Monday, April 9, 2012


As the Somalis see it, writes Mr. John Drysdale:

"Their frontier dispute is not essentially about land alone

but the people."1


historical error prompted the first Somalis President, Dr. Abdirashid Ali

Sharmarky to say this:

"No! Our misfortune is that our neighboring countries, with

whom we seek to promote constructive and harmonious relations

are not our neighbors but our Somali kinsmen whose citizen-

ship has been falsified by indiscriminate boundary "arrangements".

They have to move across artificial frontiers to their pasture

lands. They occupy the same terrain and pursue the same

pastoral economy as overselves. We speak the same language.

We sare the same God, the same culture and the same traditions.

How can we regard our brothers as foreigners?"2

The Portion Under Dispute

One, Robert Paul Jordan, an American journalist once wrote:

"The Horn of Africa is a most inhospitable place. A harsh

land this is. Not a desert, but close. High arid country

mostly--a Savannah of acacias, patches of grass, thorny

shrubs, tall ant-hills and rocks. When the scanty rains

fall, it runs cruel. Then, sheep and goats slowly die.

The barrens are strewn with their carcasses."4

As I mentioned earlier, the

Somalia Government considers the Ogaden Province of Ethiopia and the North-

eastern Province of Kenya as forming part of the "Greater Somalia" domain.6

The idea of "Greater Somalia" was conceived in the mind of Mr. Bevin, then

Britain's Foreign Secretary after World War II, who in 1946 proposed to the

House of Commons in London to consider lumping together the British

Somaliland, Italian Somaliland and adjacent parts of Ethiopia into a trust

territory.7 So that, in Mr. Bevin's won words:

"The nomads should live their frugal existence with the least

possible hinderance. They could have a chance to live a decent

economic life."8

Ten days after Mr. Bevin introduced this proposal in the House of Commons,

the British administrators in Somaliland organized meetings to inform the

people the "good news" about their future.9 As it will be learned later,

this pre-emptive move would embarrass the British Government and create a

living but volatile problem in the Horn of Africa.

An Ancient Heritage

The Somalis are a Hamitic people whose ancestors are believed to have

immigrated from the Arabian peninsula long age. They came to settle on the

biblical land of "Punt", the ancient "Aromatic Kingdom" renowned for its

frankincense and myrrh.10 Their traditional geneologies trace the ancestry to

Arab forebears who belonged to the Quraysh tribe of the Prophet Mohamed, and

ultimately they claim belong to a common ancestor.11 The Somali Prime

Minister, Dr. Abdirashid Sharmarky once said:

"Our misfortunes do not stem from the unproductiveness of the

soil, nor from a lack of mineral wealth. These limitations

on our material well-being were accepted and compensated for

by our forefathers from whom we inherited, among other things,

a spiritual and cultural prosperity of inestimable value. The

teaching of Islam on the one hand and lyric poetry on the


Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam, Head

of the Geography Department of Ehtiopia's Haile Selassie I University,

described the Somalis as exhibiting:

"External individualism and utter lack of discipline. The

acute struggle for existence in this harsh environment often

expresses itself in group conflicts over wells or grazing


The initial British interest in the Horn was on the Somalia Coast for

strategic and logistical reasons. After the British had annexed Aden in

1840, treaties were signed with local chiefs to guarantee the continuous

supply of cattle from inland to feed the garrisons. The opening of the Suez

Canal in 1869 increased the strategic importance of the area and;

consequently, the British entered other long term agreements which gave them

possession of the port of Berbera and several other offshore inlands.

Britain immediately assigned consuls at Berbera, Seylec and Bulhar to

protect her interests.16

These accomplishments

were achieved by exploiting local grievances such as one described in 1892

confidential British diplomatic dispatch to London which read:

"Sheikh Sufi states - The Abysinians read, "Ethiopians" are

always on one side of us, the English on the other. We

(Ogaden tribes) are with the English, and we wish for

English rule. We are your children.

I say that, as a sheep quivers under the blow of a knife,

we, the Ogaden, are quivering under the oppressions of the

Abysinians, who have every year, for the last nine years,

visited us and levied large numbers of sheep, goats, horse,

camels and taken what they liked from us. We have no guns

and are not powerful enough to fight and must submit.

Last season the Abysinians (drove) off all livestock; 990

men, women and children perished. We are Mullahs and we like

to tell the truth."17

The British

Government stand was spelled out by Mr. Peter Thomas as follows:

"Since the British Government would be responsible for Kenya

only a few more months (before her independence in December

1963), the British Government considers that it would be

wrong to take a unilateral decision about the frontiers of

Kenya without reference to the wishes of the government of

that country; and that agreement should be sought by the

African governments concerned working and negotiating within

an African framework."24

The Somalia delegation led by then, Prime Minister Dr. Abdirashid Sharmarky

were disappointed to learn at their first meeting that the British

Government had no intention of making any constructive proposals. He


"The British had only convened the meeting to explore the

position of the Somalia Republic, which was in any case well

known to them."25

In conclusion, the Somalia Government states:

"It was evident that the British Government has not only

deliberately misled the Somalia Government during the course

of the last eighteen months, but has also deceitfully

encouraged the people of North Eastern Province to believe

that their right to self-determination could be granted by

the British Government through peaceful and legal means. The

responsibility for the consequences that may follow this

suppression of a fundamental human right lies squarely on

the British Government."26

Shortly after this, the Somalia Government recalled her Ambassador from

Britain and severed diplomatic relations. The Somali people residing in the

North Eastern Province boycotted the elections, took arms, and demanded


For us Kenyans, the Somalis demand that we give up approximately 45,000

square miles of our territory (approximately a fifth of the land mass), not

only is it unacceptable but also violates our Constitution and the OAU

Charter. The Kenyan view was and continues to be similar to that expressed

by the majority of the Organization of African Unit member countries:

"Thus, in almost every country in Africa, there are minority

groups having racial, religious or tribal affinities with

neighboring countries."27

The conference that met in Addis Ababa Ethiopia in 1963 to resolve the

boundary issue resloved:

"Countries with widely diverse populations would be quickly

dismembered if each ethnic group was allowed to go its own

way under the banner of self-determination. The resulting

partitioning would create a chaotic potpourri of tiny,

nonviable"Nations" toally incapable of providing even the

barest of government services."28

At the conclusion of the conference, the Somali President Osman had the

following to say:

"By becoming united, the Somali people feel that not only

would their welfare be secured, but that as a single entity

they would be able to contribute effectively to the ideals

of African unity. The people of the Republic cannot be

expected to remain indifferent to the appeal of its brethren.

If the Somalis in those areas are given the opportunity to

express their will freely, the government pledges itself to

accept the verdict."29

Somalia joined the Arab League nations in 1974. Being a predominantly

Moslem state, she attracts sympthy from wealthy Arab countries. Saudi

Arabia has become increasingly interested in the Somalia's affair not only

for political reasons but also strategic and economic. Kuwait has invested

heavily in power stations in Mogadishu and Iraq has been supplying her with

crude oil.31 Somalia also maintains cordial relationship with the Sudan.

The Kenya Defense Force Mission is defensive and the government

articulates it thus. Accordingly, may I quote President Reagan's address:

"Our policy is defensive. United States uses its military

force only in response to clear threats to stability and

peace. We pursue this policy knowing fully that our

defensive posture grants several military advantages to a

potential aggressor. He can choose when, where and how to

attack. He can formulate a detailed plan for his operations

to take maximum advantage of his strengths and exploit our

vulnerabilities. He can also mask his pre-attack mobiliza-

tion efforts under the guise of training exercise or

diplomatic crises so that any advance warning we might get

could be cloaked to ambiguity."38

1. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964.

2. Drysdale, John., The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964,

Introduction, p. 8.

3. Presidential Address to the Nation on "Kenyatta Day, 20th October,

1965". The Standard Paper.

4. Jordan, Robert Paul. "Somalia's Hour of Need", National Geographic,

June 1981, p. 748.

5. Szaz, Z. Michael. "Somalia's Difficulties", The New York Times,

September 28, 1981, p. 14

3. Presidential Address to the Nation on "Kenyatta Day, 20th October,

1965". The Standard Paper.

4. Jordan, Robert Paul. "Somalia's Hour of Need", National Geographic,

June 1981, p. 748.

5. Szaz, Z. Michael. "Somalia's Difficulties", The New York Times,

September 28, 1981, p. 14

6. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964.

7. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964. Capter 6,

p. 67.

8. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964. Capter 6,

p. 67.

9. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964. Capter 6,

p. 68.

10. Lewis, Ian M. The Modern History of Somaliland. New York: Praeger,

1965, Chapter 1.

11. Lewis, Ian M. The Modern History of Somaliland. New York: Praeger,

1965, Chapter 1.

12. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964, p. 8.

13. Mariam, Mesfim Wolde. The Background of the Ethio-Somalia Boundary

Dispute. Addis Ababa: Berhanena Selam, 1964.

14. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964.

15. Norden, Hermann. Africa's Lost Empire. Philadelphia, Macrae-Smith, 1930.

16. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, Chapter 2.

17. Bhasdwaj, Raman G. The Dilema of the Horn of Africa. New Delhi:

Sterling Publishers, 1979.

18. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964.

19. Tibbs, Thurlow. Strategic Appraisal of Sub-Saharan Africa. Air Command

and Staff College, Air University, 1981.

20. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, Chapter 5.

21. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, Tables 20, 21 and 22 (Major Army Weapons,

Air Force Weapons and Naval Weapons, 1981).

22. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, Chapter 5.

23. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, Chapter 5.

24. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964, Chapter 15.

25. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964, p. 155.

26. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964, Chapter 15,

p. 158.

27. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964, Chapter 14,

p. 146.

28. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964, Chapter 14,

p. 147.

29. Drysdale, John. The Somali Dispute. New York: Praeger, 1964, p. 148.

30. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, P. XVIII.

31. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University,p. 219.

32. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, p. 220.

33. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, p. 222.

34. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, p. XVIII.

35. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, p. 223.

36. Harold D. Nelson. Somalia: A Country Study: Foreign Area Studies,

The American University, p. 262.

37. Casper W. Weinberger, Secretary of Defense SecDef Annual Report; to

U.S. Congress of March, 1984.

38. Casper W. Weinberger, Secretary of Defense SecDef Annual Report; to

U.S. Congress of March, 1984.


The Somal invariably call Berberah the “Sahil,” (meaning in Arabic the sea-shore,) as Zayla with them is “Audal,” and Harar “Adari.”

5 This is the second great division of the Somal people, the father of the tribe being Awal, the cadet of Ishak el Hazrami.

The Habr Awal occupy the coast from Zayla and Siyaro to the lands bordering upon the Berteri tribe. They own the rule of a Gerad, who exercises merely a nominal authority. The late chief’s name was “Bon,” he died about four years ago, but his children have not yet received the turban. The royal race is the Ayyal Abdillah, a powerful clan extending from the Dabasanis Hills to near Jigjiga, skirting the Marar Prairie.

The Habr Awal are divided into a multitude of clans: of these I shall specify only the principal, the subject of the maritime Somal being already familiar to our countrymen. The Esa Musa inhabit part of the mountains south of Berberah. The Mikahil tenant the lowlands on the coast from Berberah to Siyaro. Two large clans, the Ayyal Yunis and the Ayyal Ahmed, have established themselves in Berberah and at Bulhar. Besides these are the Ayyal Abdillah Saad, the Ayyal Geraato, who live amongst the Ayyal Yunis,—the Bahgobo and the Ayyal Hamed.

13 The Habr Gerhajis, or eldest branch of the sons of Ishak (generally including the children of “Arab”), inhabit the Ghauts behind Berberah, whence they extend for several days’ march towards Ogadayn, the southern region. This tribe is divided into a multitude of clans. The Ismail Arrah supply the Sultan, a nominal chief like the Eesa Ugaz; they extend from Makhar to the south of Gulays, number about 15,000 shields and are subdivided into three septs. The Musa Arrah hold the land between Gulays and the seats of the Mijjarthayn and Warsangeli tribes on the windward coast. The Ishak Arrah count 5000 or 6000 shields, and inhabit the Gulays Range. The other sons of Arrah (the fourth in descent from Ishak), namely, Mikahil, Gambah, Daudan, and others, also became founders of small clans. The Ayyal Daud, facetiously called “Idagallah” or earth-burrowers, and sprung from the second son of Gerhajis, claim the country south of the Habr Awal, reckon about 4000 shields, and are divided into 11 or 12 septs.

As has been noticed, the Habr Gerhajis have a perpetual blood feud with the Habr Awal, and, even at Aden, they have fought out their quarrels with clubs and stones. Yet as cousins they willingly unite against a common enemy, the Eesa for instance, and become the best of friends.

We shook off our slumbers before dawn on the 27th. I remarked near our resting-place, one of those detached heaps of rock, common enough in the Somali country: at one extremity a huge block projects upwards, and suggests the idea of a gigantic canine tooth. The Donkey declared that the summit still bears traces of building, and related the legend connected with Moga Medir.7 There, in times of old, dwelt a Galla maiden whose eye could distinguish a plundering party at the distance of five days’ march. The enemies of her tribe, after sustaining heavy losses, hit upon the expedient of an attack, not en chemise, but with their heads muffled in bundles of hay. When Moga, the maiden, informed her sire and clan that a prairie was on its way towards the hill, they deemed her mad; the manoeuvre succeeded, and the unhappy seer lost her life. The legend interested me by its wide diffusion. The history of Zarka, the blue-eyed witch of the Jadis tribe, who seized Yemamah by her gramarye, and our Scotch tale of Birnam wood’s march, are Asiatic and European facsimiles of African “Moga’s Tooth.”

of Dabasenis, a hill half way between Bulhar and Berberah. On the summit I was shown an object that makes travellers shudder, a thorn-tree, under which the Habr Gerhajis 13 and their friends of the Eesa Musa sit, vulture-like, on the look-out for plunder and murder. Advancing another mile, we came to some wells, where we were obliged to rest our animals. Having there finished our last mouthful of food, we remounted, and following the plain eastward, prepared for a long night-march.

