were greeted with impatient dismissal: "yes there is plenty of corruption, abuse, and ineptitude of which we are well aware, but we want schools, clinics, and a water supply" Villagers openly admitted that they no longer had the skills -- or more importantly -- the desire to live off the land. Development was now integral to their notion of what constitutes a decent, human life. Contrary to the general findings of post-development critics, they did not want less development, but more; not less integration into the state, but more.
Their reasons for wanting more links to the state are pragmatic. In interviews about the larger context of Somali-Ethiopia relations, respondents stressed the importance of the clause in the new constitution permitting secession as a last resort. In the current circumstances, both union with Somalia and outright independence seem decidedly inferior to active participation in the Ethiopian state which offers at least the possibility of political power and economic advancement, while safeguarding Somali autonomy should the situation become unacceptable. However, as the changing Hurso discourse on basic human needs demonstrates, it may not be easy to opt out of new ways of thinking about identity, survival, and what constitutes a human life.
Concretely, development in Hurso means both economic independence, (ideally, by acquiring farmlands), and a combination of standard development and relief programs that address health care, water supply, education, childcare, and nutrition problems. Criticisms of these same programs were sharp. For example, Halcho, a community where 58 of the poorest families were resettled, needed extensive and expensive irrigation systems that involved drilling deep wells. But in the meantime, what were the farmers supposed to eat? Women involved in a revolving funds program stated that while it was a great idea, there were a number of basic problems: the market was already saturated with petty traders in milk and vegetables and there was no accessible market for other goods at the moment. Cash, especially this small a sum, was problematic because in Hurso, there is tremendous social pressure against refusing outright requests for financial assistance. If it were known that you had received 500 birr, then relatives and neighbors would approach you to repay small loans they had made to you, or to `lend' them money to take a sick child to the hospital; the money would soon be gone. The best development program of all would be to allocate land, making survival possible with fewer direct ties to the state or to development agencies. Nevertheless, promises of development programs -- health care, clean water, and education -- are likely to remain important for this community, even if the lands are returned.
Ultimately, development in Hurso means a sustainable and decent livelihood, and unfortunately the state's involvement is also essential for this to occur. To achieve a decent, human life or nolol adaaminiimo, it is necessary to have avenues through which to press claims -- for justice, restitution, and short term assistance. Hence local, regional, national, and international politics, and telling the story of dispossession and its implied remedy, restitution, have become very important. Development was also a rhetorical strategy to possibly diversify the range of groups and individuals on whom one could make justice, compassion, or rights-based claims.
Story telling and history are valued for their own sake among Somali, so it was generally easy for me to talk to people. However, given what 1 knew about the political importance of story telling, poetry, and history in Somali societies, it was clear that I was meant to hear these stories with a view to action.
"The owner must fight for his property."
-Muusa Omar's gabay (poem)
"I am asking you -- what are you going to do for us?"
-Ali Yusuf's testimony
"The main point is to help each other. To talk is fine, but let's get to the main point. You see our problems with your own eyes, as an eyewitness -- they don't need much explanation."
-Haawa Omar's testimony
History, politics, development, and the state are key elements in this community's story of dispossession, poverty, and living an inhuman life. However, although the state is accorded a certain legitimacy and even respect as a worthy opponent, it should not be confused with the loyalty and sense of belonging that was built by using the land and maintained through the story of dispossession. Human life, a decent life, is not only a matter of calories and clean water, human life implies justice, beauty, and belonging. Aasha, the midwife, summarizes their passion towards the land, and the bitterness, sadness, and contempt that characterize the Hurso view of the state: "They are not careful of the land. It becomes hyenas' houses." This suggests a love relationship with the land, and hence an imperative to tend it and care for it. "Hyena's houses" suggests barren land, wasteland, even a rubbish heap, in implied contrast to the beautiful, fertile, beloved land that it was.
The story of Hurso, then, is a love story as well as a story of injustice. The Hurso Somali were ejected from their land during the war. They returned as refugees, their lands still in the hands of the Ministry of Defense. They survive, but are far from what they consider to be a decent, human life. Development projects and development rhetoric are important ways of coping, but the fundamental problem, in their eyes, is not a question of charity, but of simple justice.
"I am 45 years old. I was born in Turkaylo, near Hurso village. I had farmland in Hurso before 1977. After the Derg took my farmland I went to Serkama. Hurso! Before the Derg, there was no place better than Hurso. Anybody who knows how it was before will be in wareer [mad with worry and distress] when he sees it now. And still now I think it is the Derg or those who remained from the Derg government who are eating our gardens. Now my morale is not good, because still my properties are in the hands of the enemy. I think Hurso seems as if it is getting some air, but unfortunately the Derg remainders are still present. Hurso people need to get a balanced life, nolol adaaminiimo -- food, health, education and so on. And to get their farmlands. I think if the government wants to develop Hurso's life, they have to give back their farms. I wish to add: you asked me many things and I am asking you, what are you going to do for us?"
-Ali Yusuf
References
Ferguson, James. 1994. The Anti-Politics Machine. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Lewis, I.M 1961. A Pastoral Democracy. London: Oxford University Press.
Article copyright Cultural Survival, Inc.




Ethiopia: Information on the Issa and Gurgura Liberation Front

For information on the above-mentioned subject please refer to the attached documents.
Attachments
Agence France Press. 24 March 1992. "Issa Guerrilla at War with Ethiopia's New Army." (NEXIS)
BBC, Summary of World Broadcasts. 11 June 1992. "Ethiopia Council of Representatives Members Point Out Problems." (NEXIS)
. 25 March 1992. "Ethiopia Issa Liberation Front Issues Statement on Fighting with EPRDF." (NEXIS)
. 5 March 1992. Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Conference Ends." (NEXIS)
. 18 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Reorganises Itself." (NEXIS)
. 14 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Officials Dropped From Executive." (NEXIS)
. 12 February 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Secedes From IGLF." (NEXIS)
. 25 January 1992. "Ethiopia Political Organisations Join Forces to Halt Clashes in Dire Dawa." (NEXIS)
. 10 January 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Nation Breaks Away From Issa-Gurgura Liberation Front." (NEXIS)
Inter Press Service. 13 April 1992. Obinna Onyadike. "Ethiopia: Unrest in the East." (NEXIS)
Reuters. 13 February 1992. Jonathan Clayton. "Southern Ethiopia Near Chaos as Ethnic Rivalries Resurface." (NEXIS)
Source: Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board, Canada
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ESDL DIR OF ETHIPIA REGION 5

U.N.D.P (On the net) Dir Movements in Region 5 Ethiopia GLF (Gurgura Liberation Front) led by Abdelasis Ahmed; HDP (Horiyal Democratic Party), from the WSLF (Western Somali Liberation Front), led by Abdi Ismail and representing the Gadabursi; the IGLF (Issa and Gurgura Liberation Front), headed by Riyaale Ahmed, which, since a split in 1991, only defends Issa interests (essentially the control of the Djibouti-Ethiopian railway line).


The pro-government ESDL which hope to become part of the EPRDF is headed by current Transport minister Abdulmejid Hussein (Issa Habar Awal). It has 76 of the 139 seats in the Regional Council and 15 of the Somali Region's 23 seats in the House of Peoples' Representatives, as well as the two seats for the autonomous city of Dire Dawa.

Though it has little support among the Ogaden, the ESDL is backed by the northern clans, the , Dir (Issa,Issaq, Gadabursi, Gurgure) and the non-Ogaden Darod (Bartire, Yabare, Mejertein, Dhulbahante). Some southern Hawiye clans (Garre, Digoodiya) also support the ESDL. The 7 G's Gurgure , Gadsan, Guure ,Gariire,

FATUHAL HABASH AXMED GUREY THE DIR GENERAL AND DAROOD CLAIMS

Fatuhal Habash bookDir People from Ahmed Gurey Ibrahim's era In the 1500's several things happened in the early struggles of Axmed Gran with the Ethiopia Christian Imperialists who where sprearheading attacks into Muslim lands.

According to Fatuh Al Habash: 1) Ahamed Gran came into the hinterlands of North Westren Somalia in order to recruit fighters amoung the Mandaluug Dir, Mahomed Xiniftire Or Mahe Dir and Madoobe. a) The fatuh al Habash mentions the Habar Magadle (Maha Dir) by name as one group which Gureey try to draw into his camp.Nevertheless, the Habar Awal and Habar Yonis joined the Gurey jihaad.

For Example, the Makaahil of the Habar Awal was the son of an Amhara princesse who was broght back to Somali by a Habar Awal worrior. The Amhara princes asked her captor one favour which to name the first son. After she bore the son she named him Makahil "Micheal" the angel. As a matter of fact many Mahe Dir like the Habar xabuush or Habar Jeclo were also named in such a case. According to the Fatuh Al Habash, "the fierce and rebellious Isaaq, Issas, and Afar clans who lived close to these groups and was know as "Oda Cali" caused Guurey many problems because as soon as the attacked the Habash enemies and gained some booty they would return to their territorie this angered Imam Ahmed who wanted a displined army. Ali and Mataan a brothers in-law of Gurey and Ahmed Nuur a knephew or Gurey, who later married Gurey's wife Batiyo Delwambero(Dawmbiro).

It is interesting to not The name Dalwambero. It is no accidental it sounds like Dombiro. The Darood Somali clans under Imam Ahmed Gurey where led by another Garad who was know as Guuray and he was married to Delwambera's sister Mardiya. It was at this period that the Madaxweyn Dir enlisted the Yabbare, Geeri, and Harla, also it was at this juncture of history that the Darood confuse history.