As the light of day waned we passed on the right hand a table-formed hill, apparently a detached fragment of the sub-Ghauts or coast range. This spot is celebrated in local legends as “Auliya Kumbo,” the Mount of Saints, where the forty-four Arab Santons sat in solemn conclave before dispersing over the Somali country to preach El Islam. It lies about six hours of hard walking from Berberah.

The Habr Tul Jailah (mother of the tribe of Jailah) descendants of Ishak el Hazrami by a slave girl, inhabit the land eastward of Berberah. Their principal settlements after Aynterad are the three small ports of Karam, Unkor, and Hays. The former, according to Lieut. Cruttenden, is “the most important from its possessing a tolerable harbour, and from its being the nearest point from Aden, the course to which place is N. N. W., —consequently the wind is fair, and the boats laden with sheep for the Aden market pass but one night at sea, whilst those from Berberah are generally three. What greatly enhances the value of Kurrum (Karam), however, is its proximity to the country of the Dulbahanteh, who approach within four days of Kurrum, and who therefore naturally have their chief trade through that port. The Ahl Tusuf, a branch of the Habertel Jahleh, at present hold possession of Kurrum, and between them and the tribes to windward there exists a most bitter and irreconcileable feud, the consequence of sundry murders perpetrated about five years since at Kurrum, and which hitherto have not been avenged. The small ports of Enterad, Unkor, Heis, and Rukudah are not worthy of mention, with the exception of the first-named place, which has a trade with Aden in sheep.”

Of the origin of Berberah little is known. El Firuzabadi derives it, with great probability, from two Himyar chiefs of Southern Arabia.6 About A.D. 522 the troops of Anushirwan expelled the Abyssinians from Yemen, and re-established there a Himyari prince under vassalage of the Persian Monarch. Tradition asserts the port to have been occupied in turns by the Furs7, the Arabs, the Turks, the Gallas, and the Somal. And its future fortunes are likely to be as varied as the past.

The present decadence of Berberah is caused by petty internal feuds. Gerhajis the eldest son of Ishak el Hazrami, seized the mountain ranges of Gulays and Wagar lying about forty miles behind the coast, whilst Awal, the cadet, established himself and his descendants upon the lowlands from Berberah to Zayla. Both these powerful tribes assert a claim to the customs and profits of the port on the grounds that they jointly conquered it from the Gallas. 8 The Habr Awal, however, being in possession, would monopolize the right: a blood feud rages, and the commerce of the place suffers from the dissensions of the owners.

Moreover the Habr Awal tribe is not without internal feuds. Two kindred septs, the Ayyal Yunis Nuh and the Ayyal Ahmed Nuh 9, established themselves originally at Berberah. The former, though the more numerous, admitted the latter for some years to a participation of profits, but when Aden, occupied by the British, rendered the trade valuable, they drove out the weaker sept, and declared themselves sole “Abbans” to strangers during the fair. A war ensued. The sons of Yunis obtained aid of the Mijjarthayn tribe. The sons of Ahmed called in the Habr Gerhajis, especially the Musa Arrah clan, to which the Hajj Sharmarkay belongs, and, with his assistance, defeated and drove out the Ayyal Yunis. These, flying from Berberah, settled at the haven of Bulhar, and by their old connection with the Indian and other foreign traders, succeeded in drawing off a considerable amount of traffic. But the roadstead was insecure: many vessels were lost, and in 1847 the Eesa Somal slaughtered the women and children of the new-comers, compelling them to sue the Ayyal Ahmed for peace. Though the feud thus ended, the fact of its having had existence ensures bad blood: amongst these savages treaties are of no avail, and the slightest provocation on either side becomes a signal for renewed hostilities.

GURGUR DIR Isn't This My Soil?" Land, State and 'Development' in Somali Ethiopia

Isn't This My Soil?" Land, State and 'Development' in Somali Ethiopia

By Zarowsky, Christina

January 31, 1999
Cultural Survival Quarterly
Issue 22.4

Conventional development discourse generally does not incorporate a historical perspective, instead it uses a project, or at best, program-oriented approach. In contrast, a historical and openly political framework is present in the Somali Ethiopian village of Hurso. Land, or the lack of it, was the central issue of Hurso testimonials about the life of grinding poverty that I collected in 1996 and in 1998. The absence of any sustainable means of production is considered the core problem, leading to hunger, disease, lack of social cohesion and cooperation, and both individual and collective demoralization. However, while the problems attributed to lack of land are immediate, their origin and resolution are historical and political. `Development' emerges as an important pragmatic and rhetorical strategy in this community's struggle for survival. Underlying their appeals for development and development assistance, is the memory of their dispossession and an unresolved claim for justice -- for land.

Hurso, in eastern Ethiopia, is home to about 5,000 Somali of the Gurgura clan, formerly fruit farmers and agropastoralists. Hurso's lands were seized by the Derg, the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam, which ruled Ethiopia from 1974 to 1991 in the aftermath of the 1977-78 Ogaden War. In this war, Somalia unsuccessfully attempted to annex the ethnically Somali lands of Ethiopia. These lands consisted of the semi-arid Ogaden, the rich pastures of the Haud, and other lowlands off the eastern edge of the Ethiopian highlands.

Hurso is now known (if it is known at all), as the site of a large military training center of the newly refederated Ethiopia. It is remembered by its inhabitants as an almost heavenly place of permanent water, good grazing, and bountiful orchards. Today, it is a desolate stop on the railway from Addis Ababa to Djibouti, where people eke out an existence gathering and selling firewood (considered one step above begging), running tiny shops and teahouses, and selling meager amounts of onions, potatoes, and bananas. According to one elder:

"Hurso was a big village, with many, many kinds of fruit -- lemons, oranges, papayas, mangos. We have a proverb: `Hurso-the Rome of the Gurgura.' Today the people are returnees and refugees. Women sell firewood. The life of the children is so hard. I was born here and lived 25 years before I left here. Today I see only empty land."

The story of the peoples' flight and return was told by men, women, elders, as well as youth who had been infants at the time. Most villagers fled into the surrounding country side during the Ogaden War and then returned to their lands. In the aftermath of the war, the Ethiopian government decided to expand the military base near the village and began to expropriate farmlands. Some families were offered compensatory lands in Sodere, hundreds of kilometers away, but the majority refused to leave. One day, the military arrived and surrounded the villagers. They were told to evacuate within 12 hours. Bulldozers arrived and destroyed homes and shops. People fled, some to Djibouti, others to Somalia, depending on their contacts and available transportation at crossroads towns. A few stayed in the area and lived in the scrub forest or stayed with pastoralist kin. These individuals would return to their lands and attempt to farm them. They were repeatedly beaten until, according to the villagers, the army concluded these individuals were mad and harmless. A few families were allowed to stay to service the military base and the train that stops in the village; these faced very strict controls on travel, visiting, and other activities between 1979 and 1991. The majority fled to Djibouti, where they stayed in UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) camps.

Beginning in 1986, there was increasing pressure from the Djibouti government for Ethiopian refugees to leave the country, or at least the camps, as food aid from overseas had decreased dramatically. Some Hurso residents returned to Ethiopia in 1988, but the majority stayed in Djibouti, either in the capital, Djiboutiville, or in the border area with Ethiopia. When the Derg fell in 1991, they hoped the lands would be returned. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians, including some Hurso residents, stayed in Djibouti until a final repatriation program was completed in 1996.

With the fall of the Derg in 1991 came promises from the new government under the leadership of the the Tigrean People's Liberation Front (TPLF), that farmlands would be restored and most of the refugees returned. To this day, the population is still waiting, negotiating, and trying to survive. The main sources of income are gathering and selling firewood, petty trade, and portering bundles of goods for traders who board the train at Hurso. A wood-seller spends one day collecting and carrying firewood, which he or she can sell the next day for about 5 birr -- less than US$1; a day laborer can earn 7 birr per day; and women selling tiny amounts of vegetables in the marketplace earn about 5 birr per day. In comparison, the one way fare to Dire Dawa, on a decrepit pickup truck which carries 24 passengers at a time, is 7 birr. Most people eat one or two meals a day and chronic malnutrition is endemic. During the rainy season, epidemics of malaria regularly break out and the health workers at the clinic do their best to manage in the face of sporadic delivery of medication and long periods without receiving their government-paid salaries.

The military base itself is critical to the village's survival; it is the main source of demand for the shops. Behind the clinic is a string of huts, separate from the rest of the village. These are the brothels -- home and workplace to about 50 women frequented by the soldiers at the base. These women need to eat and cook and they buy a significant proportion of the food and firewood that Hurso residents try to sell.

Claiming Rights to Land, Claiming a Human Life

According to Gurgura tradition, firm claims to farming lands can be established on two grounds: traditional use over several generations and cultivation by individuals or lineages. This method of claiming land corresponds to the Somali, whose traditional use of lands for grazing and as a source of water are the two main sources of legitimate claims to territory. The lands around the village of Hurso are claimed by the Gurgura on several grounds: traditional use over at least seven generations, grants by various Ethiopian and Italian governments, military conquest, and extensive planting of mango, citrus, papaya, and other fruit orchards. The farms were held by families, although the individual whose name is mentioned as `owner' of the larger farms or gardens, are trustees of land considered to be available for the subsistence purposes of extended families or entire lineages.

People speak of the land as if they still own it; "This is Ahmed's garden;" "This is Amina's garden." Although the lands were taken almost 20 years ago, the community is still intensely loyal and passionate about them. People cling to the lands both because they are good, fertile lands, and because they still consider them to be their lands. Until there is an option for creating ties to other lands or other livelihoods, both identity as well as survival are associated to them. I asked dozens of people why they had returned to Hurso. People patiently told me that the government had changed and they were promised the lands would be returned; there was no longer a way to make a living in Djibouti and lands surrounding Hurso could not support a significantly larger population -- the land looks empty, but is in fact, full to its carrying capacity. Also, the original owners of the lands near Sodere (where some Hurso residents had been resettled) had returned after the fall of the Derg and had thrown out the resettled Hurso families. One man was less patient:

Q: "Why did you return to Hurso?"

A: "What do you mean? Isn't this my soil?"

Survival, Development, Identity, and State

The relationships among and between community members, government, military, and the workers hired by the military to guard the expropriated lands are complex. Resentment against the military base and the workers was minimal; the community's anger is directed not at the soldiers, but at the government. Some Gurgura men from the village itself, former members of the Gurgura Liberation Front, were also being trained at the base. The men guarding the farmlands chewed a mild stimulant, chat, (also an appetite or hunger suppressant) to maintain cordial relationships with the villagers in case of an eventual return of farmlands.

Responsibility for the initial dispossession and current poverty is placed on the government and the Ministry of Defense -- believed to be holding on to the lands out of greed -- both for revenue, (which a local member of the federal parliament estimated at US$3-4 million per year), and simply possession. However, the district and regional governments shared some of the blame because it was felt they mishandled the negotiations for their return. Two trips to Addis by Hurso elders exhausted funds that could have been used for direct negotiation by the community Future progress depended on action by district, regional, and federal officials.

Relationships between Somali Ethiopians and the Ethiopian state are ambivalent -- clearly illustrated in Hurso. The history of relations between Somalis and the Ethiopian state is long and generally negative from both the Somali and Ethiopian perspective. The current Hurso situation is clearly the result of acts by the Ethiopian state against a predominantly Somali population. In the newly refederated Ethiopia, however, Somalis now speak and go to school in Somali, have their own regional government (albeit corrupt and inefficient, in the view of many), and are for the first time, potentially equal to other Ethiopians as citizens. Many of my Somali interlocutors were cautiously optimistic about the possibilities for Somalis in the new Ethiopia.

Loyalty and identity, however, were invested in the clan, land, and Somali ethnicity. What becomes clear through examining the history of land claims in Hurso is that the state is not seen as an oppressive and unitary force, but rather as a feature of the environment, currently a powerful actor with a tendency to swallow all other players, but with whom it is possible to make certain tactical alliances. In Hurso and elsewhere among both men and women, national politics are now seen as crucial to development and survival.

Currently, both necessity and the tentative opening of the Ethiopian state to regional autonomy and full participation by all citizens lead Hurso and other Somali Ethiopian communities to conclude that the potential benefits are worth the risk of aligning themselves with the state. Nevertheless, it is always better to keep as many options open as possible. `Development' puts the state's role into a broader framework, where it is often the de facto final arbiter, but where the poor also have other potential advocates.

In 1998, a UNICEF-funded water project was working well, a new district government was in place, and other ties to the state and regional economy gave Hurso more power to press their claims for survival and restitution. International relief assistance where the refugee relief system is the dominant organizing institution, is no longer the only tie between the community and the rest of the world. However, the channels of communication represented by both humanitarian aid and development must be kept open, in part as a check on the abuse of power by the state.

In his 1994 book, The Anti-Politics Machine, James Ferguson documents how the depoliticizing discourse and practice of development facilitates the encroachment of the state and its bureaucracy into more places and dimensions of life. For example, even though most development projects are deliberately apolitical, building a school, clinic, or agricultural extension office also brings employees who are ultimately responsible, not to the community nor to the donors, but to the government. The interests of the government are fundamentally, political.

In Hurso, this same encroachment is visible, but the current and former residents of Hurso see this encroachment in historical, political, and pragmatic terms. My criticisms of development were greeted with impatient dismissal: "yes there is plenty of corruption, abuse, and ineptitude of which we are well aware, but we want schools, clinics, and a water supply" Villagers openly admitted that they no longer had the skills -- or more importantly -- the desire to live off the land. Development was now integral to their notion of what constitutes a decent, human life. Contrary to the general findings of post-development critics, they did not want less development, but more; not less integration into the state, but more.

Their reasons for wanting more links to the state are pragmatic. In interviews about the larger context of Somali-Ethiopia relations, respondents stressed the importance of the clause in the new constitution permitting secession as a last resort. In the current circumstances, both union with Somalia and outright independence seem decidedly inferior to active participation in the Ethiopian state which offers at least the possibility of political power and economic advancement, while safeguarding Somali autonomy should the situation become unacceptable. However, as the changing Hurso discourse on basic human needs demonstrates, it may not be easy to opt out of new ways of thinking about identity, survival, and what constitutes a human life.

Concretely, development in Hurso means both economic independence, (ideally, by acquiring farmlands), and a combination of standard development and relief programs that address health care, water supply, education, childcare, and nutrition problems. Criticisms of these same programs were sharp. For example, Halcho, a community where 58 of the poorest families were resettled, needed extensive and expensive irrigation systems that involved drilling deep wells. But in the meantime, what were the farmers supposed to eat? Women involved in a revolving funds program stated that while it was a great idea, there were a number of basic problems: the market was already saturated with petty traders in milk and vegetables and there was no accessible market for other goods at the moment. Cash, especially this small a sum, was problematic because in Hurso, there is tremendous social pressure against refusing outright requests for financial assistance. If it were known that you had received 500 birr, then relatives and neighbors would approach you to repay small loans they had made to you, or to `lend' them money to take a sick child to the hospital; the money would soon be gone. The best development program of all would be to allocate land, making survival possible with fewer direct ties to the state or to development agencies. Nevertheless, promises of development programs -- health care, clean water, and education -- are likely to remain important for this community, even if the lands are returned.

Ultimately, development in Hurso means a sustainable and decent livelihood, and unfortunately the state's involvement is also essential for this to occur. To achieve a decent, human life or nolol adaaminiimo, it is necessary to have avenues through which to press claims -- for justice, restitution, and short term assistance. Hence local, regional, national, and international politics, and telling the story of dispossession and its implied remedy, restitution, have become very important. Development was also a rhetorical strategy to possibly diversify the range of groups and individuals on whom one could make justice, compassion, or rights-based claims.

Story telling and history are valued for their own sake among Somali, so it was generally easy for me to talk to people. However, given what 1 knew about the political importance of story telling, poetry, and history in Somali societies, it was clear that I was meant to hear these stories with a view to action.

"The owner must fight for his property."

-Muusa Omar's gabay (poem)

"I am asking you -- what are you going to do for us?"

-Ali Yusuf's testimony

"The main point is to help each other. To talk is fine, but let's get to the main point. You see our problems with your own eyes, as an eyewitness -- they don't need much explanation."

-Haawa Omar's testimony

History, politics, development, and the state are key elements in this community's story of dispossession, poverty, and living an inhuman life. However, although the state is accorded a certain legitimacy and even respect as a worthy opponent, it should not be confused with the loyalty and sense of belonging that was built by using the land and maintained through the story of dispossession. Human life, a decent life, is not only a matter of calories and clean water, human life implies justice, beauty, and belonging. Aasha, the midwife, summarizes their passion towards the land, and the bitterness, sadness, and contempt that characterize the Hurso view of the state: "They are not careful of the land. It becomes hyenas' houses." This suggests a love relationship with the land, and hence an imperative to tend it and care for it. "Hyena's houses" suggests barren land, wasteland, even a rubbish heap, in implied contrast to the beautiful, fertile, beloved land that it was.

The story of Hurso, then, is a love story as well as a story of injustice. The Hurso Somali were ejected from their land during the war. They returned as refugees, their lands still in the hands of the Ministry of Defense. They survive, but are far from what they consider to be a decent, human life. Development projects and development rhetoric are important ways of coping, but the fundamental problem, in their eyes, is not a question of charity, but of simple justice.

"I am 45 years old. I was born in Turkaylo, near Hurso village. I had farmland in Hurso before 1977. After the Derg took my farmland I went to Serkama. Hurso! Before the Derg, there was no place better than Hurso. Anybody who knows how it was before will be in wareer [mad with worry and distress] when he sees it now. And still now I think it is the Derg or those who remained from the Derg government who are eating our gardens. Now my morale is not good, because still my properties are in the hands of the enemy. I think Hurso seems as if it is getting some air, but unfortunately the Derg remainders are still present. Hurso people need to get a balanced life, nolol adaaminiimo -- food, health, education and so on. And to get their farmlands. I think if the government wants to develop Hurso's life, they have to give back their farms. I wish to add: you asked me many things and I am asking you, what are you going to do for us?"

-Ali Yusuf


Ferguson, James. 1994. The Anti-Politics Machine. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Lewis, I.M 1961. A Pastoral Democracy. London: Oxford University Press.

Article copyright Cultural Survival, Inc.

Ethiopia: Information on the Issa and Gurgura Liberation Front

For information on the above-mentioned subject please refer to the attached documents.


Agence France Press. 24 March 1992. "Issa Guerrilla at War with Ethiopia's New Army." (NEXIS)

BBC, Summary of World Broadcasts. 11 June 1992. "Ethiopia Council of Representatives Members Point Out Problems." (NEXIS)

. 25 March 1992. "Ethiopia Issa Liberation Front Issues Statement on Fighting with EPRDF." (NEXIS)

. 5 March 1992. Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Conference Ends." (NEXIS)

. 18 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Reorganises Itself." (NEXIS)

. 14 February 1992. "Ethiopia IGLF Officials Dropped From Executive." (NEXIS)

. 12 February 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Liberation Front Secedes From IGLF." (NEXIS)

. 25 January 1992. "Ethiopia Political Organisations Join Forces to Halt Clashes in Dire Dawa." (NEXIS)

. 10 January 1992. "Ethiopia Gurgura Nation Breaks Away From Issa-Gurgura Liberation Front." (NEXIS)

Inter Press Service. 13 April 1992. Obinna Onyadike. "Ethiopia: Unrest in the East." (NEXIS)

Reuters. 13 February 1992. Jonathan Clayton. "Southern Ethiopia Near Chaos as Ethnic Rivalries Resurface." (NEXIS)

Source: Research Directorate, Immigration and Refugee Board, Canada

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Reer Nuur

Reer Nuur is a Somali clan, and more specifically, a major subclan of Gadabuursi, or Samaroon, tribe. The Reer Nuur inhabits the area between Boorama and Gabiley and from Sheed Dheer to the western coasts of Awdal region.

The Reer Nuur is further divided into two subclans, Mahamoud Nuur and Farah Nuur.

Mahamoud Nuur

Mahamoud Nuur inhabits the Somaliland region. Mahamoud Nuur consists of further subdivisions:

• Abdi Mahamoud Consist Baho and Bah-Faad

o Baho Abdi Mahamuud

 Reer Cismaan (BurBur)

 Reer Xergeeye Gabbal

 Reer Cali Gabbal

 Bacaso

 Shirdoon Hussien

 Reer Raage Gabbal

o Bah-Faad

 Samater Gabbal

 Reer Koohi

 Loodoon Koohi

 Geedi Koohi

 Farah Koohi

 Dhukur Koohi

 Raage Koohi

 Haad Hussien (Abdi-Bulhun)

• Halas Mahamoud

o Omar Halas

o Ali Halas

o Gullied Halas

o Muuse Halas

o Hiraab Halas

o Baho Xeebjiraad

• Bah-Nimidoor Consist

o Hasan Mahamoud

o Hufane Mahamoud

• Bah-Jibraacin Consist

o Rooble Mahamud and

o Mohamed Mahamoud

Farah Nuur

Farah Nuur is part of Reer Nuur, found in the Somaliland and Ethiopian regions. Farah Nuur consists of further subdivisions:

• Reer Ibrahim

o Reer Waadhowr (Bare had 40 sons who died fighting in Hargeysa)

o Reer Gaade

o Reer Dadar

o Reer Guleed

o Reer Gobdoon

o Reer Samater Rooble

o Reer Saalah

o Reer Samakab

• Gabar Madow (Geedi-Faarax)

o Cali Geedi

o Hiraab Geedi

o Mahamed Geedi

o Wayteen Geedi

• Reer Abdi Ali

Politics of Mahamoud Nuur

Reer Nuur inhabits two countries, Somalia and Ethiopia, so their politics are divided. In the last Somaliland parliamentary elections, the reer nuur got 2 seats and lost 3, though the result was disputed. The clan has a minister in the government of Somaliland,one in Djibouti and one in Somali federation of Ethiopia.

Notable Reer Nuur

• Abdi Sinimo

Abdi Sinimo

Cabdi Deeqsi Warfaa, more widely known as Abdi Sinimo or Abdi Sinimoo, is a Somali singer and songwriter who established the balwo musical style.[1][2] He was born in the 1920s in Jaarahorato, a historical village 25 miles (16km) north-east of Boorama. He was the fourth son in a family of eighteen children, 9 boys and 9 girls.

The first band he created was in Borama during 1944 and it was called Balwo. Members of his band were:-

• Cabdi Deeqsi Warfaa (Abdi Sinimoo)

• Koobali Caashaad

• Hussen Aare Meecaad

• Xaashi Warsame

• Khadiija Ciye Dharaar (Khadiija Balwo)

• Nuuriya Catiiq


1. ^ Abdullahi, Mohamed Diriye (2001). Culture and Customs of Somalia. Greenwood Publishing Group, p. 172. ISBN 0313313334. Retrieved on 2008-06-19.

2. ^ "Literature of Somali Onomastics and Proverbs ‘With Comparison of Foreign Saying’". Gobaad Press. Retrieved on 2008-06-19.

Abdi SinimoSomali singer and songwriter who established the balwo musical style.

Abdi Sinimo

Cabdi Deeqsi Warfaa, more widely known as Abdi Sinimo or Abdi Sinimoo, is a Somali singer and songwriter who established the balwo musical style.[1][2] He was born in the 1920s in Jaarahorato, a historical village 25 miles (16km) north-east of Boorama. He was the fourth son in a family of eighteen children, 9 boys and 9 girls.

The first band he created was in Borama during 1944 and it was called Balwo. Members of his band were:-

• Cabdi Deeqsi Warfaa (Abdi Sinimoo)

• Koobali Caashaad

• Hussen Aare Meecaad

• Xaashi Warsame

• Khadiija Ciye Dharaar (Khadiija Balwo)

• Nuuriya Catiiq


1. ^ Abdullahi, Mohamed Diriye (2001). Culture and Customs of Somalia. Greenwood Publishing Group, p. 172. ISBN 0313313334. Retrieved on 2008-06-19.

2. ^ "Literature of Somali Onomastics and Proverbs ‘With Comparison of Foreign Saying’". Gobaad Press. Retrieved on 2008-06-19.

Ogaden: a self-imposed isolation

OPINION] Ogaden: a self-imposed isolation

Published 07/08/2008 - 6:15 p.m. GMT

Opinion: By Ismail Ahmed, Dire Dawa

Although Barre’s regime has collapsed like a cardboard castle nearly two decades ago, there is a Somali clan in Eastern Ethiopia that has not yet laid down its arms. For the Ogaden clan, the war is not yet over. The Ogadeni’s erroneous misconceptions that the war is not yet over for the them is akin to the Japanese soldiers of the Second World War, who refused to laid down their arms before they received orders from their superior officers. These Japanese soldiers were hiding in thick jungles in some of the Pacific islands for many years before they were traced out by fishermen who broke the news to their authorities. Although Ogadens are quite different in many aspects from the Second War Japanese soldiers, still the unwavering enmity they harbor against other fellow Somalis in Eastern Ethiopia and Somaliland Republic is something in public domain. They entertain a wrong conception that the non-Ogadens were largely responsible for bringing the Barre’s regime to its knees - the regime that treated them as one of privileged clans in a country where they had no regions of their own.

To understand the root causes of the present deteriorating relationship between the people of the Somaliland and the Ogadens in Ethiopia, one should first try to get some answers for some of the outstanding questions that individuals ask themselves to day:

Why among all Somali speaking nations in East Africa (Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya and Somalia) the Ogaden is the only clan that sees Somaliland as beta noire?

Is declaring war against the peace loving people of Somaliland is the only way forward for the Ogadens to achieve a unilateral secession from Ethiopia without the support of their fellow Somali Ethiopians?

Would the non-Ogadens who make up the majority of Somalis in Ethiopia simply watch idly by, while the Ogadens, led by unilaterally formed Ogaden Liberation Front (ONLF) fuel unprovoked conflicts in the region?

To fully understand the “whys”, we must first look back at the history behind the Ogaden’s current unflinching opposition to Somaliland’s independence. At the height of genocidal campaign against the people of Somaliland in 1988, the Ogaden generals with approval of their sultans signed a secret agreement with government of Siad Barre .According to this agreement, the Ogadens, who formed the bulk of the government’s fighting forces in Somalia would be given a sweeping power to take over the Northwest and Awdal regions, where major cities , such as Hargeisa, Gabiiley, and Boorma are located and where already 35000 had been resettled as refugees. The conditions attached to the permanent resettlement of Ogadens in Somaliland were :if possible, the complete obliteration of the indigenous Somalialnders; and adopting systematical ways of up-rooting the original Somalilanders that would have paved the way for more Ogaden’s occupation, giving greater emphasis on living quarters of the major cities where government sponsored development projects would be created for the new settlers.

The existence of such secret agreement has been officially confirmed by Somalia’s former defense minister, General Aden Gabyow, who delivered a keynote speech at a public gathering in Hargiesa in July, 1988, after the SNM forces retreated to the adjacent highlands.

At rally marking the “Absamization” of the Issaq-land, held in Hargeisa, General Aden Gobyow delivered the following speech which was kept in the secret archives of Somali TV before it was ransacked during the fighting that ousted Siad Barre:

“Today marks the end of thousands of years in which this land belonged to the Idoors (Issaqs). Some people are luckier than others. We, Absame, as the heroic sons of Darood, must congratulate each other as the luckiest people on earth, for taking over permanently such splendid cities as own properties, for Issaqs would never come back to re-take them again. I saw petty scuffles over the ownership of some abandoned buildings and other properties left behind by fleeing Idoors. You congratulate those whose lucky gave them those better buildings than others. History is in the making. It is a dream that come true. Yesterday, we were taking alms as homeless refugees in the same city that we own today. Those who once owned this city have become hapless refugees in foreign countries.”