1) The Darood confuse to distinct persons. Namely, Imam Ahmed Ibrahim Ghazali Aragsame the proper Ahmed Guray and the Garad Gurey who led the Darood armies. After centuries they think that their Garad whose name is mentioned in the Fatuh Al Habash as Guray is the same as Ahmed Gurey. So the legacy of Axmed Gurey is not limited to the Gababuursi or Ciisa or Gurgure but as touched all Somalis.

BRITISH TREATES BETWEEN ISSA GADABURSI ISAAQ

British Treaty with Somaliland Tribes
The British Government have signed protection treaties
with six Somaliland tribes: Gadabursi, Eesa,
Warsangeli, Habr Gerhajis, Habr Toljaala and
Habr-Awal. All the Articles in the Agreements and the
Supplementary Agreements signed with the Somaliland
tribes are similar except the Warsangali one.
The only treaty singed by Garad[or traditional leader]
representing the all tribe is the Warsangali one. All
the other treaties are singed by elders that may
represent their areas or their different sub-clans.

--The Warsangali treaty doesn't contain the preamble
that precedes every treaty which puts the independence
and maintenance of order in the British Government
hands. The statement goes as "the maintenance of our
independence , the preservation of order ...... " . The
Warsangali treaty is added an extra article[LOOK
ARTICLE VI OF THE WARSANGALI TREATY] that none of the
other treaties has which indicates that the
Warsnagali will assist the British officers and follow
their advice for " .. duties as my be assigned to
them, and further act upon their advice in matters
relating to the administration of justice, the
development of the resources of the country, the
interests of commerce, or in any other matter in
relation to peace, order, and good government, and the
general progress of civilization. "
--No tribal area is referred as "COUNTRY" except the
Warsangali territory.
ARTICLES I, II and III are removed from the Warsangali
Treaty. ARTICLE III in the Warsnagali Treaty is
similar to ARTICLE II in HABR GERHAJIS and Habr
Toljaala Treaty but it is removed the statement " All
vessels under the British flag shall have free
permission to trade at all ports and places within ...
"


The conclusion of every agreement, except the
WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be
abided by the elders currently signing and " their
heirs and successors "

HERE ARE THE ARTICLES THAT ALL THE OTHER TRIBES HAVE
EXCEPT THE WARSANGALI TREATY
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Gadabursi tribe, are
desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Gababursi tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Gadabursi tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Gadabursi tribe shall enjoy
perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled
to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
.............
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Jama Roblay, ........and Major Frederick Mercer Hunter,
Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the former for
themselves, their heirs and successors, and the latter
on behalf of the British Government, do each and all,
in the presence of witnesses, affix their signatures,
marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the 11th day of
December, 1884, corresponding with the 25th Safar.
F. M. Hunter
(the marks of Elders named.)
Agreement with the Gadabursi, ZAILA, Dec. 11, 1884 -
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Eesa tribe, are
desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Eesa tribe do hereby declare that they are
pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or
otherwise give for occupation, save to the British
Government, any portion of the territory presently
inhabited by them, or being under their control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Eesa tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Eesa tribe shall enjoy perfect
safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel
all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the
Elders of the tribe
.......
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Ali Geridone, .........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the
31st day of December, 1884, corresponding with the
13th Rabu-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
Agreement with the Eesa Somal, ZAILA, Dec. 31, 1884 --

_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Toljaala tribe,
are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr Toljaala tribe declare that they are
pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or
otherwise give for occupation, save to the British
Government, any portion of the territory presently
inhabited by them, or being under their control.

ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Habr Toljaala, and the
tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,
whether British or belonging to any other nation, that
may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to
protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such
vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at
Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship
and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habr Toljaala shall enjoy
perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled
to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe

In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Dirir Shaikh Don, ....[INSERT THE
NAMES OF THE ELDERS HERE].....;and Major Frederick
Mercer Hunter, Assistant Political Resident, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the
26th day of December, 1884, corresponding with the 9th
of Rabu-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
(the marks of Elders named.)
Agreement with Habr Toljaala, Aden, December 26,1884
_____________________________________________________________________________________
We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Gerhajis tribe,
are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the
British Government for the maintenance of our
independence, the preservation of order, and other
good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr Gerhajis tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at all ports and places
within the territories of the Habr Gerhajis, and the
tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,
whether British or belonging to any other nation, that
may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to
protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such
vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at
Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship
and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habra Gerhajis tribe shall
enjoy perfect safety and protection, and shall be
entitled to travel all over the said limits under the
safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Ahmed Ali, ........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the
former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and
the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the
13th day of December, 1885, corresponding with the
28th of Rabi-al-Awal, 1302
F. M. Hunter
(Signatures of Elders)
Agreement with Habr Gerhajis, Aden, January 13,1885
_____________________________________________________________________________________
WHEREAS the garrisons of His Highness the Khedive are
about to be withdrawn from Berbera and Bulhar, and the
Somali Coast generally, we, the undersigned Elders of
the Habr-Awal tribe, are desirous of entering into an
Agreement with the British Government for the
maintenance of our independence, the preservation of
order, and other good and sufficient reasons.
Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-
ART. I. The Habr-Awal tribe do hereby declare that
they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,
mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to
the British Government, any portion of the territory
presently inhabited by them, or being under their
control.
ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have
free permission to trade at the ports of Berbera,
Bulhar, and other places in the territories of the
Habr-Awal tribe
ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting
the territories of the Habr-Awal shall enjoy perfect
safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel
all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the
Elders of the tribe
......
In token of the conclusion of this lawful and
honourable bond, Abdellah Liban, ........and Major Frederick Mercer
Hunter, the officiating Political Resident of Aden,
the former for themselves, their heirs and successors,
and the latter on behalf of the British Government, do
each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix
their signatures, marks, and seals, at Berbera, on the
21st day Ramdhan, 1301, corresponding with the 14th
July, 1884
F. M. Hunter, Major,
Officiating Political Resident, Aden.

Agreement with Habr-Awal, Berbera, July 14, 1884
_____________________________________________________________________________________

The conclusion of every agreement, except the
WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be
abided by the elders currently signing and " their
heirs and successors "
_____________________________________________________________________________________

TREATIES, &c., between the Warsangalis (British
Protection; Slave Trade; Wrecks: &c.). - January 27,
1886
THE British Government and the Elders of the
Warsangali tribe who have signed this Agreement being
desirous of maintaining and strengthening the
relations of peace and friendship existing between
them;
The British Government have named and appointed
Major Frederick Mercer Hunter, C.S.I., Political Agent
and Consul for the Somali Coast, to conclude a Treaty
for this purpose.
The said Major F. M. Hunter, C.S.I., Political
Agent and Consul for the Somali Coast, and the said
Elders of the Warsangali, have agreed upon and
concluded the following articles:-
ART. I. The British government, in compliance with the
wish of the undersigned Elders of the Warsangali,
undertakes to extend to them and to the territories
under their authorities and jurisdiction the gracious
favour and protection of Her Majesty the
Queen-Empress.
II. The said Elders of the Warsangali agree and
promise to refrain from entering into any
correspondence, Agreement, or Treaty with any foreign
nation or Power, except with the knowledge and
sanction of Her Majesty's Government.
III. The Warsnagali are bound to render assistance to
any vessel, whether British or belonging to any other
nation, that may be wrecked on the shores under their
jurisdiction and control , and to protect the crew,
passengers, and cargo of such vessels, giving speedy
intimation to the Resident at Aden of the
circumstances; for which act of friendship and
good-will a suitable reward will be given by the
British Government.
IV. The Traffic in slaves throughout the territories
of the Warsangali shall cease for ever, and the
Commander of any of Her Majesty's vessels, or any
other British officer duly authorized, shall have the
power of requiring the surrender of any slave, and of
supporting the demand by force of arms by land and
sea.
V. The British Government shall have the power to
appoint an Agent or Agents to reside in the
territories of the Warsangali, and every such Agent
shall be treated with respect and consideration, and
be entitled to have for this protection such guard as
the British Government deem sufficient.
VI. The Warsangali hereby engage to assist all British
officers in the execution of such duties as may be
assigned to them, and further to act upon their advice
in matters relating to the administration of justice,
the development of the resources of the country, the
interests of commerce, or in any other matter in
relation to peace , order, and good government, and
the general progress of civilization.
VII. This Treaty to come into operation from the 27th
day of January, 1886, on which date it was signed at
Bunder Gori by the Undermentioned.
F. M. Hunter
Witness:
J. H. Raintier, Commander, R. N.
Muhammad Mahmud Ali, Gerad of all the Warsangali.
Jama Mahmud, Gerad
Muhammad Ibrahim, ditto.
Omar Ahmed, ditto.
Mahmud Abdullah, ditto.
Yussuf Mahmud, ditto.
Of the Ayal Fatih sub-tribe-
Nur Abdullah.
Isa Adan.
Muhammad Ali Shirwa.
Abdy Nur
Of the Ogais Lebay sub-tribe–
Muhammad Abdy Nalaya.
Mahmud Sagullay.
Abdullah Sagullay.
Muhammad Abdullah

FUNDING OF SOMALI RADIO STATIONS + NGOS

National endowment for Democracy waa hay'ada mareykan ah oo lagu eedeeyo mararka qaarkood waxa ay la shageysaa sir-doonka mareykanka ama CIA meelaha ay la dagalamayaan ururo ama dowlado. Inta badan waxa ay aad u cawiyaan ururada u dagalama Demoqrasiyada, xuquuqal Insaanka, ama danah reer galbeedka bal fiiri ururada ay somalia ka cawiyeen


www.ned.org/grants/03prog...ml#Somalia



Somalia
Banadir Radio
$30,000
To broadcast a series of radio programs that will raise awareness of democracy, human rights, and women’s rights in Mogadishu. Banadir Radio will also implement joint programs with civil society groups to promote activities focusing on peace and invite activists to participate in debate and talk show programs.

Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Organization
$33,536*
To continue to play an active role in the Eldoret peace negotiations and to conduct three human rights training workshops, which will be tailored to various participant groups—including police officers, primary school teachers, and youth—and designed to strengthen their awareness of human rights. The organization will also continue its investigation and documentation of human rights abuses and combine its findings into regional reports, which will be made available to the public.

HornAfrik Media
$45,430*
To conduct training for twenty journalists with the help of journalism instructors and human rights experts. The trained journalists will produce documentaries on human rights issues, women’s rights, and democracy and related issues, as well as produce six call-in shows focusing on human rights, democracy, and women’s issues. HornAfrik will also publish 1,000 copies of a reference book based on the issues studied in the classes.

Horn of Africa Relief and Development Organization
$25,000*
To undertake youth training at Pastoral Youth Learning (PYL) Centers in six villages in Sanaag, Somalia. Training will follow the PYL curriculum, which focuses on peace and responsible community leadership, resource management, human health, and animal health. After the training, the youth trainees will visit pastoral communities to research local governance systems, natural resource management, and development challenges before cooperatively carrying out a small-community development project throughout the year.

Somali Journalists Network
$20,000
To conduct two sets of training workshops to improve the standards of Somali journalists. The first workshop will address conflict reporting and conflict resolution, while the second will focus on journalist safety.


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Somaliland
Consortium of Somaliland NGOs (COSONGO)
$29,860*
To conduct four civic education training workshops for participants from local NGOs, community-based NGOs, and village elders and to produce and disseminate follow-up reports. In addition, COSONGO will produce a Somali-language version of its monthly newsletter, currently published in English.

HAWO Group
$20,000
To promote democracy and women’s rights among grassroots women’s organizations through a series of trainings for the women in the Sool and Sanaag regions. Workshops will focus on organization capacity building, training-of-trainers on human rights in the media, the need to respect human rights in daily law enforcement functions, and the importance of women(s rights. HAWO will also produce a monthly radio program on democracy, human rights and good governance that will target a grassroots women audience.

Horn of Africa Voluntary Youth Committee
$39,816
To continue its civic education campaign aimed at youth through the use of its traveling circus. The program features acrobats and street theater as tools to disseminate civic education messages. To increase participation of youth in political decision-making, the Committee will also produce booklets and leaflets on good governance and democracy and organize a series of youth workshops and symposiums.

Nagaad Umbrella Organization
$45,549
To organize a series of training workshops to address women’s rights and participation in political decision-making, including one workshop with participants from neighboring countries and one with male politicians and religious leaders. Participants from a training-of-trainers workshop will campaign for women candidates and promote women’s rights in the upcoming parliamentary elections. To promote women’s rights and democracy through civic education programs, such as television projects, songs, and poetry.

Samo-Talis
$43,438*
To conduct human rights seminars and training workshops and to publish its monthly human rights newsletter, including three English-language supplements. For Somaliland’s upcoming national elections, Samo-Talis will conduct voter education; provide advice to political parties on free, peaceful, and ethical participation in the elections; consult with electoral commission staff; and provide election monitoring.


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Agoon
Guest





Posted: Fri Aug 17, 2007 7:50 am Post subject: NED U.SA Grants Somalia 2005

Somalia

Center for Democracy and Human Rights (CDHR)
$27,060
To advocate for and increase awareness of fundamental human rights and democratic processes in Somalia. CDHR will hold a series of four, 3-day workshops in Mogadishu on democratic institution building, democracy and legitimacy, human rights and conflict transformation. CDHR will also convene two roundtable meetings to conduct stakeholder analyses, identifying power centers and interests, importance and influence, networks and coalitions, and natural resource management of the various stakeholders concerned with good governance in Somalia.

Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Organization
$55,060*
To strengthen the capacity of human rights organizations to investigate, document, and advocate against human rights abuses in all eight regions of Somalia. The organization will conduct a series of workshops on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, rights of internally displaced persons and guiding principles on internal displacement, and the role of the police in human rights protection.

Hiran Women Action on Advocacy for Peace and Human Rights (HIWA)
$37,560*
To increase the level of knowledge and support for human rights and democracy in the Hiran region of Somalia. HIWA will conduct a series of workshops in the Hiran region's capital, Beledweyn, that will engage women, elders, intellectuals, youth, artists, and religious leaders in discussions of human rights, the rights of women and children, democracy and good governance, and the rule of law.

International Federation of Journalists (IFJ)
$20,000*
To strengthen the sense of unity among journalists and build a coalition of interests to assert values of journalism and free expression. IFJ, with the support of the Somali Journalists Network (SOJON), will organize a conference of Somali journalists that will also serve as the SOJON General Assembly. A conference report will outline challenges facing Somali journalists and form the basis of future actions.

Radio Daljir
$15,600*
To promote community awareness of the impact of gender discrimination and to provide women with a venue for advocacy. Radio Daljir will create a Women's Desk to supplement its programming for the people of the Galkayo region of Somalia. The Desk will engage the local community in producing programming on gender discrimination, politics, female genital mutilation, and other forms of violence against women.

Somali Journalist Network (SOJON)
$30,000
To increase the professionalism, capacity, and organization of journalists in Somalia to aid in the democratic transition. SOJON will train local journalists in the basics of journalism, professional ethics, collective bargaining, diversity, pluralism, and leadership skills. SOJON will also nominate journalists as National Press Freedom Protectors to monitor free press abuses.

Somali Peace Line
$12,540
To hold a series of five workshops in Mogadishu promoting human rights and conflict resolution among traditional clan leaders. The human rights workshops will provide an introduction to characteristics and categories of human rights. The conflict resolution workshops will give an overview of the Somali conflict, provide tools of conflict analysis, compare traditional conflict resolution methods with modern techniques, and develop a framework for peace building.


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Somaliland

Hargeisa Women Group Association (HAWO)
$24,770
To mobilize the communities of Haraf and Jiidali to review existing community structures and promote women's involvement through a series of meetings and workshops. HAWO will conduct outreach and awareness meetings in addition to workshops on organizational development and management. In addition, HAWO will train Hargeisa school teachers to incorporate the principles of democracy, good governance, and human rights into their curricula.

Institute for Practical Research and Training in Somaliland (IPRT)
$48,480
To increase the capacity and public accessibility of the Somaliland parliament. IPRT will continue publication of the Xog Warran, the official House of Representatives bulletin. IPRT will also work to increase the capacity of the library resource center in the House of Representatives; host a training workshop for the media to improve their access, skills, and knowledge of the legislature; and launch and maintain an official website for the Upper House of the Parliament to increase the public's access to the legislature.

Nagaad Umbrella Organization of Hargeisa Women NGOs
$45,000
To mobilize political participation in grassroots communities and increase representation of women and minorities. Nagaad will hold trainings on democratic values for women's groups, youth groups, and teachers in all six regions. Nagaad will organize a grassroots mobilization campaign on voter education in the three months prior to parliamentary elections, and train newly-elected parliament members in leadership skills and good governance after the election.

National Election Commission (NEC)
$12,320
To enable the seven-member National Electoral Commission to travel through Somaliland to identify polling stations and inform voters about the election process. Through two two-week trips, the Commission will hold consultations with community elders and other stakeholders to identify accessible polling stations. NEC will also hold public meetings to raise public awareness about the election process.

Samo-Talis
$44,810
To raise public awareness of human rights through an advocacy campaign. Samo-Talis will lobby decision makers on human rights and will hold meetings for parliamentarians and traditional leaders. Samo-Talis will continue to publish 3,000 copies of its monthly human rights newsletter as an insert to an independent daily newspaper, and will also establish a public resource center equipped with Internet access, books, and periodicals.

Women Rehabilitation and Development Association (WORDA)
$19,772
To conduct a civic education program in the Togdheer region of central Somaliland. WORDA will hold a series of four civic education training workshops on human rights, good governance, and democracy. WORDA will also conduct two awareness raising outreach campaigns in each of the five districts of Togdheer using easily understandable messages and community theater.

‘Stars, Seasons and Weather in Somali Pastoral Traditions’ written by the late Musa. H. I. Galaal (1909-1982)

Introduction


The following pages are extracts taken from an unpublished draft manuscript titled ‘Stars, Seasons and Weather in Somali Pastoral Traditions’ written by the late Musa. H. I. Galaal (1909-1982). I am currently re-editing and revising this valuable manuscript for future publication which was originally written by Musa. H. I. Galaal (in 1972); a distinguished Somali academician who has produced many pamphlets, essays, periodicals and books on the varied aspects of Somali culture-poetry, folklore, nomadic lifestyle and the vigour and richness of the Somali language.