In a colorful military outfit, the former member of Waber Artist, Mohamed Abdullahi Sangub blessed the ceremony with a recitation of poem. The ceremony, marking the eviction of Issaqs from their homeland ended in chorus of yaps and yelps, punctuated with abracadabra of traditional Ogaden songs known as Hirwo.Sangub, who was promoted to the rank of a major for mobilizing his clan against the Hargeisan has been ostracized by the rest of Somali societies everywhere, after a court in Minnesota, USA found him guilty of molesting a small refugee girl in 2005.Nothing is more humiliating than a septuagenarian grandfather found guilty of raping a small refugee girl, whom he baited with sugar candies. What a shame! Shame upon him! He fell from grace.

A week after he spoke at rally in Hargeisa in front of Somali TV Camera that would be judged by the next Somali generations , General Aden Gabyow gave a similar interview to the Italian RAI Television, which till today remained intact as it is being preserved in its achieves.

General Gabow was not alone in unveiling publicly an agreement that was hitherto kept secret from the public for many years.

General Abddulkadir was one of the most feared extremist elements in Barre’s government. During the last days of the regime, he emerged as one of the unflinching diehard officials who fought tooth and nail to keep in power a family based dynasty, despite the fact that the security situation was at stake as the combined forces of USC/SNM forces were visible everywhere in the country. He travelled the width and breath to the regions controlled by the government forces to mobilize, mainly the Darood people against what he called the “anti-revolutionary forces”.

Birg.Gen.Abdulkadir Haji Mohamed, (Inna Massaleh), Deputy Chairman of SSRP was sent to Bassaso by General Barre, to immediately mediate Dashishle and Osman Mohamud of Majeerteen, who fought over resources early in 1989. Speaking pompously to a group of elders from both sides in Bassaso as Barre’s special envoy, he delivered the following speech, as Abdirahman Aden’s TV Camera rolled:

“First of all, I would like to convey to you a special message from our beloved leader, who was stunned by such senseless and unnecessary fighting between two Darood sub-clans, at the time when other Daroods were celebrating a historic victory over Issaqs.The timing of such fighting is a great concern for every one of us. Such fighting contravenes the road map that we laid for the Daroodization of all productive regions in the country, which, according to our expectation will inexorably yield fruits that every one of us will enjoy soon.

But, we are desperately in need of a strong and united Darood community that seriously and relentlessly safeguards the achievements of our glorious revolution. Needless to say, today, we are suffering from severe shortages of highly skilled manpower in the regions that we have already Daroodized in the north of the country. Conquering a country is so easy, but effectively keeping it, has proved immense difficulties. But we succeeded in uniting our people against the anti-revolutionaries as much as we differ on certain issues. We have a common interest that binds us all together. In this regard, our unity remained stronger than ever.

In this juncture, I would like to give you a brief account of what the government has done for its Darood people. Hey! Just look at the barren sunburned rocks that encompassed your districts from vertical horizon. The prospect of raising families in the near future in such an unproductive and sun-scorched hostile environment is dim. For your future overall developments, we made relentless efforts since the inception of our revolution. We, as active members of the government are responsible for taking over the most productive agricultural areas in the Lower Shabeele Region, where thousands have now become rich landowners of what once used to be the Italian “Azendas” (banana plantations). These Darood individuals have become rich through the long-term bank loans which most of them have been written off by the beloved president. We have resettled in the country more than five hundred thousand Ogadenis under the pretext of refugees. Those Ogadenis are now actively serving in the forefront to secure the lands that have been already “Daroodized”. We made diversification of funds from other sectors to build long asphalt roads; a modern harbor, water supply and electricity here in Bassaso.The Daroodization policy has worked so fast even beyond our expectation. But to our dismay, you are at one another’s throat, fighting for meager local resources that had already evaporated. It took us all by surprise that those who were supposed to safeguard the achievements of our glorious revolution were locked in a senseless fighting and petty squabbles over minute issues. Have your imagination as mentally grown up men! For Jaalle Siyaad (comrade), nothing is more worrying him than your recent fighting. Now, I would like to witness your immediate renouncement of any further hostilities with oath taking ceremony by shaking hands as our traditional way of burying the hatchet. Mind you, the fate of our Darood nation would be sealed in blood.”

Abdulakdir Massal’s speech reflected the official policy of the government of the day. The government that was supposed to preserve the national unity was instead mobilizing its forces for the destruction of a large section of its population that it pilloried as subordinates and vassals whose regions and properties should be taken by its devotee loyal subjects.

The air force pilot who crashed-landed his Mig-17 fighter on Djibouti beach in 1988, after he consciously defied his superior’s orders to bomb indiscriminately the unarmed civilian population in Hargeisa, has told a horrifying story.

Replying to questions put to him by local reporters as why he defied his superiors’ orders to destroy Haregisa with Russian made deadly 500 fab bombs, Flight Lieutenant-Colonel Ahmed Mohamed Hassan said:

"Another Somali pilot and I were given orders to fly our Mig-17 jet fighters to Hargeisa to undertake intensive aerial bombardments of the city. Already there were air force technicians in Hargiesa, but both of us were given specific assignments to fly to Hargeisa in order to carry out many sorties of aerial bombardments with aim of killing as many civilians as we could. The Mig-17 jets were the only planes in the Somalia air force that could carry the heavy 500 kilo bombs known as “Fab” to cause maximum devastations. Unfortunately, this was a sad chapter in my life and in our history. Remembering the devastations caused by aerial and ground bombardments, personally, I still feel the pain, but it is an issue that has to be discussed in depth by Somalis for many years to come.

Col.Ahmed Dheere, who was on a private visit to Hargeisa in June, 2008, the city he left in 1988 with his Mig-17 fighter jet, now lives with his family in Luxembourg as that country’s naturalized citizen. He received a hero’s welcome in Haregisa.

Asked the difference between now and then, he said, “I left a city in ruins, and I returned back to a sprawling modern city.”

The bold decision taken by Lt.Colonel Ahmed Mohamed Hassan has encouraged other Somalis, particularly; those in Mogadishu and other major cities to speak out publicly by refusing to take part the genocide campaign. An Abgal, who was frustrated by the continuous silence of other Somalis while systematically massacres were in full swing in Hargeisa, sent the following message to his own clan in the form of the following poem:

Dalkeyga daafac diidmayo,

Issaq ku duul doonimaayo.

Translated into English:

I do not refuse to defend my motherland,

But, I will never ever carry out,

A cowardly craven attack on the Issaq

Despite the fact that General Barre is now in three feet deep, where he is being mercilessly grilled for the crimes he committed against humanity, still for the Ogaden the war is not yet over. As it has been repeatedly stated by its leaders at several occasions, ONLF is till technically at war with Somaliland. During his fundraising trip to London three years ago, Admiral Mohamed Omer, the ONLF leader, explained to his Ogaden audience that his clan was still technically at war with Somaliland government and its people. Admiral Mohamed Omer, who was known as Barre’s spittoon carrier, was speaking his mind. The Admiral’s statements once again stoked the embers of what has already been smouldering in the region.

Another Ogaden who does not equivocate about the war that he his faction is intended to launch against Somaliland is Col.Hassan Turki. Col.Turki, who indiscriminately massacred innocent nomads in brutal fashion in Odweyne district, as General Morgan’s brigade commander in 1988, is camouflaging with Islamic religion as a cleric somewhere in Somalia. Behind the white Muslim gown that he wears, there is a werewolf.

Ogaden’s relations with rest of Somalis

The root cause of the current deteriorating relations between the Ogadenis and the majority Somalis in the region goes back to the unilateral disbanding of the Western Somali Liberation in 1977.The dissolution of WSLF, which widely represented all Somali Ethiopians, has created a hitherto unprecedented chasm that finally reached unbearable stage. The Ogadens, under the leadership of General Barre’s former soldiers are seen by majority of non-Ogadens as security menace to their own regions. The creation of Ogaden Liberation Front (ONLF) by General Barre, essentially to become a full-fledged division in the Somali army forces’ has compelled the non-Ogadens to draw their own policy strategy through their democratically elected representatives in the Federal Parliament of Ethiopia.

The non-Ogadenis, whose vast territories stretch from Gaashamo in the East to Aware- Afdam in the extreme West, near Awaash valley, and from Ceel-kari in the Southwest to Feer-feer in the East, have separately initiated their own inter-clan defence pact with aim of heading off any terrorist infiltrations into their regions. The traditional sultans and clan chiefs of non-Ogadenis have spoken in a loud and clear language by sending the following message to the Ogadenis through their elected deputies in the Federal Parliament of Ethiopia:-

1. Whether to secede or not is solely a matter for Ogadenis, so long they do not claim our vast territories which do not belong to them. Calling our regions as “Ogadenia” amounts to a declaration of war on us.

2. While maintaining peace and security in our regions, we support and upheld the Federal Constitution, which gives all ethnic groups the right to self-administration, the right to preserve their tradition culture, the right to use their own language in their own regions, and above everything else, unrestricted right to self-determination up to secession, in internationally supervised referendum, as the in the case of Eritrea.

3. In line with official policy of the Federal Government of Ethiopia, we respect the territorial integrity of all Somali speaking nations, such as Djibouti, Somaliland, Somalia and Kenya, with whom we share fraternal ties.

4. We support the special relations that Ethiopia currently maintains with Somaliland Republic, which gave us a lee way to benefit from commercial goods we receive through border customs controlled by both governments.

5. We call on the Federal Government of Ethiopia to conduct immediate statistical surveys to determine the majority clans with whom future negotiation could be held in the Somali region

Lack of traditional wise men

The absence of Ogaden traditional wise men to negotiate peace with other Somalis in Zone-five has created a society prone to conflicts. Taking advantage of the mistrust that today exist among the different clans in the region, the ONLF exacerbated the situation by riding a roughshod over the traditional system of solving inter-clan disputes in the region.

The ONLF leadership has mischievously undermined traditional co-existence of different Somali clans which formed the very fabrics of Somali society. Somalis belong to a closely knitted society that one cannot live without the other. There is no a single family that has no close relatives with other clans in the Zone-five. It is beyond exaggeration that, for every ten Ogaden-reer Issaq in Dagahbour district, seven of them have matrilineal affinity with Issaqs of the same region. The same affinity relation goes the other way round. One’s matrilineal relatives such as, uncles, nephews, nieces and ants are closer that one’s patrilineal affinity when it comes to visceral feelings. Six of the eight active military generals, (including the current ONLF leader) whose mothers came from Issaq clan were responsible for frog marching their Ogadeni militias into Hargeisa to take part in the genocidal campaigns, thus, destroying the traditional fabrics in which Somalis solved their disputes through peaceful means. These generals once formed the backbone of Barre’s army forces.

The people of Ogaden clan had never been offered from their own traditional chiefs an alternative solution to war. The traditional leaders have gone haywire. They fell into a perpetual dilemma from which nothing can extract them. In other Somali regions, chieftainship however, carries a lot of weight and unquestionable loyalty and authority.

Fully supporting Col.Yusuf’s phantasmal presidency

It is irony, that the Ogadenis whose guerrillas are fighting with the Ethiopian government to form a purely “Ogadenian state” with “Ogadenian flag” in Eastern Ethiopia (excluding the rest of other major tribes) have rallied their undying support behind the phantasmal president of the so called transitional federal government of Somalia, Col. Yuasuf, for his current Mogadishu’s racial onslaught, with help of Ethiopian soldiers. The Ogadenis, who blame Ethiopian government for allegedly committing human rights violations in their own region, are supporting Prime Minister Melese Zenawi’s intimate friend, Col Yusuf, who brought into Somalia thousands of Ethiopian troops to annihilate the giant Hawiyes from the surface of the earth. It is here where history repeats itself. For the Ogadenis, the daily artillery bombardments of the residential areas of Mogadishu that claimed so far thousands of innocent lives are simply “the pranks” of Barre’s October celebration. For the Ogadanis, the daily report on the nearly millions of Hawiyas who are facing humanitarian crisis in open areas outside Mogadishu, is simply a hogwash, designed to discredit Col .Yusuf’s policy. It is a belief widely held among the Ogaden’s elites in the Diaspora and their Majeerteenian allies, that the creation of a government which would serve their own interest is possible only if Hawiye clan is weakened considerably with help of Ethiopian troops. The Ogadenis who have no a region of their own in Somalia, except that tiny tsetse fly infested town of Afmadey, near the Kenyan border, see the TFG a springboard to resuscitate a General Barre’s type of government. In this regard, one of Col.Yusuf’s top security advisors is Col.Ahmed Omer Jess, formerly, General Morgan’s deputy commander in Somaliland at the height of genocidal campaign. This kind of belief has been echoed recently by one Col.Yusuf’s close confidantes. During his recent private visit to Kenya, the TFG’s Minster of Post and Telecommunication, Mohammud Tarrax, has been quoted by his own cousin as saying that his clan has no other alternatives except to support Col.Yusuf’s efforts to bring the Hawiyes into their knees in order to form a future stable government, which would serve their interest. Mr.Tarax, who served in Barre’s government as Head of the National Refugee Commission with status of a minister without portfolio that enabled him to participate in the cabinet meetings, said, in his words:

“We, Ogadenis have adopted a new lifestyle in Somalia which is quite different from the nomadic harsh living conditions in Ethiopia. Our living style has been changed dramatically during the long years we lived in Somalia as government officials. I personally can not go back to that dusty town of Dagahbour where everything is at stake. Dagahbour is no longer my hometown. This opinion is shared with me by every Ogaden in the parliament.”

Tarax’s statement was simply a confirmation of a long held view which the Ogadens received through the sieve of Barre’s orientation centres. The Ogaden officials whose families live in better and secure places in Europe and USA must understand that they are gambling with lives of their innocent civilians who already became victims of wide devastations caused by manmade conflicts and droughts. This kind of talk is poppy-talk. It further isolated them from other Somalis in Somalia.

Relentless propaganda campaign against Somaliland

The daily barrage of vitriolic attacks on Somaliland government and its peace loving people by Ogadens in the Diaspora has left a bitter taste in everybody’s mouth. A day hardly passes without the people of Somaliland being insulted as “secessionists” and “renegades”. The Ogadenis, although they had never shared a union with Somaliland as they belong to Ethiopia, still spared no efforts in campaigning for the destruction of Somaliland, ever since General Barre’s fascist regime was ousted by the combining forces of USC and SNM 1991.Such daily vitriolic attacks would have a negative effect on the thousands of Ogadens, who live peacefully in Somaliland’s major cities, mainly as businessmen without being reminded the atrocities committed by their own brothers in the past. It is beyond doubt that the opprobrium raised by the continuous hate articles posted on ONLF’s propaganda arm , will have a boomerang effect on the future relationship among Somalis where ever they are, be in Djibouti, or in Ethiopia. For instance, One of the extreme anti-Somaliland campaigners has recently crossed the dangerous redline by vehemently defending publicly the aerial and artillery bombardments of major cities in Somaliland by fascist forces.

In his article, under the title of “Somaliland: the way forward” Abdullah Doole had unwaveringly defended the atrocities carried out by General Barre’s forces in which over sixty thousand innocent civilians were bombed to death, arguing that every government has unreserved rights to put down rebellions like SNM.The same man who campaigned in London for the expulsion of SNM representatives in 1980s as one of Barre’s top diplomats, has breathed fire on Somaliland government for deporting the ONLF operatives from Hargeisa to Ethiopia, a friendly country that gave sanctuaries to nearly a million Somalilanders who fled for their lives in the middle of continuous air and ground bombardments in 1988. In another article, also posted on Wardheer Website, ONLF’s propaganda arm, he described the deportation of ONLF’s operatives as “unacceptable.” Unacceptable to whom?”

The appointment of a notorious Turkey jackanapes as ONLF’s adviser on media affairs is another example that reflects the Ogaden’s hostile attitude towards the people of Somaliland. The Greek born Turkey, Muhammed Shamsaddin Megalommotis, who has no knowledge about Africa Union’s Continental Charter, that upholds the inviolability of borders inherited from colonial powers, as the case is for Somaliland, is in fact, a despicable nuisance to the intellectual community in East Africa at large. His abusive titles, edited by ONLF’s representatives, reflected a profound ignorance about Somaliland’s historical facts. The fund allocated to such a moron who writes abusive headlines for the articles written by other anti-Somaliland’s campaigners could have been spent in the Ogaden region where, because of the continuous drought, wide spread hunger and manmade conflicts, thousands of civilians are dying on daily bases for want of food. It would have been money well-spent had it been used for buying stools for young school kids who are sitting on empty cans under tree in Wardheer.It took everybody by surprise that a notorious outcast has become ONLF’s new tintinnabulist. Hurling all kinds of silly adjectives at highly respected leadership of Somaliland is un-Somali, as it is also un-Islamic .Hurling silly adjectives at democratically elected President of Somaliland Republic serves no one’s interest. Instead, it strengthens his position as a president, whose people are rallying behind him. Such unjustified hate media campaign has brought other Somalis in to the fray.

In conclusion, to remove the present deep trust that took root during General Barre’s dictatorial rule in Somalia, the Ogadens must adopt some kind of modus vivendi that would enable them bury the hatchet with other Somalis. The spirit of tolerance and maturity shown by Somalilanders must be reciprocated amicably and positively. The ONLF’s quixotic expedition must be tethered before it ends in disaster.

My goal of presenting this article was precisely to provide a brief historical genealogy of the current Ogaden’s self-imposed isolation for which they have already paid a heavy price. I had the privilege to travel extensively in the regions inhabited by Somali Ethiopians, during which I have witnessed with my own naked eyes the prevailing state of beggar-hood. If the Ogadens do not come terms with reality, then the present self-imposed isolation will lead them to further self-destruction and self-immolation.


The writer of this article can be reached by xarshin22 [at]


The views expressed in this article do not represent the views of Jimma Times or its staff. The views are solely the views of the contributor. To contribute opinion articles to Jimma Times online or to submit articles for Jimma Yeroo newspaper in Oromia, contact us for full details.

WAR :Marehan subclans of Hawarsame, Rer Hasan and Habar Ya'qub, which dominate Gedo, against the subclans of the Ali Dheere and Rer Ahmad,

WAR :Marehan subclans of Hawarsame, Rer Hasan and Habar Ya'qub, which dominate Gedo, against the subclans of the Ali Dheere and Rer Ahmad,


Update : 03.06.2004

Nearly 60 killed, thousands displaced in Bulo Hawa clashes

03. June 2004

Nearly 60 people have been killed in clashes between rival clans in the southwestern town of Bulo Hawa, humanitarian sources said. About 2,500 families had been displaced in and around the town while another 2,000 people had fled to Mandera in neighbouring Kenya, they added. Relief workers in Bulo Hawa, Gedo Region, told IRIN by telephone that the latest round of fighting, which took place on Tuesday, was "a continuation of tension between rival clans that had built [up] since May" over control of the local administration.

One of the sources said local NGOs were planning to conduct an assessment of the situation together with local authorities, but could not immediately ascertain the number of those injured. "The death toll as of yesterday was 59, while 52 people have been admitted in hospitals and 24 are in a private compound," the source told IRIN on Thursday. The latest fighting pitted an alliance of the Marehan subclans of Hawarsame, Rer Hasan and Habar Ya'qub, which dominate Gedo, against the subclans of the Ali Dheere and Rer Ahmad, the sources told IRIN.

OCHA-Somalia, which called meetings of various humanitarian agencies and NGOs to discuss how to send help to the displaced and injured, said tension had remained high in the region, although the latest clashes had died down. "It is a very complicated situation. It is still very tense and we would not be surprised if clashes broke out again anytime," Calum McLean, the head of the OCHA office in Somalia, told IRIN on Thursday. "Nothing has been resolved so far."



Hawrarsame Alert

Hawrarsame suffer from clashes which killed more than 100 in SW-SOMALIA


Dear Sir/s.

On behalf of local residents of Bula-Hawa, who have been displaced to the outskirts of the town
and towards the border location of the BP1 area inside Kenya, we hereby like to officially request
your honourable officers that our Hawrarsame communities experienced unforgettable, harrowing
difficulties and problems done by cruel and ruthless religous Al-Itihad-extremists, the Jubba Valley
Alliance and the Abdi-Qasim (TNG) groups.

We are a caste and a discriminated community living in Bula-Hawa district and the surrounding
villages. The fighting erupted in the town on 8th of May 2004, after killing of the Hawrasame businessman named Diriye Ibrahim Khalid in an argument over the control of the town, those groups launched a well coordinated attack against our existence and presence on the ground and they mercilessly shelled innocent civilians and burned hundreds of houses, shops, restaurants, pharmaceutical outlets, milling machines etc. and committed a total economic sabotage.

As we are isolated, discriminated and disdained communities, who don’t share inter-marriage culture among the Marehan communities, we suffered such tragic events done by Marehan sub clans and external extremists supporting them.

Therefore, we are appealing to you to save the lives of thousands of vulnerable Hawrasame people displaced to the border town of Mandhera-Kenya, and outskirts of Bula-hawa town whereby their houses and business locations were deliberately set a fire. We are requesting immediate assistance and help to those effected the fighting.

We are also appealing that those responsible e.g. for burning a house with seven children inside, destroying our properties and causing water-wells to collapse, to brought justice.

The people of the Hawrasame clan are the target now, and we need the international community to ensure the safety of our people and our existence, since there is a clear danger of ethnic cleansing and genocide as happened Rwanda in 1994.


The author is a member of this community and is known to ECOTERRA, but requested:

"Telling the truth causes a big threat against my life The HAWRARSAME do need to publicise the atrocities committed by these agressors, but please don't mention my name. Thank you for your continued support that you always provide for marginalized comunities."


May 10, 2004

War baxin ku saabsan xalada b xaawo ee maanta iyo masawiradii qasaarihii dhacay oo dhan

Burburkii qeyb magaalada ka tirsan oo uu dab qabsaday May 8, 2004, kaddib markii ay halkaas ku dagaalameen kooxo maleeshiyo ah oo labadaba ka tirsan Garabka SNF/SRRC ee uu hogaamiyo Maxamuud Sayid Aden

Xaafad Magaalada Beled Xaawo ka tirsan oo dab la qabadsiiyay May 8, 2004

Isbitaalka Beled-Xaawo oo ay ka muuqato qasaare balaaran kaddib markii halkaas May 8, 2004 ay ku dagaalameen laba Maleeshisho oo labadaba ka tirsan Garabka SNF/SRRC

Sida la wada ogyahay maalmahan waxaa degmada Beled-Xaawo ka jiray dagaalo ay isaga soo horjedaan ururka SNF/SRRC ee gobalka Gedo. Dagaaladii ka dhacay B/xaawo 8dii may, 2004, waxay geysteen qasaarooyin naf iyo maalba leh. Wararka qaar waxay sheegayaan in geerida ay gaareyso 13, dhawacana 14 guud ahaan ee labada dhinacba. Inta hadda la ogyahay khasaaraha xagga maalka ee dagaalku geeystay waxaa ka mid ah suuqii weynaa ee loo yiqiinay farjanno ama Cali Timacadde iyo xaafad ka mid ah magaalada oo dab la qabadsiiyay iyo isbitaalkii weynaa ee magaalada oo la bililqaystay waxaana arrinkaas lagu eedeynayaa maleeshiyada magaalada qabsatay. Dhinaca kale, waxaa socda dadaalo ay odayaasha wadaan oo la doonayo in lagu soo celiyo qalabkii la boobay oo dhan. Guud ahaan amniga magaalada ayaan weli fiicnayn, cabsi
dagaal oo mar kale soo noqotana waa laga baqayaa, dadweynaha weli waxay wadaan qaxii kalsooni darro jirto awgeed.

Fiiro gaar ah: Warbixinta kor ku qoran waxaa Allgedo soo gaarsiiyay Cabdullahi Kaalmoy iyo Shire Coley oo labaduba ku sugan Magaalada Beled-Xaawo, halka uu masawiradana noo soo gudbiyay Mohamed Hussein oo ku sugan Magaalada Nairobi, Kenya.


Akhriste maanka geli oo weligaa xusuusta ku haay, Websitku inuusan wax shaqo ah

ku lahayn qoraalka hoose, ammaan iyo eedba waxaa mas’uul ka ah qoraaga buugga

ee fadlan wixii {comments} ugu gudbi Emailkiisa….

1993 illaa 1995 waxaan qoray (3) buug iyo (3) sheeko oo taxane ah waxay kala


* Sababihii Burburka Soomaaliya: {paper-back book printed in Canada 1999}

* Sooyaalka Soomaaliya: {paper-back book printed in Canada 1999}

* Tiirka Colaadda: {Paper-back book printed in Malaysia 2002}

* Salaamullaahi Calal Xujaaj: sheeko taxane ah waxaan ku qoray wargeyska Xog-Ogaal

* Dahabo Toolmoon & Dhagaxkariye: sheeko taxane ah waxaan ku qoray “ “

* Beesha Toban Kunley: sheeko taxane ah waxaan ku qoray wargeyska Xog-Ogaal.

Qoraallada sare ku xusan, dhowr akhriste ayaa dood iyo muran ka keenay oo waxay u

arkeen {Controversial} dhan u janjeera. Sannadkaan waxaan qoray buug la yiraah:

Hadimadii Gumeysiga & Halgankii Ummadda, wuxuu ka kooban yahay {21 chapters &

320 pages A5}. Hawshii laaxintirka hikaadda waa dhamaatay waxaase u harsan hawshii

qurxinta iyo qaabaynta {artwork} ee daabacaadda ka horaysay, Insha-Allaah dhowaan

ayuu soo bixi doonaa. Haddaba buuggaani si aanu u noqon {controversial} waxaan

jeclaystay inaan akhristeyaasha hordhac ahaan ugu soo gudbiyo saddex cutub oo kala ah:

10aad, 11aad iyo 21aad. Akhristeyaasha waxaan ka codsanayaa inay ii soo gudbiyaan:

talo & tusaale, wax-ku-daris & wax-ka-dhimis, jawaab-celinta {feedback & comments}

waxaa la iigu soo hagaajin karaa: ama tifaftiraha wargeyska

Ayaamaha ee Xamar. Si gaar ah waxaan u danaynayaa oo akhristeyaasha si weyn uga

codsanayaa arrimaha hoos ku qoran:

· Cutubka 10aad: fadlan ka soo talo-bixi qeybta dastuurkii dalka hooyo, wax-kukordhin

ama wax-ka-dhimis, siiba eraybixin kaga haboon Wasiir waxaa beddelay


· Cutubka 11aad: fadlan ka soo talo-bixi qeybta magac kaga haboon shanta

magac ee aan ugu waqlalay kooxaha Tabcane Tigree.

· Cutubka 21aad: fadlan ka soo talo-bixi qeybta afar wax lagu waayey laba

laguma doon, haddii la heli karo eraybixin kaloo kaga haboon.



Cutubka 10aad: Aas-aaskii 30ka Urur-qabiil:

Dagaalkii 77 faktii hore Soomaaliya ayaa ku guulaysatay, balse ugu dambeystii wuxuu

isu beddelay guul iyo libin u soo hoyatay Ethiopia. Kornayl Mingiste markay u suurtoobi

wayday inuu guluf milateri ku qabsado guud ahaan Soomaaliya, mar labaad wuxuu

hindisay tab iyo xeellad cusub, taasoo si rasmi ah loogu burburiyey qarankii Soomaalida.

Taariikhiyan bulshada Soomaalidu waa reer-guuraa hadba u naqraaca meeshii roob ka

curto, waa madegane xoolaha daba socda oo aan lahayn deegaan ab laga soo gaar ah oo

xudduntiisu ku aasan tahay, deegaankiisu waa cosobsi iyo berrinkii tigaad leh ee xooluhu

xilligaas daaq ka helayaan, waxaaana ugu wacan dabeecadda xoolo dhaqatada ayaa

sidaaas ah meel ay dunida ka joogaanba.