In acknowledgement of our profound debt to Musa and his life’s work, we will honour him and pay our tribute by featuring in the coming months in Somaliland Times weekly publication extracts taken from his ‘Stars, Seasons and Weather in Somali Pastoral Traditions’ manuscript.
Text in Italics is where I felt a broader meaning or explanations was needed and are of my own words, including illustrations and graphics.
Your feedback/comments will be most welcomed.
Rashid Mustafa, X. Noor
rm_nur@hotmail.com
Part one: First appeared in Somaliland Times newspaper issue 187 20/08/2005


Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature


http://www.somalilandtimes.net/somstars/stars4.html

Somalis, particularly those who still follow the traditional nomadic life, have a profound interest in, and knowledge of the weather, the stars and planets, and their penetrating effects upon the lives of this people. This is reflected in the language itself, which contains a large number of sayings, riddles and songs which link astronomical phenomena to events in nomadic life with which they are associated. I was myself a camel herder when I was a boy, and I recall many of these sayings and songs. They have always interested me, and during my life I have collected very many more.
There are for example phrases, in the language (especially, those in replying to a greeting) that closely associate the weather and the well being of my people: such as the Dabayl Caafimmad, the breeze of health and tranquility. Nabaad iyo naq-roobaad, peace and the greenness that follows rain. Bash-bash iyo barwaako, this term has the underlying phonetic representation of waterlogged undergrowth which has soaked up recent heavy rains and means a period of plenty and prosperity, for all'.
Some terms are deeply allusive: Abaar iyo oodo-lullul, meaning in the vicinity of a drought, also lurks the rattling or shacking of one's thorn-fence. The image here is of drought -stricken nomads who have lost all their livestock and try to force their way into the corrals of those more fortunate ones who still have cattle, or other livestock left.
There are moreover, countless songs in Somali traditionally sung to girls, to camels or to cattle which link astronomical phenomena, as observed omens, to years of prosperity or drought, to the deaths of important persons, to wars or storms. This song I remember clearly from my youth:
Xaydho-dayihii, Kuu xiddiginjirey, Xareed bardiyo, Xays inoo sheeg. (My beautiful camels)
The reader of the Xaydho,¹
Who is also the expert on stars,
Announces a long-lasting supply of rainwater,
An unexpected season of heavy rain
Note: 1. Xaydho, this term refers to the fat that covers the stomach of the goats. This fat was used in the past by the Somalis for telling the future. It was removed from the goat and held to the light. Inductions were then made from looking at the inside of the fat – about the weather, wars, rain, etc.
There is a famous saying ascribed to one or two such persons who use to read the Xaydho for the sultanate of the Iidaagale clan. On one such occasion, in the coronation of Sultan Diiriiyey, of the Iidaagale clan in around 1880’s, when the Xaydho readers completed their inspection of the fat, they were asked what the Xaydho foretold regarding the new sultan. One of the Xaydho readers said that ;“This new sultan, unfortunately will not be as wise as his father use to be” , and the other replied, while gazing at the fat: “ Even worse! According to my inductions his reign will be long and live a long time, God willing” . Oddly enough, Sultan Diiriiyey died at the ripe old age of around 80 to 85 ’yrs.
Going back to our subject theme: Another song depicts the anguish felt by the herder, seeing that the beginning of the spring rains and the passing of the spring rains has gone by without a drop of rainwater. For, he knows that the season for spring rains has begun, due to the setting of the Urur stars or Pleiades in the early hours of the twilight. And the end of the spring rain season, due to the setting of the stars in Afagaale or virgo constellation Castor, Pollux, Procyon and Gombiza. This is song alliterated in the vowel letters:
Haddaan ururkiyo, Afaggaal ridey, Mugga eeddaa, Ilaah bayska leh',
Anna orodkay, Waa intii hore. My lovely cow,
now you can see that the Pleiades (Urur) and the twin stars of Virgo have set,
And still there is no sign of the spring rains. I have laboured hard to keep you well,
So that you may live through the harsh dry season,
Be witness, then, it is the Will of God, (A traditional "Hees Lo'aad" or cattle song)
Particularly, severe droughts seem to occur in the Somali nomadic regions every eight years. The singer sings of this, with parched lips, to his lovely girl: Alliterated in the B letter.
Beydaney Berdaale gudh, Bullaalena gaabi orodkii,
Anna biifihii dhigey,
Xaggaan biyo kaaga doonaa. Oh, my lovely Beydan, The well Berdaale is dry,
And my horse Bullaale is old and weary,
How can I then fetch water for your thirst?
(A traditional Hees Cayaareed or dance song )
Knowledge of the stars and the weather is part of every child's upbringing in the nomadic countryside. In this chorus dance song made up of riddles, alliterated by letter D, a group of nomadic girls challenge their nomadic counterparts, the boys, to show their knowledge of the stars.

Young nomadic girls challenge their nomadic counterparts, the boys.

End of Part One back

Waar xiddigaha maxaa dira? Maxaa deris iyo walaalo ah?
Maxaa dan-u-heshiisyo ah?
Maxaanse daabano kala gelin?
Which constellations are most ancient?
And which are both neighbours and cousins?
Which live in peace and unity, together?
And which are strangers?
and the boys answer
Naa xiddigaha waxaa dira
Dib-qalloocyadaa dira,
Waxaa deris iyo walaalo ah,
Afagaallaa dushaas mara,
Waxaa dan u heshiisyo ah,
Laxahaa dan u heshiisyo ah,
Waxaanse daabaano kala gelin,
Lixda dameerajoogeen iyo,
Inta uu dayaxu maro

The oldest constellation is Scorpio.
The stars that are both neighbours and cousins
Are those of the Virgo constellation.
The Pleiades live in peace, in union and together.
And the stars that are strangers to each other
Are the six stars of Sagittarius
And those that lie on the moon's path.
________________________________________
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Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature



The stars play a vital role in the Somali nomadic countryside. Yet, for those Somalis, who dwell in the urban cities, will show a great deal of enthusiasm in the stars and their knowledge. Although, many Somalis of second or third generation city dwellers will not have experienced, a true life in the countryside. Yet, if you ask him/her the names of the stars, planets or the time, the Pleiades set in winter or spring seasons, many will know the answer. And this is because of the Somali language or the influence of traditional & modern literature. For, you will always find a reference to some star, planet or astronomical phenomena of some kind or another made in every song played on the radio, theatrical play or a poem. Somalis love of poetry and the verbal arts was, so much so that Richard Burton, the English explorer, in his travels to Somaliland in 1854 commented:
The country teems with "poets, poetasters, poetitos, poetaccios": every man has his recognized position in literature as accurately defined as though he had been reviewed in a century of magazines-the fine ear of these people causing them to take the greatest pleasure in harmonious sounds and poetical expressions, whereas a false quantity or a prosaic phrase excite their violent indignation. Richard Burton, First footsteps in East Africa (New York: Praeger, 1966), p.93
Because, the Somali people are an oral society, much of their traditional and modern literature has become inseparable from the stars and the heavens above. And this can be said as to the reason why so many of the city dwellers know so much of the stars, than of animal husbandry.
The crucial distinction between different forms of Somali poetry is in the number of syllables in each line. The following rough guide may be found useful;
Halaanhal normally 12 syllables (oldest metre)
Gabay normally 14 to 16 syllables
Geeraar normally 7 syllables (classical metres)
Jiifto normally 7 syllables (classical metres)
Heelo normally 10 syllables
Hees-Xoolaad normally 1 to 5 syllables (livestock husbandry song)
Hees-Cayaareed normally from 6 to 11 syllables (dance song)
Hees-Caanood normally from 6 to 9 syllables (milk-shaking song)
Hees-Mooye normally 6 syllables (wheat-maize grinding song)
Hees-Carruureed normally 8 syllables (nursery or sung to children)

From last week, we can see that the weather is all-important for the nomadic people of this country: if rain fails at the expected season, there is drought and suffering, heavy losses amongst the herds, and consequent poverty, leading often to war. It is therefore hardly surprising that they should have become so closely acquainted with the paths of the moon and the stars, and should have come to rely so heavily on the interpretations and predications traditionally drawn from "the stations of the moon",
The stations of the moon, a fundamental concept in Somali astrology and weather prediction, and studied by the nomadic experts with great care and thoroughness, consists of twenty eight different groups of stars or stations fixed along the ecliptic path of the moon, and served to mark the life span of the Somali lunar month, number of days in each year, seasons and for weather predications and astrological forecasts . Each station has from one to over ten stars in its makeup. In addition, however, to the 28 stations along the visible path of the moon during each lunar month, there are said by Somalis to be one or two nights in every month during which the moon is not visible. These are the 'empty stations' when the moon is a 'new-moon' not in conjunction with any star or group of stars visible to the Somali observer. The period is known in Somali as "Dibbad or Dubbad" and means 'an invisible moon. Thus the Somali lunar calendar month will vary from 29 to 30 days
The importance of the Urur group of stars or Pleiades constellation for the Somali nomad
There is indeed a deep commitment of the Somali nomad to signs and portents, based upon long tradition, and not subject to orthodox Islamic beliefs. There is a proverb in Somali from the religious sections of the community that says; 'foolish people who spend all their time reading the stars would do better to ponder on the Divine Will'. 'Malluug moogow Maruubsatadaada fiirsoy'. And I recall a poem recited by an Arab sheikh, scorning the Somalis for their over-dependence on astronomy and the astrological deductions made from it:
Hadday laxo dhacaan
Laxona dhalaan,
Hor Soomaali-qalinley siday yeelidoontaa? If sheep start lambing At the setting of the Pleiades,
But the life giving (Seermaweydo) spring rains failed,
What would the foolish Somalis do then? (Jiifto or classical poem)
The Pleiades stars are known in Somali as "Urur" or "Laxo". Urur means 'a confederation' because these stars 7 in total are grouped tightly together and the latter word Laxo means 'sheep'. The Pleiades play a very important role in the Somali weather lore system. Because, rams and ewes are kept apart in the Somali country throughout the year, so that the ewes do not give birth to new born lambs in the dry and non-grazing seasons. Somali nomads let loose the rams with the ewes for mating on the night of "Dambasamo" : this is the night when in the middle of autumn (November) the moon is in conjunction with the Urur/Pleiades on the 15th day of the lunar month or full moon: the mating must be timed so that the lambs are born in a season of abundance.