Dhaqankii reer-guuraagu wuxuu dhalay in bulshada Soomaalidu aysan ahayn

waddaniyiin, in yar oo fara ku tiris ah mooyee, waxaa taas u sii dheer waa dad xiiso

badan oo hadba meel cusub u hayaama. Tusaale u soo qaado Soomaalidii qurbaha u

yaacday, waxaa la arkay qoys magangelyo weydiistay Kanada, sannad kadibna u guuray

Awstaraaliya, sannad kadibna Ingiriiska iska dhiibay. Maahmaah tiro badan ayaa lagu

fasiray cosobsiga iyo hayaanka geediga, waxaa ka mid ah “ragga socodku waa u door

hadduu meel ku daalo amase qoore lushaa qayr ku jiraa iwm. Reer-guuraaga ratiga ayaa u

raran oo geela ayey daba joogaan, hadba meeshii hashu ka hesho baad iyo biyo ayaa

dalkooda ah, weligoodna kuma fekeraan inay yeeshaan deegaan rasmi ah oo cabiran.

Sahan tirokoob loogu kuurgalay hab-dhaqanka bulshada ee la xiriira waddaniyadda,

waxaa la ogaaday dadka Jareerka ah ee deggan jiinka wabiyada iyo dadka reer Xamarka

ah ama Banaadiriga inay ka waddanisan yihiin daaqsatada reer-guuraaga ah oo dalkoodu

yahay hadba meeshii ay joogaan. Laga soo bilaabo aas-aaskii SYL, Jareerka iyo

Banaadirigu qeyb libaax ayey ka soo qaateen xarakaddii xorriyad doonka, illaa maantana

waxay u geyfan yihiin midnimada Soomaali-weyn iyo masiir mustaqbal wacan leh, kana

mid maaha kooxaha loo yaqaan Tabcane Tigree ee mas’uulka ka qaranjabka Soomaaliya.

Kutubta lagu keydiyo taariikhdii dunidu soo martay, waxaa ku qoran ummaddo baaba’ay

ama ummaddo kale ku milmay kuwaasoo hayb qarameed-koodii {identity} ay luntay,

waayadii hore dhulkii ay deganaayeenna ummaddo kale ka dhaxleen, sidaasna ku

tirtirmay. Alle oo samatabixiya iyo iyadoo isdaba qabata mooyee, Soomaalida maanta in

magaceedu lumo oo ay ummaddo kale ku dhex milanto ayaa laga baqayaa. Baddii sun

baa lagu shubay berrigiina saxraa ayaa laga dhigay, dan guud waxaa lagu beddelay dan

gaar, hidde dhaqankiina waa laga tegay. Soomaalida qurbaha u yaacday, markay

waddamada Carabta joogaan waxay qaataan dharka Carabtu xirato sida: qamiis, cigaal,

cimaamad iwm. Markay joogaan Yurub iyo Ameerika waxay qaataan dharka reer

Galbeedku xirto sida {suit, tie & jeans}, Soomaalidu oo meel iskaga tuurtay dharkii ay

hidde dhaqanka u lahaan jirtay, maanta waa qowmiyadda qura ee aan lahayn lebbis lagu

yaqaan iyo cunto hidde ahaan lagu yaqaan. {National dress & national dish}.

Hay’adda UNESCO ayaa ardayda Soomaalida ugu deeqday daabacaadda buugaagta

dugsiyada ee fasallada Afka Soomaaliga, Hay’addu markii hore waxay aaminsanayd in

Af-Soomaaligu mid qura yahay, hase ahaatee waxay la kulantay caqabado tiro badan.

Beelaha Digil & Mirifle waxay ku doodeen in daabacaadda buugaagta laga dhigo laba

nooc, qeyb Afka Maxaatiri lagu qoro iyo qeyb Afka Maymaay lagu qoro. Qeybtii

Maxaatiri ayaa misna la sii kala qeybiyey, reer Woqooyi waxay ku andacoodeen in aysan

reer Koofurta isku Af-Soomaali ahayn oo aysan is fahmi karin. Seben xumaadka iyo

saranseerka qaxootiga, Soomaalidii saafida iyo isku sinjiga beri ahaan jirtay, maanta waa

kala socotay oo midnimo waa ka salguurtay.

Alle mahadi Af-Soomaaligu waa luqad hodon ka ah dhan kasta Teknolojiyada mooyee,

meselan Af-Ingiriiska naagta la qabo waxaa lagu yiraah {wife} keliya oo eray bixin kale

maleh, laakiin Afka-Soomaaliga waxaa lagu yiraah (xaas, afo, arad, oori, xilo, marwo,

maranti, bilcaan, daalli, geesaxir, u-dhaxday iwm). 1973kii markii la hirgeliyey qorista

Far-Soomaaliga, guddigii loo xilsaaray dhaqangelintisa waxay go’aamiyeen eraybixintii

Af-Soomaali laga waayo in laga qaato Carabiga, balse cilmiga Teknalojiyada laga qaato

Af-Gireek sida ay ugu qoran yihiin Laatiinka. Sebenka qaranjabka Soomaalinimadii

waxaa ka haray luqadii iyo muqaalkii isu-ekaanta keliya. Soomaalida oo aan ahayn

waddaniyiin darteed, Af-Soomaaligii hodonka ahaa erayo tiro badan oo weliba muhiim

ah ayaa laga tegay, tusaale eraygii dukaan waxaa lagu beddelay {shop} meel kasta

waxaad ku arki shop hebel, sidoo kale eraygii laanta waxaa lagu beddelay {branch}, meel

kasta waxaad ku arki branch hebel, maqaayada waxaa lagu beddelay (restaurant), meel

kasta waxaad ku arki restaurant hebel. Ciwaanka iyo magacayda ku qoran goobaha

ganacsiga 90% waa Af-Ingiriis. Inta badan Soomaalidu waa jaahiliin ay iskaga qaldan

tahay cilmiga aqoonta iyo ku hadalka luqad shisheeye, Af qalaad aqoon maahan ee taas

hala ogaado. Sebenka qaranjabka hoggaamiye kooxeedyadu markay idaacadaha ka

hadlayaan, waxay isku barxaan Af-Soomaali iyo Af-Ingiriisi, sababtoo ah waxay

aaminsan yihiin ku hadalka Af-Ingiriisku inuu yahay ilbaxnimo iyo dabaqad sare,

fekradaasi waxay cuskan tahay jaahilnimo iyo liidnimo.

Sebenka qaranjabka waxbarashadii dalka waxaa gacanta ku dhigay oo si rasmi ah ula

wareegay laba kooxood. Dhalinyarada loo yaqaan Gardheerayaasha oo laga soo khaliifay

waddamada Carabta, waxaa qandaraas lagu siiyey inay ubadka Soomaaliyeed

Carabeeyaan isla markaana rukumada u siibaan hidde dhaqanka Soomaalida. Kooxda

labaad oo ah NGOS reer Galbeedka oo dantoodu tahay inay meelmariyaan mashruuca

loo yaqaan Kimis iyo Kitaab laysku lamaaniyey {Biscuit and Bible} iyaguna waxay ku

hawlan yihiin burburinta hide dhaqanka iyo hirgelinta Kirishtaanka. 1993kii 185

waxgarad oo ka tirsan culumada diinta ayaa soo saaray baaq ciwaankiisu ahaa Ka Kacaay

Kirishtaa Timide. Kirishtaamaynta mustaqbalka fog ka sokow, iyaguna waxay qeyb

libaax ka qaataan dhaqan doorsoonka laba-daraale tirtiris Af-Soomaaliga. Ardayda

dhigata dugsiyada sare ee labadaan kooxood maamulaan Af-Soomaaliga waa ku hadlaan

balse ma qoraan, xataa lama barin oo ma kala yaqaaniin: shaqal iyo shibbane, magac iyo

magac-u-yaal, fal iyo fal-kaab iwm. Kooxda Gardheer waxay ardayda baraan Af-Carabi

iyo dhaqan Carbeed keliya, sidoo kale kooxda Kimis iyo Kitaab waxay ardayda baraan

afafka reer Galbeedka iyo dhaqanka Cilmaaniyadda.

Murugmaarugtii Mucaaradka:

Maahmaah baa waxay leedahay “laba bilood is kama feer bishaan ee laba garood baa

iska feer dhasha”. Taliskii MSBarre oo ahaa macangag arxamdaran iyo waxaa is

biirsaday jabhad-Soomaali aan waddani ahayn. Runtii xaq bay ahayd in la mucaarado oo

laga horyimaado maamulkii qabyaaladda ku dhisnaa ee MSBarre, laakiin gar ma ahayn in

Amxaaro la miciinsado oo muraadkii Mingiste la meelmariyo. Maalintii Soomaalidu

dagaalka ku guuldaraystay ee ciidankeeda la jebiyey, bil kadib oo ku beegan 09/04/1978,

koox Kornayl Maxamud Sheekh Cismaan “Cirro” horkacayey ayaa hollisay inqilaab

milateri oo ay xukunka kaga qabsadaan MSBarre, waa ka dhicisoobay oo waa laga

adkaaday. Intii la toogtay ama la xiray mooyee, intii kale oo Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed

horsocdo waxay hub ka doonteen Mingiste, taasina waxay bishaaro iyo bilqayr u ahayd

cadowga Soomaalida oo ah Ethiopia.

Mucaaradkii magangalay Mingiste, waxay Amxaarada u ahayd fursad dahabi ah oo

qarniyaal Ethiopia doon doonaysay, ciidan Ethiopiaan ah oo loo lebisay dharka jabhaddii

SSDF oo ay gar-hayaan saraakiil midabka iyo magaca Soomaali ka ah, balse maanka

Amxaaro ka ah ayaa Luulyo 1982 qabsaday degmooyinka Balanballe iyo Galdogob oo

ka tirsan gobollada dhexe, waxaase Radio Adis-Ababa laga shaaciyey in Jabhadda SSDF

ay burburisay ciidankii MSBarre oo ay ka xoraysay Balanballe iyo Galdogob. Saraakiil

(siyaasi & milateriba) magaca Soomaali ka ah inay Radio Adis Ababa ka soo baahiyaan

saddex xaraf (SSDF-SNM-USC-SPM-SDM iwm) oo lagu sheego jabhad xaq-u-dirir ah

waxay noqotay wax laysugu faano {fashion} iyo bartilmaameed la tiigsado. Hadafkii

soddonka urur-qabiil halaaggii laga dhaxlay oo faahfaahsan waxaaad ka helaysaa Buugga

Sababihii Burburka Soomaaliya, cutubka Kacaankii Luggooyo, waaxda Mucaaradkii

MSBarre xukunka ka tuuray.

Janaayo 1991kii dalka waxaa ka jirtay shanta urur-qabiil ee sare ku magaacaban, SNM

mooyee inta kale dhowr garab ayey u kala jabeen oo qaar baa la toban jibaaray sida USC.

Muddo shan sano ah oo ku began Janaayo 1995kii waxaa dalka ka jiray 53 urur-qabiil

una sii qeybsan 30 urur-qabiil oo Zuu & Dhashiike ku hubaysan iyo 23 yar-yar oo afka

iyo AK47 ku hubaysan, waxaa soo raaca 25 firqo diimeed, kuwaasi oo dhammaan isku

magacaabay xaq-u-dirir hagaajinta maamulka u halgamaya, balse guuxa dadweynuhu

wuxuu ku naanaysay Raq Joogta Rafaadka Maandeeq. Abwaannada ku xeesha dheer halabuurka

maansada, ragga horbooda 30ka urur-qabiil waxay u bixiyeen dhowr magac oo

runtii ku haboon. Mustafe Sheekh Cilmi, yoolka hoggaamiye kooxeedyadu higsadaan

wuxuu ku tilmaamay “Mar i dhaha Madaxweyne”. Cabdulqaadir Xersi Yamyam, habdhaqanka

dhiigya-cabyada dalka burburiyey wuxuu ku sifeeyey: Midig-ku-dhiigle,

maskax-ku-dhiigle, maan-ku-dhiigle, mici-ku-dhiigle, maqal-ku-dhiigle, maro-ku-dhiigle,

maja-ku-dhiigle, midi-ku-dhiigle, magli-ku-dhiigle, manhaj-ku-dhiigle, magac-ku-dhiigle

= wada-dhiigle, dhiig-dabaashe !!!

Hoggaamiye kooxeedyadu waxay ka midaysan yihiin laba arrimood: tan 1aad waa u

hanqaltaagga hoggaaminta dalka, tan 2aad waa rag aqoonta diintu ku yar tahay oo waxay

aaminsan yihiin quraafaad iyo sixir. 1995kii sheekadii “Danley iyo ilma Dahabo

Toolmoon”ee ku soo bixi jirtay wargeyska Xog-ogaal waxaaan ku qoray, hoggaamiye

kooxeedyadu inay aad ugu dhega-nugul yihiin talada kuhaannada ee ku dhisan

quraafaadka, waxay kula taliyeen si ay yoolkooda ku gaaraan oo madaxweyne u noqdaan,

waxaa sixir-fur u ah inay marka hore midigta ku dhigaan: (Caano baqal & carrab

yaxaas, waraabe rabaayad ah, sambab malaay, xaar-mas, ilxayr baranbaro, xameeti

geel, maskan umul 80 jir ah, qardhaas ku qoran Towreed iwm). Weli waxay goobayaan

oo ku mashquulsan yihiin helitaanka waxyaabaha kuhaannadu ku sheegeen inay sixirfurka

u yihiin hannashada hoggaaminta dalka.