When full moon is in conjunction with the Urur group of stars or Pleiades on the night (15th November) is known in Somali as 'the night of Dambasamo'
Lambs conceived on the night of "Dambasamo" will be born about 150 days later, which should be in the middle of the spring rains (April), and this is when the time the Pleiades will start to set at about twilight. The nomad, therefore knows when to let the rams mate with ewes in the middle of autumn by using the Urur/Pleiades as a point of cue, and also will use the Pleiades as a precursor for tracking the time period left for when the rains will begin in spring.
Going back, to the Arab sheikh's poem, the verse 'the setting of the Urur/Pleiades' signify the beginning of the rain season, and this is the time when the sheep give birth to new born lambs, and if these rains fail it will spell disaster for the nomads and their sheep. In other words, the Arab sheikh is rebuking the nomads for not taking into consideration the Divine Will as being the force behind the rains and the cycles of seasons and not the Urur/Pleiades, stars or heavenly bodies as responsible for the onset of the rains. The nomad however would defend his over-reliant attitude by saying: ' not only on man has God conferred this knowledge, but also onto the animal kingdom as well'. The nomad will argue, that ' God has taught the "Cawl" a species of the gazelle the power to read the stars, for whenever it wants to mate, it does so, in accordance by reading the stars and knowing when the rains will begin, with God's leave.'
There are countless phrases, songs, proverbs and poems in Somali, which ascribe these skills to the 'cawl gazelle and countless other wild animals. 'Cawl' in Somali is pronounced, in similar to the English pronunciation to the word ‘owl’ as in the night-bird ‘owl’. 'Cawl' is also a poplar Somali name given to boys. This Gabay by Cali Dhuux, recorded from Jaamac Daahir of Buuhoodle ascribes, these skills to the ‘Cawl’ or species of the gazelle (alliterated in the Somali vowel letter 'C' pronounced in English as 'ah'):
When the male 'Cawl' wishes to mate with his females,
he first makes astronomical calculations.
He also knows their menstrual periods and the techniques of mating, The day he wishes to cause propagation and offspring’s,
He, placing first his front knees on to the female's back,
Judges whether the young will be born in sun or green
from signs in the heavens,
His decision whether to continue mating or to descend is in accordance with his celestial induction's. (Gabay or classical poem)
Markuu cawlku cawlaa orgayn, waa u cibaaroone, Cisaday ku uuraysatiyo, caadaduu garane,
Cashaday calool gelahayaan, cannugga beertiisu, Curcurradiyo lawyada intuu, ku cuskaduu saaro, Cirridiyo cagaar miday ku dhalan, caadka kor u eegye, Hadba cirirka loo nuuriyuu, ku cimro-qaataaye.
The 'Cawl' gazelle is the only gazelle species which mate's outside the normal mating season, when all animals or gazelles are busy mating. For, whenever there is a drought, because the major spring rains have failed, many of the newborn offspring’s of the other gazelle species suffer and die. However, the same is not true for the 'cawl' gazelle.
For you will never see an 'cawl' gazelle with new born offspring's in times of failed spring rains, like you do with the other gazelle species. And this is attributed to the Somali belief that the 'cawl' stag gazelle knows when the rains will fail, because it gazes at the stars before it mates. And this is the reason the Somalis hold with such esteem this species of gazelle. One of the vital Somali seasons of the ‘Gu’ or spring rains is named after this gazelle. The three major ‘Gu’ or spring rains are called ‘Seermaweydo’ and ‘Diriir Cawl’ and ‘Diriir Sagaalo’.
Some nomads will often go to great lengths in the middle of the night to keep a track on a nearby herde of 'cawl' gazelles, so that they can know when to let their rams mate with the ewes, and all this depends on whether the 'cawl' stag gazelles have started to mate or not. Because, in the time period which 'cawl' gazelles give birth to new born offspring's is about the same time as sheep give birth to their new born lambs (five months from the time of conception).
End of Part Two

Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature

Somali legend of the origins of the Milky-Way “Jid-Cirir or Cir Jiidh”
The Milky Way is called in Somali "Jid-Cirir" which means "the path of the cursed child". This explains one Somali legend about the 'Milky Way’, which tells the story of a cruel son who use to beat his mother every day and drag her along the rocky ground in the hot sun. One day he was more vicious than usual, and pulled, dragging her by the leg over sharp bits of the rocky ground until she was torn and bleeding all over. Half-dead, she raised her eyes to the sky looking for some deliverance from her oppressor. The Almighty rescued the unhappy old crone by paralysing her son. He quickly died, and his body was cast up onto a special purgatory in the sky where he can still be seen as the constellation Orion known in Somali as “Nin la gigay” which means ‘The incarcerate one or man”. A representation of the rough ground over which he had dragged his poor mother was made for all to remember in the heavens - the Milky Way; and from that time on, no son has been cruel to his parents, fearing that he also would meet with the same fate.


The constellation Orion known in Somali as “NIN LA GIGAY”
The Somali Sky-camel "awrka Cirka"
Let us know have a look at the Somali traditions associated with the legend of the Somali 'Sky Camel "Awrka-Cirka". In the region of 'the coal sack' or 'Crux constellation’ the southern cross, an area known in Somali as "wadaamo-xooro or wadaamo-lugud", is said to appear in the shape or silhouette of a huge male camel on dark nights in the months of March to July.

Image is a rough depiction of the Somali night sky above the (9:60N 44:50E) Horn of Africa and
showing outline of the sky-camel, its head lies left of the Crux constellation
The legend of the Somali Sky Camel "Awrka-Cirka" says that the camel was once, long ago, positioned in the north, above the mountains of "Cir-Shiida" in the district of Erigaabo Northeast Somalia. The name of this particular mountain "Cir-Shiida" means in Somali 'the summit, from where missiles were hurled at the sky'.
"One year, as the legend says, there was a severe drought, and the people of the district suffered greatly, losing all their lively hoods, livestock's and animals decided to attack and kill the great 'sky-camel' as a source for food. First they built a huge platform on top of the highest mountain of the Erigaabo plateau, tall enough for the people standing on it to reach up to the tail of the 'sky-camel' and cut it off. The 'sky-camel' felt the pain and raced off to the south; where it is still to be seen to this day”.


Somali Sky Camel (Awrka Cirka) under attack
End of part three
Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature

The 'Somali Sky-camel’ or ‘Awrka Cirka' also provides a basis for meteorological observation, i.e. the timing of the major spring rains and the changing of seasons from one season to another.
In the months before the start of the main "Gu" (spring) rains, the 'sky-camel' is seen ( image 1 ) with its head down towards the East, as if it were about to start drinking water, "Wuu afku-rubadlaynayaa" is the term known in Somali for when livestock have their heads down drinking water, seen here left in this image.

Image 1:March night sky
In April and May, its image ( Imager 2 ) is upright again, and can be seen clearly between eight and twelve o'clock at night, apparently satisfied, and chewing the cud heartedly.


Image 2: April/May night sky
In June and July, its head ( image 3 ) appears to be turned upwards towards the zenith, its back falling towards the west, apparently cropping the tops of the trees.


Image 3: June/July night sky
In fact, the three different periods of the grazing year in this region of Africa are closely pictured by the onset of the "Gu" or spring rains, all the livestock are busy from the 15th of March drinking the spring waters.
Towards 20th of April in the middle of the rains, when there is plenty of green grass and water, the animals have fed so well that they spend long periods contentedly sitting and chewing. And when the rains are finished in late June, and the green grass parches, the camels begin cropping the new tender leaves and buds from the tops of trees.
It is interesting thought that the region Sanaag in Somaliland in which the 'sky-camel' is said to have originated has a great wealth of as yet un-investigated archaeological interest.
The Maakhir coast, including the Erigaabo country famed for its frankincense and myrrh since antiquity and often referred to by the ancient civilisation of Egypt as 'the land of Punt', is the centre of an area in which numerous ancient ruined cities, whose history is still unknown, have been discovered; and there are also said to be cave paintings and rock carvings still to be examined.
The Somali legend of the 'sky-camel', and men's first ventures into the sky, may be indicative of a great ancient civilisation, which built observatories on the mountain ranges, and studied the heavens.
One Somali saying goes, (alliterated in letter D);
" Awrka-cirka nin daya mooyiye
Nin dayoo ka taga mooyiye
Nin dabrada dad laga waa..... " Man could only gaze at the sky-camel
Gaze and turn away
None could conquer it or make it tame."
This Somali proverb simply reminds us; that 'some things in life will always be beyond man/woman's wildest dreams, regardless of one’s wealth, power or stature in life’.