Walow jallaafada Ethiopia ay wax kasta ka xoog badan tahay, haddana Muslim iyo

Gaalo, Madow iyo Caddaan samatabixinta Soomaaliya waa loo soo gurmaday, waxaa

dalka dibediisa lagu qabtay ugu yaraan 15 shir oo loo agaasimay dib-u-heshiisinta

ururada Soomaaliya ka amar-ku-taagleeya. Shirkii ugu horeeyey oo lagu qabtay Jabuuti,

21/07/1991kii ayaa Mudane Cali Mahdi Maxamed loo doortay madaxweyne ku meel

gaar ah muddo laba sano ah, waxaa lagu soo afjaray oo lagu qatimay shirkii 15aad oo

lagu qabtay Mbaghti-Keenya, 10/10/2004 oo Kornayl Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed loo

doortay madaxweyne muddo shan sano ah.

15kii shir ee daafaha dunida lagu qabtay waxay noqdeen madhalays aan wax natiijo ah

laga macaashin, shir kasta waxaa lagu ebyaa oo lagu soo bandhigaa waxaa hoggaamiye

kooxeedyadu ku magacaabaan Axdiga ku-meel-gaarka ah oo ah dastuur qodobadiisa aad

loo qurxiyey, balse aan weligi la dhaqangelin. Meesiga gammaanka waa saddexda qoob

garaangir ee loo yaqaan (fardaha, baqlaha & dameeraha) marka la layli barayo ama la

rarayo danan iyo qaylo dheer ayey isku daraan, hasa ahaatee marka libaax ama waraabe

cunayo way aamusaan, sababatu maxay tahay? Nafley la cunayo inuu aamuso oo ah

arrin mujiso ah, dadka loo yaqaan (ahlu caqli wal qiyaas) markay ka fekereen sababta

gammaanku la aamuso marka dugaagu cunayo, waxay ku qiyaaseen inay faraxsan yihiin

oo ay leeyihiin kuna tasbiixsanayaaan “laba lugoodle ayaa i dhibay oo rar iyo

fuullimaad isugu key daray ee adaan isku nahay afar lugoodle ee iska key cun walaal”

Sidaas oo kale waxaa lays weydiiyey sababata hoggaamiye kooxeedyadu ay u dhaqan

gelin waayeen dhowrkii Axdi ku-meel-gaar ee ay diyaariyeen? Soomaalida fekerta ee

loo yaqaan (ahlu caqli wal qiyaas) markay ka baaraan-degeen qodobada lagu qeexay

dastuurada sababta loo hirgelin waayey isla markaana dalku u yeelan waayey dowlad

dhexe, waxay qiyaaseen in hoggaamiye kooxeedyadu ay dalka u dejiyeen dastuur qoraal

ahaan dahsoon, balse ficil ahaan si rasmi ah u dhaqan galay.

Dowladii daaqiliga ahayd 1958kii dastuur ku meel gaar ah ayey dalka u dejisay,

20/06/1961kii ayaa afti dadweyne lagu dhaqan geliyey, wuxuu ahaa dastuur

dimoqoraadiyad fowdo ah ku salaysan. MSBarre ayaa dastuurkaas rafacay, markii hore

wuxuu ku beddelay 13kii qodob ee Axdiga Kacaanka, mar kale 25/08/1979kii ayaa

Kacaanku dejiyey dastuurkii 114 kaasoo lagu sargooyey danaha Kacaanka. Haddaba

hoggaamiye kooxeedyada oo muddo dheer ku mashquulsanaa sidii ay u beddeli

lahaayeen dastuurkii MSBarre, shir qarsoodi ah oo ay ku yeesheen meel mugdi ah oo ku

taal Ethiopia waxay isku waafaqeen inay dalka u dejiyaan dastuur cusub oo liddi ku ah

kii MSBarre. Hoggaamiye kooxeedyadu dastuurkii dalka hooyo waxay u qoreen sida

hoos ku faahfaahsan:

Dastuurkii dalka hooyo:

* Soomaaliweyn waxaa beddelay = Soomaali yar-yar

* Madaxweyne qaran waxaa beddelay = Madaxweyneyaal qabiil

* Jamhuuriyadii Soomaaliya waxaa beddelay = Lixland (Somaliland, Puntland,

Hiiraanland, Banaadirland, Bayland iyo Jubbaland)

* Qaran iyo quwad waxaa beddelay = Qabiil & qaranjab

* Dowlad dhexe waxaa beddelay = Dagaal-ooge & danayste qabiil

* Midnimo waxaa beddelay = Tafaraaruq

* Soomaalinimo waxaa beddelay = Qabyaalad

* Waddaniyad waxaa beddelay = Walaahow

* Waddan jacayl waxaa beddelay = Qaxooti jacayl

* Dan guud waxaa beddelay = Dan gaar

* Soomaali ha is raacdo waxaa beddelay = Soomaali ha is raamsato

* Soomaaliyey toosoo isku tiirsada waxaa beddelay = Soomaaliyey kala tagoo istumaatiya

* Dimoqoraadiyad waxaa beddelay = Digtatooriyad

* Gole Baarlamaan waxaa beddelay = Guurti beeleed

* Xildhibaan waxaa beddelay = Xigdhibaan

* Guddoomiye urur-siyaaso waxaa beddelay = Tabcane Tigree

* Wasiir waxaa beddelay = Dilaa-sare

* Jannan waxaa beddelay = Jabhad

* Safiir waxaa beddelay = Boos-celis

* Maxkamadihii dastuurka waxaa beddelay = Maxkamad Islaami beeleed

* Raadiyihii codka Jamhuuriyadda waxaa beddelay = Raadiyaha beesha hubaysan

* Wargeysyadii qaranka waxaa beddelay = wargeys-yare beeleed

* Minashiibiyo waxaa beddelay = Cabdalle Shideeye

* Basaboor waxaa beddelay = Isxambaar

* Wasaarad waxaa beddelay = NGO

* Banki waxaa beddelay = Xawaalad

* Lacag qaran waxaa beddelay = Iska daabaco Bilyano

* Boliis waxaa beddelay = Burcad hubaysan

* Milateri waxaa beddelay = Mooryaan

* Ciidankii NSS waxaa beddelay = Jaajuus Ethiopia

* Koofiyad-Cas (PM) waxaa beddelay = Gaandheri & Istaaf

* Ciidankii Asluubta waxaa beddelay = Iskaashatada Meyd asturka

* Xabsi waxaa beddelay = Xabaal

* Maxbuus waxaa beddelay = Marxuum

* Saldhig Boliis waxaa beddelay = Rugta Afduubka

* Amaan iyo iqyaar socod waxaa beddelay = Isbaaro & edeg Ibliis

* Biri-ma-geydo waxaa beddelay = Baroon ku xasuuq

* Deris-wanaag waxaa beddelay = Dagaal sokeeye


* Siyaasi waxaa beddelay = Qabqable

* Aqoonyahan waxaa beddelay = Dagaalyahan

* Indheergarato waxaa beddelay = Afmiishaar

* Saraakiil waxaa beddelay = Rijaalul Seben

* Ugaas waxaa beddelay = Afarjeeble

* Wayeel taliya waxaa beddelay = Wiil qorileh

* Wada-tashi waxaa beddelay = Teyda-raac

* Samadoon waxaa beddelay = Sun-walaaqe

* Ganacsato waxaa beddelay = Tujaarul Xarbi

* Baayacmushtar waxaa beddelay = Bililiqo iibin

* Mujaahid waxaa beddelay = Mujaahil

* Xaq-u-dirir waxaa beddelay = Xukun-u-dirir

* Halgan waxaa beddelay = Halaag

* Kursi doon waxaa beddelay = Kadeed abuur


* Alle bari waxaa beddelay = Gaalo bari

* Alle ka cabsi waxaa beddelay = Gaalo ka cabsi

* Islaamnimo waxaa beddelay = Afka-baarkiisa

* Diin midaysan waxaa beddelay = Dariiqooyin is diidan

* Wadaad welimeysta waxaa beddelay = Wahaabi shaqaysta

* Caqiido diimeed waxaa beddelay = Caadifad qabiil

* Gabdho guursi waxaa beddelay = Garoob lacag leh

* Goobihii Caweyska waxaa beddelay = Cillaansaar & Casir-leged

* Marwo dumar waxaa beddelay = Majaafo qayisha

* Meher waxaa beddelay = Maxjabad kufsi

* Qudaar cunis waxaa beddelay = qaad raamsi

* Ilka cadde waxaa beddelay = Af-ligis

* Dhaqan waxaa beddelay = Dhalanteed

* Asluub wanaag waxaa beddelay = Anshax-xumo

* Midab dabeeci waxaa beddelay = Kiimikada Diyaana


* Milkiyad maguurto waxaa beddelay = Murugmaarug & Maantaan xoraystay

* Xishood & xalaal miirato waxaa beddelay = Xaabsi & Xaaraan ku naax

* Qalin waxaa beddelay = Qori

* Musuq waxaa beddelay = Marooqsi

* Xeelad waxaaa beddelay = Xoog

* Xukun waxaa beddelay = Xabad

* Caqli waxaa beddelay = Cudud

* Laaluush waxaa beddelay = Leejo


* Nabad waxaa beddelay = Colaad

* Farxad waxaa beddelay = Fajac & amakaag

* Raaxo waxaa beddelay = Rafaad

* Maaweelo waxaa beddelay = Murugo

* Naallo waxaa beddelay = Naxdin

* Qosol waxaa beddelay = Qamuunyo

* Qadarin waxaa beddelay = Quursi

* Haybad waxaa beddelay = Habacsanaan

* Sharaf waxaa beddelay = Sharaf-xumo

* Shaqo waxaa beddelay = Shaxaad

* Shaqo rag waxaa beddelay = Shaari-shaari dumar

* Masruuf waxaa beddelay = Mahayo

* Tacab waxaa beddelay = Tuugsi

* Gobanimo waxaa beddelay = Gunnimo

* Himilo waxaa beddelay = Hungow

* Heshiis waxaa beddelay = Hagardaamo

* Qaddiyad waxaa beddelay = Qalalaase

* Jaangooyo waxaa beddelay = Jaantaa-rogan

* Qorshayn waxaa beddelay = Qarqoosh

* Maamul waxaa beddelay = Muran

* Daryeel bulsho waxaa beddelay = Dil-dhac-kufsi

* Cadaalad waxaa beddelay = Jowrfal

.* Xuquuqul iinsaan waxaa beddelay = Gaboodfal

* Gar waxaa beddelay = Gardarro

* Sinaan waxaa beddelay = Kala-sarayn & qabiil ku faan

* Horumar waxaa beddelay = Burbur & barakac

* Barwaaqo waxaa beddelay = Cagabarar

* Daawo waxtar leh waxaa beddelay = Dambaska Hindiya

* Daaweyn dhaqtar waxaaa beddelay = Dollar mahaysaa

* .Caafimaad waxaa beddelay = Cudur & daacuun


* Reer Magaal waxaa beddelay = Reer Miyi

* Feer magaalo waxaa beddelay = Fargan leeb

* Gibilcad waxaa beddelay = Gibilmadow

* Mag ama diyo waxaa beddelay = Bac-madow

* Bilic iyo ubax waxaa beddelay = Qabri iyo qashin

* Xamar-weyne waxaa beddelay = Xamar-jadiid

* Suuqii Ceelgaab waxaa beddelay = Suuqa bakaaraha

* Baar waxaa beddelay = Buush

* Ambalaas waxaa beddelay = Gaarigacan

* Taksile waxaa beddelay = Umul-gaad

* Socodka baabuurta, seedkii midig waxaa beddelay = Seed bidix

* Dhiil waxaa beddelay = Caag

* Dambiil waxaa beddelay = Bac


* Aqoon waxaa beddelay = Jaahilnimo

* Aqoon-dirsi waxaa beddelay = Agoon-dirsi

* Xoolo-dhoofin waxaa beddelay = Dad dhoofin

* Moos dhoofin waxaa beddelay = Dhuxul dhoofin

* Galley beeris waxaa beddelay = Xashiis beeris

* Caano xoolaad waxaa beddelay = Caano Boore

* Duur-joog (ugaadh) waxaa beddelay = Digaag

* Naq & doog waxaa beddelay = Nabaadguur & Geed Yuhuud


* Talyaani waxaa beddelay = Tigree

* Rooma waxaa beddelay = Adis Ababa

* Somali State waxaa beddelay = Kilinka 6aad ee Ethiopia


Tacab Shiidle:

Nabi MUXAMED-nnkh- wuxuu yiri “qofkii wax wanaagsan jideeya, wuxuu leeyahay

ajirkeeda iyo dadka ku raaca ama uga dayda ajirkooda oo kale. Qofkii munkar iyo

xumaan jideeya wuxuu helayaa dembigeeda iyo dadka ku raaca ama uga dayda

dembigooda oo kale”. Haddaba 30ka urur-qabiil ee Adis Ababa lagu aas-aasay ajar iyo

eedba waxaa loo nisbayn doonaa Kornayl Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed oo ah sarkaalkii

ugu horeeyey ee hoos galay Mingiste isla markaana bilaabay hawsha jabhadaynta. Rag

badan ayaa hidde raacay dhabbihii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf jeexay, waxayna dalka u

horseedeen qabyaalad, qalalaase iyo qaranjab. Cabdullaahi Yuusuf inuu beddelo

MSBarre waa mucjiso maanka fayow diidan yahay iyo waxaan la sugeyn oo weliba aan

la sii saadaalin.

Maamulkii MSBarre waxaa araxda jebiyey guuldaradii dagaalkii 77, kadibna waxaaba

muran iyo mugdi galay midnimadii jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya. Walow MSBarre

weysadu ka jabtay oo uu arjarkiisii cunay, macnihii wanaagii uu falay iyo waxqabadkii

Kacaanka, wuxuu ka dambaysiiyey jowrfal iyo jarriimooyin waaweyn, haddana MSBarre

wuxuu ahaa hoggaamiyihii ugu waxqabadka badnaa ee abid soo mara maamulka

Soomaaliya, laga soo bilaabo 07/05/1956 oo ku beegan maalintii Cabdullaahi Ciise loo

dhaariyey RW dowladdii daaqiliga ahayd ee maamulkii {AFIS}.