End of part four
Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature

The Somali name for planets is "Malluug" or "Siyaariin" or “Meere” and all three names reflect a regulated motion in movement. Most nomads believe the planets to be huge stars with special courses of their own: they are commonly defined by Somali traditional astro/weather-lore experts as "heavenly bodies that move round on their own orbits, and with the sun". The number of such planets, according to various traditional beliefs, is as few as five or as many as nine. A few experts include the moon among the planets, but most take it to be a satellite of the earth. Mercury is considered by some as a planet, and by others as a star. There is therefore no general agreement about what are planets and what are not, and moreover, although all these bodies are named in Somali tradition, it is very difficult to match the Somali names to the planets identified in Western astronomy. The Somali names themselves vary greatly in different regions of the nomadic country. More research is needed into the whole question of the identification of these planets, and my chart giving the names of each planet in different Somali regions by no means is complete.
Names for the Planets in different Somali regions
International Qardo name Burco name Qabridharre name Banaadiir name
Sun Qorrax Qorrax Qorrax Qorrax
Mercury Dusaa Hurjub Cudaarid Dhayl-Gaduud
Venus Waxaro-xir or Sahra
or ‎Xiddig-Waaberi Maqal xidh-Xidh
or Sahra Maqal Xidh-xidh or Sahra Waxarra-Xir or Sahra
or Xiddig Waaberi
Earth Dhul Dhul Dhul Dhul
Mars Saxal Saxal Guduud or Saxal Saxal Guduud or Saxal Saxal Guduud or Saxal
Saturn Faraare or Mariikh Mariikh Dhiigle Mariikh Mariikh
Jupitor Saxal-Cadde or Mushtar or Cirjeex Cir-Jiidh or Mushtar or Saxal-Cadde or Gob-dhawr Saxal-Cadde or
Gob-dhawr Cir-jiidh or Dhool-Mare or Mushtar
Uranus ? ? ? ?
Neptune ? Docay ? ?
Pluto ? ? ? ?

Although there is a considerable uncertainty about the identification of the planets recognised by Somalis, there is no doubt that they do constitute an important part of the sky studies of Somali astro/weather-lore experts, and are thought to have astrological influences that are by no means negligible.
The commonest Somali names for Venus are "Maqal xidh-xidh" or "Waxaro xidh-xidh", both names have the same connotation and mean 'the rounding up of sheep's and goats, at sunset back into their pens'. All Somalis accept it as a planet. There is a riddle traditionally associated with Venus, and its periodic absences from the night skies. Sometimes it is reckoned to be absent for only six nights - to correspond with alternating roles of Morning Star (in the East) and Evening Star (in the West). When the absence is of six days, it is said on its return to greet people with question "How did you spend the night" - as if it had gone on a journey and was delighted to see its old friends once more. But sometimes the absences is reckoned to be for sixty days, and then the greeting given is said to take the form of another question: "What have you lost while I have been away" and finally absences considered to last for six months, it is believed to ask: "What wealth have you still left?" The absences of six nights are traditionally held to foretell a year of plenty; those of sixty nights will be hard but not unendurable. But from an absence of six months the assumption is that there will be great drought and suffering in the land. The presence of this planet in the sky is thus considered to exert a mysterious protective influence over people. Because of the serious implications read into the period of its absence from the sky, the "maqal xidh-xidh" is closely watched by the local astronomers and weather-experts.
Significant in a different way are the movements of the planet Mars, known in Somali as "Saxal-Guduud". It is believed to ‘meet and live with' each of the twenty-eight stations of the moon (these stations of the moon are called in Somali “Goddad” and mean ’trench, den, hole or place of moon’s station or sojourn’) once in a cycle of thirty-three years. The stations of the moon, a fundamental concept in Somali astrology and weather prediction, and studied by the nomadic experts with great care and thoroughness, consists of twenty eight different groups of stars or stations fixed along the ecliptic path of the moon, and served to mark the life span of the Somali lunar month, number of days in each year, seasons and for weather predications and astrological forecasts . Each station has from one to over ten stars in its makeup. In addition, however, to the 28 stations along the visible path of the moon during each lunar month, there are said by Somalis to be one or two nights in every month during which the moon is not visible. These are the 'empty stations' when the moon is not in conjunction with any star or group of stars visible to the Somali observer. The period is known in Somali as "Dibbad or Dubbad" and means 'an invisible moon. Thus the Somali lunar calendar month will vary from 29 to 30 days.
It thus plays host to each station for an indefinite period, sometimes for one or two months, sometimes for seven or even more months. The host planet is thought to contaminate the station for as long as they stay together, thus to bring evil fortune to any person born under this station, or to a clan associated with it. The severity of its contamination is said to depend on whether the other planets are in conjunction with certain stations of the moon. It is said by the Somalis that when "Saxal gudduud" and "Mariikh" or 'Mars and Saturn' are close together, the astrologer predicts "Gob-Gob Magan gashay" meaning the fall from power of a noble clan or nation, and its consequent search for protection with another clan.
The same is also said about "Saxal Cadde" or 'Jupiter', in that when it is in a certain station; and ‘Mars or Saxal Gaduud’ is in conjunction with one's birth sign or station, one will face a great battle against all misfortune. For the duration of the conjunction, therefore, it is considered wise to efface oneself as much as possible, to avoid quarrels or involvement in other's quarrels, and most decisively to avoid tribal wars. The enfeebling influence of Mars (Saxal) in conjunction with one's personal birth station is considered a great curse. This is beautifully suggested in the following anonymous "gabey" or 'poem' (alliterated in letter S):
Adduunyadu nin bay saaciddaa, sare u qaadaaye.
Ninna waaba saranseerisaa, yare silleeddaaye.
San barra ka taag-daran ninkuu, Saxalku fuulaaye Life in this world allows one man, to grow prosperous,
While another sinks into obscurity, and is made ridiculous
A man passing through the evil influence of red Mars is feebler
than a new born lamb punched on the nose

End of part five

Beelah Somalia GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF SOMALI CLANS



QEYBTA DIR EE SAWIRKA OO KHALDAN IYO BEENO KU JIRA ISKA JIR EEGSE

GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF SOMALI CLANS


CLANS & SUBCLANS
RESIDENTIAL LOCATIONS
(By Region)
I - IRIR Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
1. -Hawiye
2. -Harire
3. -Ge’dere
4. -Hobor
5. -Gurre
6. -Meyle
7. -Gerrire
8. -Meqare(Ajuran)
9. -Hamere
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Kenya
Ethiopia

1 -Hawiye
1.1 -Jambele(Hintire)
1.2 -Haskul
1.3 -Rarane
1.4 -Gorgarte
1.5 -Gugundabe
1.6 -Karanle
1.7 -Hawadle
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Ethiopia
Hiran, Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Somalia, Ethiopia
Kenya, Ethiopia, Somalia
Somalia, Ethiopia
Hiran, Ethiopia, (Gedo before civil war)
1.4 - Gorgarte
1.4.1 -Dame
1.4.2 -Mohamed(Geboyo)
1.4.3 -Mohamud
Somalia, Ethiopia
Mudug, Galgadud
Mudug, Galgadud, Middle Shabelle
Mudug, Galgadud, Middle Shabelle
1.4.1 - Dame
1.4.1.1-Madarki’is(Habar Gidir)
1.4.1.2-Mudulod
1.4.1.3-Duduble
1.4.1.4-Mertile
Mudug, Galgadud
Mudug, Galgadud, Hiran
Somalia, Ethiopia
Galgadud
Mudug

1.4.1.1 - Madarki’is
1.4.1.1.1-Sa’ad
1.4.1.1.2-Sarur
1.4.1.1.3-Ayr
1.4.1.1.4-Salaiban
Mudug, Galgadud, Hiran
Mudug
Galgadud
Galgadud, Hiran
Galgadud, Mudug
1.4.1.2 - Mudulod
1.4.1.2.1-Ujejen
1.4.1.2.2-Darendole
1.4.1.2.2.1-Hilibi
1.4.1.2.2.2-Osman
Somalia, Ethiopia
Ethiopia, Hiran
Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle, Mogadishu
Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle
Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle, Mogadishu



1.4.1.2.2.2 - Osman
1.4.1.2.2.2.1-Wa’dan
1.4.1.2.2.2.2-Moblen
1.4.1.2.2.2.3-Ilaway
1.4.1.2.2.2.4-Abgal(Ali)
1.4.1.2.2.2.4.1-Harti
1.4.1.2.2.2.4.2-Wa’budan
1.4.1.2.2.2.4.3-War’ulus
Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle, Mogadishu
Lower Shabelle, Middle Shabelle
Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle
Lower Shabelle, Middle Shabelle
Middle Shabelle, Mogadishu
Middle Shabelle, Mogadishu
Middle Shabelle, Mogadishu
Middle Shabelle, Mogadishu
1.5 -Gugundabe
1.5.1-Jibedi
1.5.2-Jidle
1.5.3-Herre
Kenya, Ethiopia, Somalia
Hiran, Middle Shabelle
Middle Shabelle, Ethiopia
Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia
1.5.1 -Jibedi
1.5.1.1 -Badi Ade
1.5.1.2-Jejele
Hiran, Middle Shabelle
Hiran, Middle Shabelle
Hiran, Ethiopia
1.5.3-Herre
1.5.3.1-Degodi
1.5.3.2-Isse (Garjan)
1.5.3.3-Masare
1.5.3.4-Galje’el
Kenya, Somalia, Ethiopia
Kenya, Ethiopia
Hiran, Middle Shabelle
Kenya, Ethiopia
Hiran, Lower Shabelle, N/E Kenya, Ethiopia
1.6-Karanle
1.6.1-Murasade
1.6.2-Wadere
1.6.3-Sahawle
1.6.4-Kadir
Somalia, Ethiopia
Somalia
Galgadud, Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Galgadud, Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle
1.6.1 -Murasade
1.6.1.1-Sabti
1.6.1.2-Fol Ulus
Somalia
Galgadud, Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle
Galgadud, Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle

1.7-Hawadle
1.7.1-Samatalis
1.7.1.1-Rer Ugas
1.7.1.2-Dige
1.7.1.3-Abdalle
1.7.1.4-Abdi Yussuf
Hiran, Ethiopia, (Gedo before civil war)
Hiran, Ethiopia, (Gedo before civil war)
Hiran,
Hiran,
Hiran,
Ethiopia, (Gedo before civil war)

II – DIR
Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya
1. -Madahwayn
2. -Madoobe Isse
3. -Medelug (Gadabursi)
4. -Mehe
Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya
Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia
Somalia, Ethiopia
Somalia, Ethiopia


1-Madahwayne
1.1-Akisho,Gurgure,Guure Barsuuq,
1.2-Ali (Wardey)Hordare, Alaabweyn
Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya
Ethiopia
Bay, Kenya
2-Isse
2.1-Eleye
2.2-Hoile
2.3-Walaldon
Djibouti, Ethiopia, Somalia
Awdal, Ethiopia
Djibouti, Ethiopia
Ethiopia
3-Medelug
3.1-Mahad Asse
3.2-Makahil
3.4-Habar Afar
Somalia, Ethiopia
Awdal, Ethiopia
Ethiopia, Awdal
Awdal, Ethiopia
4-Mehe
4.1-Surre Abdalee & Qubeys
4.2-Hassan
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Ethiopia, Gedo, Galgadud, Hiran
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
4.1-Surre
4.1.1-Abdalle
4.1.2-Qubays Ethiopia, Gedo, Galgadud, Hiran
Ethiopia, Gedo, Galgadud, Hiran
Ethiopia, Gedo, Hiran, Mudug

4.2-Hassan
4.2.1-Biyamal
4.2.2-Bajimal
4.2.3-Quranyow
4.2.4-Issak Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
4.2.5-Dabruube
4.2.6-Qurac
Lower Shabelle
Ethiopia, Hiran
Lower Shabelle, Ethiopia, Kenya
Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia

4.2.4 Issak
4.2.4.1-Ibrahin
4.2.4.2-Mohamed (Ibran)
4.2.4.3-Tolje’lo
4.2.4.4-Musse
4.2.4.5-Arab
4.2.4.6-Ayub
4.2.4.7-Garhajis
4.2.4.8-Awal
Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia
W/Galbed, Togdheer
Togdheer, W/Galbed
Togdheer, Sanag
Togdheer, Sanag
W/Galbed, Ethiopia
Togdheer, W/Galbed, Ethiopia
W/Galbed, Togdheer, Djibouti
W/Galbed, Djibouti, Ethiopia
4.2.4.4-Musse
4.3.4.4.1-Abokar
4.3.4.4.2-Samane
4.3.4.4.3-Mohamed
Togdheer, Sanag
Togdheer, Sanag
Togdheer, Sanag
W/Galbed, Ethiopia



4.2.4.8-Awal
4.2.4.8.1 -Issa
4.2.4.8.2 -Sa’ad
4.2.4.8.3 -Afgab
4.2.4.8.4 -Egalle
4.2.4.8.5 -Abdalle
4.2.4.8.6 -Eli
W/Galbed, Djibouti, Ethiopia
W/Galbed, Togdheer
W/Galbed, Djibouti, Ethiopia
W/Galbed, Togdheer
W/Galbed, Togdheer
W/Galbed, Togdheer
W/Galbed, Togdheer

III – DIGIL & MIRIFLE
Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia
DIGIL
1. -Geledi
2. -Begedi
3. -Tunni
4. -Shanta Alen
5. -Jiddo(Jarer)
6. -Garre
7. -Dabarre
Lower Shabelle
Lower Shabelle
Lower Shabelle, Middle Jubba
Lower Shabelle
Lower Shabelle, Hiran, Mogadishu, Ethiopia.
Lower Shabelle, Kenya, Ethiopia, Gedo
Bay, Middle Jubba
MIRIFLE (Rahanweyne)
Eight 8 (Known as clan name)
1. -Elay
2. -Harin
3. -Leisan
4. -Haraw
5. -Disow
6. -Emid
7. -Omal
8. -Yelatle
9. -Jirron
10. -Ma’allin Wayne
11. -Garwale
12. -Rer Dumal
13. -Wanjel

Bay, Gedo
Bay
Bay
Bay
Bakol
Bay
Bay
Bay
Bakol
Bakol
Bay
Bay, Bakol
Bay

Nine 9 (Known as clan name)
1. -Gasare Gude
2. -Gabawayn
3. -Jilible
4. -Geledle
5. -Hadame
6. -Luway
7. -Yantar
8. -Huber
9. -Eyle
Gedo
Gedo, Ethiopia
Bakol
Bay, Middle Jubba, Gedo
Bakol
Bakol, Bay
Bay
Bay
Bay, Hiran



IV - DAROD
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
1. -Kablalah
2. -Sede
3. -Tanade
4. -Isse
5. -Yussuf Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Somalia, Ethiopia
Ethiopia, Mudug
Mudug, Lower Jubba

1-Kablalah
1.1-Kombe
1.2-Kumade

1.1-Kombe
1.1.1-Geri
1.1.2-Harla
1.1.3-Harti Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia

Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Somalia, Ethiopia

1.1.3-Harti
1.1.3.1-Warsengeli
1.1.3.2-Majerten
1.1.3.3-Dhulbahante
1.1.3.4-Ahmed
Somalia, Ethiopia
Sanag, Lower Jubba
Somalia, Ethiopia
Sol, Nugal, Togdheer
Bari
1.1.3.1-Warsengeli
1.1.3.1.1-Omar
1.1.3.1.2-Dubays
Sanag, Lower Jubba
Sanag, Lower Jubba
Sanag
1.1.3.2-Majerten
1.1.3.2.1-Ali (Bi’idyahan)
1.1.3.2.2-Mohamud
1.1.3.2.3-Mohamed
Somalia, Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Bari
Mudug, Nugal, Bari, Lower Jubba
1.1.3.2.3-Mohamed
1.1.3.2.3.1-Saleiban
1.1.3.2.3.1.1-Ali
1.1.3.2.3.1.2-Ugadh
1.1.3.2.3.1.3-Osman
1.1.3.2.3.1.4-Abdirahin
1.1.3.2.3.1.5-Mohamud
Bari
Bari
Bari
Bari
Bari
Bari
Mudug, Nugal, Bari, Lower Jubba
1.1.3.2.3.1.5- Mohamud
1.1.3.2.3.1.5.1- Osman
1.1.3.2.3.1.5.2- Omar
1.1.3.2.3.1.5.3- Isse
1.1.3.2.3.1.5.4 -Nuh
Mudug, Nugal, Bari, Lower Jubba
Mudug, Nugal, Bari
Mudug, Nugal, Bari
Nugal, Bari, Lower Jubba
Mudug
1.1.3.3-Dhulbahante
1.1.3.3.1-Ahmed
1.1.3.3.2-Musse
Sol, Nugal, Togdheer
Sol, Nugal, Togdheer
Sol, Nugal, Togdheer
1.2-Kumade
1.2.1-Abdi
1.2.2-Absame
1.2.2.1-Bal Ad
1.2.2.2 -Wayten
1.2.2.3 -Jidwak
1.2.2.4-Ogaden
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia, Lower Jubba
Ethiopia, Kenya
Ethiopia, Somalia
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
1.2.2.3 -Jidwak
1.2.2.3.1-Bartire
1.2.2.3.2-Abasgul
1.2.2.4.3-Yabareg
Ethiopia, Somalia
Ethiopia, Lower Jubba
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
1.2.2.4-Ogaden
1.2.2.4.1-Miyir Walal
1.2.2.4.2-Makabul
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
1.2.2.4.1-Miyir Walal
1.2.2.4.1.1 -Bahale
1.2.2.4.1.2 –Talomuge
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia, Kenya
1.2.2.4.1.1 -Bahale
1.2.2.4.1.1 .1 -Ali Jedid
1.2.2.4.1.1 .2 -Awl Yahan
1.2.2.4.1.1 .3 -Ali Balul
1.2.2.4.1.1 .4-Bah Geri
1.2.2.4.1.1 .5-Zuber

1.2.2.4.1.2 –Talomuge
1.2.2.4.1.2.1 –Abudwak
1.2.2.4.1.2.2 – Abdalle
1.2.2.4.1.2.3 –Rer Mohamed
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia
Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba, Kenya,
Ethiopia
Ethiopia
Ethiopia, Kenya, Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba

Ethiopia, Kenya
Kenya, Ethiopia
Ethiopia, Kenya
Ethiopia, Kenya
1.2.2.4.2-Makabul
1.2.2.4.2.1-Rer Sad
1.2.2.4.2.2-Makahil
Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia
Ethiopia
Ethiopia, Lower Jubba, Kenya

2.-Sede
2.1-Fa’ayo
2.2-Marehan
2.2.1-Urmidig
2.2.2-Aw Same
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Gedo, Ethiopia, Kenya
Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya
Gedo, Kenya
Gedo, Galgadud, Ethiopia, Lower & Middle Jubba
2.2.1-Urmidig
2.2.1.1-Idigsor
2.2.1.2-Ayahud
2.2.1.3-Arah Adag
Gedo, Kenya
Gedo, Kenya
Gedo, Kenya
Gedo, Kenya
2.2.2-Aw Same
2.2.2.1-Hassan
2.2.2.2-Issak
Gedo, Galgadud, Ethiopia, Lower & Middle Jubba
Gedo, Ethiopia, Lower & Middle Jubba
Gedo, Galgadud, Lower & Middle Jubba, Ethiopia
2.2.2.1-Hassan
2.2.2.1.1-Lebiyal
2.2.2.1.2-Waqmashe Gedo, Ethiopia, Lower & Middle Jubba
Gedo, Ethiopia, Lower & Middle Jubba
Gedo, Ethiopia, Lower & Middle Jubba

2.2.2.2-Issak
2.2.2.2.1-Sonfure
2.2.2.2.2-Amanrer
2.2.2.2.2.1-Talhe
2.2.2.2.2.2-Wagarda’a
2.2.2.2.2.3-Hawrarsame
2.2.2.2.2.4-Radamir
Gedo, Galgadud, Lower & Middle Jubba, Ethiopia.
Gedo, Kenya
Gedo, Galgadud, Lower & Middle Jubba, Ethiopia
Gedo, Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba, Kenya
Galgadud
Gedo, Ethiopia, Lower & Middle Jubba
Gedo, Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba, Ethiopia

3.Tanade
3.1-Musse
3.2-Hussein
3.3-Ali
Somalia, Ethiopia
Mudug, Ethiopia
Mudug, Ethiopia
Mudug

V – SHEKHAL

Somalia, Ethiopia
1. Lobogay
2. -Aw Qudub
3. -Gendershe
4. -Aw Hassan Lower Jubba, Hiran
Ethiopia
Lower Shabelle
Hiran

VI – BARAWAN

Somalia
1. -Gibil Ad
2. -Gibil Madow Lower Shabelle
Lower Shabelle


VII – BANTU
1. -Mushunguli
2. –Swahili
3. –Bajuni

Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba
Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba
Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba
Lower Jubba, Middle Jubba

VIII - ASHARAF
Religious Groups can be found in major towns


IX – RER HAMAR

Mogadishu


X - ARABS
Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle, Lower Juba, Bay



Minority Groups Residential Location
By region
1. -Geboyo Mudug, Galgudud, Ethiopia, Middle Shabelle
2. –Yibro W/ Galbeed, Togdheer, Ethiopia
3. –Yaharo Hiran, Middle Shabelle
4. –Tomal Bari, Mudug, Nugal, Ethiopia
5. -Madhiban Mudug, Nugal, Bari
6. -Hawrarsame Gedo, Ethiopia, Lower Juba, Galgudud
7.-Fiki Yakub Gedo, Lower Juba,
8. –Jaaji Mudug
9. –Lo’jir Sanag
10. -Waat Ethiopia, Kenya
11. –Bajuni Lower Juba
12. -Mushunguli Lower Juba, Middle Juba, Lower Shabelle
13. –Swahili Lower Juba, Middle Juba, Lower Shabelle
14. -Gabawayn Gedo
15. –Buunle Ethiopia


NB: 1/ Latin numbers indicate Clans
2/ Arabic consequent numbers indicate sub-clans and relationship of the sub-clan to the major clan. For example: 1. Hawiye => 1.4 Gorgarte is considered as Hawiye’s fourth son who, in turn, had three children (Dame, Mohamed (Geboyo) and Mohamud) and who have since given rise to sub-clans in their own right and so on.



HERE IS FULL FAMILY TREE OF DAROOD ISMAIIL IN SOOMAALI:

DAAROOD. wuxuu dhalay :
-Maxamed(Kablalax), Axmed(Sade), Xuseen(Tanade),Yuusuf(Awrtable), iyo Ciise (waa iskubah)
-Suhurre iyo Cibaadi(waa iskubah).
-Agarone, Hodme, Kooxdin, Haas, iyo Dhegadheere (waa iskubah).

KABLALAX. wuxuu dhalay :
-Koombe iyo Koomade (waa iskubah).

KOOMBE. wuxuu dhalay :
-Hantiile, Geri, Cabdi (waa iskubah).
-Xarte, Jiiraan, Saleebaan (waa iskubah).

HANTIILE. wuxuu dhalay :
-Harti iyo Yabarahe. (waa iskubah).
HARTI. wuxuu dhalay :
-Maxamed(Majeerteen), Maxamuud(Moorasaante), Axmed(Mooracase) (waa iskubah).
-Saciid(Dhulbahante), Geesaguule, Liibaangashe iyo kaskiqabe.(waa iskubah).

MAXAMED (Majeerteen). wuxuu dhalay :
-Aawe, Wabeeneeye. (waa iskubah).
-Tabale, Warwaaqsame. (waa iskubah).
AAWE. wuxuu dhalay :
- Cumar, (Sorore), Janbalaq, Xaashi iyo Ismaaciil (Cardadub) (waa iskubah)
- .
CUMAR (Sorore). wuxuu dhalay :
-Nooleys, Ammaanle, Nuux iyo Halmoog (waa iskubah).

NOOLEYS. wuxuu dhalay :
-Maxamed, Cabdikariim, Abokar iyo Muuse(Idigfacle) (waa iskubah).
-Rabin iyo Hantiile (waa iskubah).
-Ooga Cadde iyo Cabdalle(Daanweyne) (waa iskubah)

MAXAMED. wuxuu dhalay :
-Walaal Yabare.
WALAAL YABARE. wuxuu dhalay :
-Xajiijle.
XAJIIJLE. wuxuu dhalay :

-Talareer, Yuusuf, Haylaciyo Wacdanwaaq (waa iskubah).
-Gumasoor iyo Reer Waarag (waa iskubah).
-Fiilkucaag, Deylac iyo Duudmariye (waa iskubah).

TALAREER. wuxuu dhalay :
-Xasan(Himidoor), Huseen(Siwaaqroon) iyo Xamarwaaq (waa iskubah).
-Wadalmogge iyo Isaaq (waa iskubah).
-Yuusuf, Barkataale, Macalwaaq, Caqdaar iyo Saleebaan (waa iskubah).

XASAN (Himidoor). wuxuu dhalay :
-Toljecle, iyo Gudoonwaaq (waa iskubah).
TOLJECLE. wuxuu dhalay :

-Maxamed(Ummadnebi), Ibraahim, Cali, Cusmaan, Cumar iyo Axmed (waa iskubah).
MAXAMED(Ummadnebi). wuxuu dhalay :

-Jibraahiil, Cumar, Isxaaq, Xuseen iyo Nuux (waa iskubah).
-Qaasim, Saciid, Zakariye, iyo Cabdikarim (waa iskubah).
-Cali, Cabbaas, iyo Ciise (waa iskubah).
-Muuse iyo Makaahiil (waa iskubah).
-Subeyr iyo Abamakaa(Makanne) (waa iskubah).

Proff. Hirschi, oo ah aqoonyahan raad xoog badan ku leh aqoonta bulshada social science , ayaa sannadkii 1974-kii wuxuu soo bandhigay aragti uu ku magacaabay ilaalada xiriirka bulshada Control of Social Relation. Aragtidaas oo qiimayn ku yeelatay dadka ku howlan culuuntan, waxay tilmaameysaa in bulshada ishaysata oo is taqaan ay ku yar tahay dhaqanka aan wanaagsanayn iyo akhlaaqda xun. Sannadkii 1990-kii waxaa aragtidaas akiday aqoonyahan kale oo Mareykan ah oo la yiraahdo Proff. Gottfrydson. Beelaha reer miyiga Soomaaliyeed waxay ka mid yihiin bulshooyinka dunida ku yar oo sida xooggan u xiriirsho nidaamka beelaha. Taasi waxay dhaxalsiisay in ay si guud iyo si gaar ahba ugu faanaan dhaqanka wanaagsan oo ay ka heleen xiriirka adag ee dhexdooda yiil.

Sheekooyinka xiisaha leh oo arrintaas inoo tilmaamaya waxaa ka mid ah mid dhexmartay Ugaas Maxamuud Dhoore oo u dhashay beesha Mareexaan iyo sarkaal Talyaani ah oo mas'uul looga dhigay degaanka waqooyiga Jubba bilowgii sannadihii 1920-aadkii. Sarkaalku mar uu damcay in uu tiriyo geela beelaha Mareexaan ee ku dhaqan gobolka Gedo, ugaaska ayaa ka diiday oo ku yiri : " Geela Mareexaan oo aad tirokoobtaa waxaa kaa xiga xusulkaaga oo aad leeftaa ".

Sarkaalka oo aanan dareensanayn in xusulka aanan la leefi karin ayaa isku dayay in uu xusulkiisii leefo, markuu carrabka la gaari waayay ayuu ugaaskii la hadlay oo uu ku yiri :
" Haddii aan cududda jebiyo, markaas carrabka waan la gaarayaa xusulka ".
Ugaaskii : " Taas macnaheeda sow ma ahan in dhibaato faraha lala galo ".
Sarkaalkii : " Haa ".
Ugaaskii : " Dhibaatadaas ayaa kaa xigta geelayaga oo aad tirisaa ".
Beelihii Mareexaan waxay ku shireen meel la yiraahdo Yaaq, halkaas oo ay ku guddoonsadeen in ay muddo 24 saacadood ah ay geelooda ka tallaabiyaan xuduudda. Dhacdadaas waxaa loo yaqaan Seero Goys. Talyaanigii wuxuu la yaabay sid SO ENJOY MY LABOR O0 O0

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