Laga soo bilaabo yaaraantiisii markii askarta loo qoray MSBarre wuxuu ku fekeri jiray

oo bartilmaameed u ahayd inay taariikhda u gasho hoggaamiyihii Soomaaliya ka

hirgeliyey saddex arrimood, runtii waa ku tallaabsaday taabagelinta saddexdii,

ayaandarrose saddexdiiba waa ku guuldaraystay, waayo MSBarre markuu wax qabanayo

wuxuu oran jiray muruqeenna iyo maskaxdeenna ayaan ku meelmarinaynaa ee halhays

uma lahayn Insha-Allaah iyo idinka Eebbe ayaa lagu fulinayaa. Libin ninkii holliya ayaa

hela, saddexdii arrimood ee MSBarre ku dadaalay inuu fuliyo, waxay kala ahaayeen:

(1) MSBarre markuu talada la wareegay, wuxuu mudnaata hore siiyey inuu saddexdii

gobol ee xilligaas ku jiray gacanta Gumeysiga (Somali Galbeed, NFD iyo Jabuuti) ka

xoreeyo heeryada Gumeysiga, lana unko Soomaaliweyn xor ah oo hal calan leh. Marka la

qiimeeyo sidii Kacaanku u garab istaagay jabhadihii gobanima-doonka, MSBarre waxaa

loo aqoonsan doonaa xoreeye guuldaraystay {Defeated Liberator}. Runtii dadaalkiisii ku

wajahnaa xoraynta Soomaali Galbeed illaa xad waa ku guulaystay waxaase burburiyey

oo araxda jebiyey quwaddii Bahdii Warso Bari, hobollada Waaberi ayaa ku heesay

“Galbeed waa la xoreeyey Waarsaa gaagixisay”

(2) Marka la yagleelo oo seeska loo dhigo Soomaaliweyn xor ah, wacyigelin iyo

baraarujin kadib in garaadka bulshada kor loo qaado oo laga xoreeyo hanqaltaagga

maamul jacaylka ku dhisan ee siyaasiyiinta gobolka Woqooyi-Bari SSDF. Habeenkii

talaadada 21/10/1969, Baarlamaan ku sheegi Soomaaliya wuxuu ka doodayey ansaxinta

in Muuse Boqor ka dhaxlo jagada madaxweynaha ina-adeerki Cabdirashiid Cali

Sharma’arke. Gabay xigmad leh ayaa waxaa ka mid ah (dowladnimadii maxaa ka dhigay

boqor dumaal yeeshay). Inqilaabkii MSBarre talada dalka kula wareegay runtii wuxuu

ahaa guul taariikhi ah, marka la qiimeeyo hadafkii sebenkaas taagnaa ee nuxurkiisu ahaa

Boqortooyadii reer Bosaaso in dib loo soo nooleeyo, MSBarre wuxuu ahaa Mahdi Alle u

soo diray samata-bixinta Soomaalidii dulmanayd.

Dadaalkii xiriirsanaa 21ka sano wuxuu noqday hal bacaad lagu lisay, waxaa muuqata in

MSBarre ku guuldaraystay inuu Soomaali ka xoreeyo reer Garowe, maxaa yeelay 15

sano oo halgan hubaysan lagu doon-doonayey cadaalad iyo xorriyad kadib, 10/10/2004

Xildhibaanada beelaha Soomaalidu waxay cod aqlabiyad ah ku doorteen Kornayl

Cabdullahi Yuusuf Axmed oo Soomaali saqiir iyo kabiir ka wada dheregsan tahay

taariikhdiisa madow. Halgankii la galay biyo-dhaciisu ma wuxuu la mid noqday,

xaamiladii dhibkii foosha dhaliweyday ee saygeedii jamatay? Nin baa yiri, laba walba

waa isa saaray ee laba tagoogood isma saarin. Abshir Bacadle oo la kulmay xaalad la mid

ah yaabka yaabkiise iyo qaraw riyo maalmeed, ayaa ku shirbay: Kundishe aani kadib

miyaa la keenay Keenadid labaad?

1960-yadii beel yar oo ku dhex noolayd Abgaal oo magaceedu ahaa Galgalo ayaa loogu

waqlalay Nuux Maxamuud Sulaymaan, waxaana loogu abtiriyey haybta Majeerteen. Nin

beesha Galgalo u dhashay ayaa ka haajiray degmada Geeddi Xayr, wuxuu degay Garowe,

muddo markuu ku noolaa degaankaas, wuxuu doonay oo u gogol fariistay gabadh

Majeerteen ah, si dadban ayaa loogu diiday waxaana lagu yiri “boowe magaca Nuux

Maxamuud Sulaymaan ha ku deeqo”. Ninkii ayaa fahmay abtirsigii loo laqimay inuu

ahaa afka baarkiisa aan markii horeba uurka jirin, dabadeed markuu ku hungoobay hiyiraacii

haybta Majeerteen oo yaqiinsaday inuu ku tolan yahay Abgaal, wuxuu ku shirbay

“Habaar-qabaa i hoojiyee ninkii i hayn jirow i hoo”. Sidaas oo kale dadaalkii MSBarre

oo dhicisoobay wuxuu la mid noqday Tacab-Shiidle, waayo qofka xuquuqda ka maqan

yaqaan ayaa loo doodi karaa. Doorashada Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waxay la mid tahay

Soomaali oo tiri “MSBarre ayaa na hodaye, ninkii noo talin jirow noo tali” Walow

maamulkii MSBarre laga dhaxlay guuldarro baaxadweyn taasoo laga sheekayn doono jiil

ka jiil, isla markaana dhibaatada hadda taagan inteeda badan turxaanteed uu beeray,

mas’uulna ka yahay mushkiladaha murugsan, haddana wuxuu mudan yahay in loo dhiso

Tallo Dahab ah, taariikhdiisana lagu darro manhajka dugsiyada waxbarashada, sababtoo

ah wuxuu ahaa geesigii tirtiray oo Soomaali ka badbaadiyey far-ku-sheegtii

Cusmaaniyada, wuxuu kaloo isku dayey kuna dadaalay inuu horjoogsado damaca

waalan iyo hanqaltaaga hoggamin jacaylka reer Garowe.

(3) 21kii sano ee maamulka MSBarre socday, wuxuu la kulmay barwaaqo xad-dhaaf ah,

dunida waxaa ka jiray dagaalkii qaboobaa iyo barwaaqadii Khaliijka Carabta {Oil

boom}. Juqoraafi ahaan Soomaaliya oo ku taal meel muhiim ah, waxay suurtagelisay in

quwadaha waaweyn iyo Carabta lacagta leh ay macaawino xad-dhaaf ah siiyaan

Soomaaliya. 21kaas sano waxaa lagu tilmaamaa sebenkii baraaraha Soomaaliya, dibna

loo arki mayo. MSBarre isagoo aan oran Insha-Allaah wuxuu go’aansaday oo si ficil ah

ugu tallaabsaday in beesha Mareexaan gorofta cayrta tuurto oo dhamaantood ay

barwaaqo dhex dabaashaan, wuxuu ka simay sarkaal sare iyo maalqabeen, 21kii sano

dhaqaalihii waddanka soo galay 80% waxaa qaatay beelaha MODH oo Mareexaan

hormood u ahaa. MSBarre intii uu ku xanuunsanaa Lagos-Nigeria, raggii Mareexaan ee

ka agdhowaa waxay isku soo qaadeen in duqa daaweyn loo geeyo isbitaalada hore-umaray

sida {Germany & USA}, waxay isku afgarteen in tujaarta Mareexaan mid kasta

laga qaado ugu yaraan toban kun oo dollar si daaweyn casri ah loogu helo Xaajiga

xanuunsanaya. Ayaandarro Bashiir Yarow kali ah ayaa qaaraan-wadaagii $10.000

bixiyey, intii kale waa laga waayey hagar iyo hanti la’aan mid ay ka ahaydba.

Ka dar oo dibi dhal. Dagaalkii Xadka iyo Xawaaraha ee Maleeshiyada MFCaydiid ay

Abrile 1992kii ku qabsatay gobolka Gedo, wuxuu horseeday dagaal cusub oo dhexmaray

SNA & SNF. Dagaalyahanno Mareexaan ah ayaa dullaan rogaal celis soo qaaday,

12/10/1992 waxay SNA ka qabsadeen magaalada Baardheere, Mareexaan rag iyo

rasaasba waa haystay, laakiin waxaa ciriiri uga jiray saadka iyo shidaalka. Waxay kaalmo

dhaqaale weydiisteen beelihii ay isku qadiyadda ahaayeen xilligaas, waxaa la yaab

lahayd, 21kii sano ee Mareexaan barwaaqaysnaa, Majeerteen qaxooti ku ahaa Bariga

Afrika inay bixyeen saadkii iyo shidaalkii Mareexaan ku dagaal galay. Yaraantaydii

gobollada dhexe waxaan odayaasha ka maqli jiray iyagoo ku sheekeeya “Gabadha

Mareexaan waxay dhashaa wiil dirac ah oo dagaalka ku firfircoon, laakiin guriga ay

gasho xooluhu kuma bataan”. Maalkii Mareexaan helay 21kii sano meel uu jaan iyo cirib

dhigay lama yaqaan, kaba sii darane hantidii maguurtada ahayd (beero & guryo) 80%

waa iska iibiyaan. Ayaandarro hantidii Mareexaan tacbay Alle kama dhigin bir ee baraf

bay noqotay. Sida muuqata burjiga Mareexaan wuxuu ku dhisan yahay shar iyo dagaal

laakiin maal iyo mushtar midna shaqo kuma leh.

Cutubka 11aad: Adeegayaasha Ethiopia:

Belaayada ugu darran iyo dhibaatada ugu culus ee bulsho soo foodsaarta, waxay tahay

markay isku dhex yaacdo oo la kala garan-waayo: danta guud iyo danta gaar, nacabka iyo

nasteexa, cadowga iyo saaxiibka, shisheeyaha iyo sokeeyaha. Taariikhdu waa mid

dhigan, dhambaaley uruurisaa, dhacdiyo mid la dhowrayoba. Muhiimaddda ugu weyn ee

loo diiiwaangeliyo taariikhda, waxay tahay in la barto xumaan iyo samaan wixii dhacay

sooyaalka. Waxaa jira hab-dhaqan aadamigu ka siman yahay, kaasoo ah marka

cadowgaagu jabo in lagu farxo, maahmaah calami ahna waxay leedahay “cadowgaaga

cadowgiisu waa saaxiibkaa”. 1920kii goortii Gumeysiga Ingiriisku u itaal sheegtay

kifaaxii Daraawiishta ee la jebiyey, Calidhuux oo ku farxay jabka ku dhacday Sayid

Maxamed ayaa ku maansooday:

Darmaan qalay wadaadkii wuxuu duunyo hayn jiraye,

Daaduufka aw Maxamed ku dhacay waan ku diirsadaye,

Waa lagu digtaa duul hadduu ku darnaan jiraye,

Bal dayooy wadaadkii wakaa sii dabayshadaye…

Cadowgaagu hadduu kufo oo sinbiriirixashada la dhul dhaco, waa lays raaciyaa oo waa la

sii tarantureeyaa ee lama toosiyo oo looma shantogo. Ethiopia iyo Soomaaliya

caodwtooyo ku salaysan dal iyo diin ayaa qarniyaal dhextiil, waqtiga ayaa saaciday

nasiib-wanaagga Ethiopia maanta Soomaaliya waa kuftay oo dhabarka ayey ka jabtay,

sidii lagu yiqiin Ethiopia doqon ma noqon ee iyadoo ka faa’iidaystay fursadda dahabiga

ah, dhaawacii Soomaaliya waa dhiibi-tirtay, waxayna sii raacisay meyd-garaac

waxaashnimo oo ka baxsan xeerarka gobanimo-u-dirirka iyo derisnimada. Fekradii

Soomaali ha is raacdo iyo halgankii Soomaaliweyn xor ah loogu jiray oo maanta sida

muuqata meesha ka baxay, Soomaalida kuftay si aanay mar dambe u soo kicin, Ethiopia

waxay jamhuuriyaddii Soomaaliya u qeybisay dhowr Maxmiyadood oo kala

madaxbannaan oo weliba col ah, tusaale Puntland iyo Somaliland mid kasta xiriir gaar ah

ayey la leedahay. Wadar jeer waxaa laysku deyey in dib loo yagleelo dowladdii

Soomaaliya ka burburtay, si qorshehaas looga miro-dhaliyo waxaa la qabtay 15 shir dibu-

heshiisiin, dadaal kasta Ethiopia ayaa fashalisa.

15kii shir, 9 ka mid ah waxaa lagu qabtay Ethiopia, 3 ka mid ahna waxaa lagu qabtay

Jabuuti, 2 ka mid ahna waxaa lagu qabtay Keenya, hal shirna waxaa lagu qabtay Masar.

Saddexdii shir ee Jabuuti lagu qabtay, 2 ka mid ah waxaa lagu dhisay dowlad (DKMG &

TNG), sidoo kale labadii shir ee Keenya lagu qabtay mid baa dowlad lagu dhisay (TFG),

shirkii Masarna waxaa lagu dhisay gole maamul ku meel gaar ah, hasa yeeshee sagaalkii

shir ee Ethiopia lagu qabaty waxba kama soo bixin, balse mar kasta waxaa Adis Ababa

laga abaabulaa danaystayaal dalka burburiya sida kooxda SRRC oo bishii Maarso 2001

lagu dhisay magaalada Hawaas ee Ethiopia. Kooxda SRRC oo fulinaysa dardaarankii

Meles Zenawi, mar kasta waxay ku tallaabsadaan qaranjabka Soomaaliya, kooxdani ama

waa damiir laawayaal aad u dun xun ama waa Amxaaro Af-Soomaali taqaan, sababtoo ah

shirkii OAU ee Lusaka-Zambia lagu qabatay 2003, iyadoo aan lagu marti-qaadin waxaa

madashii shirka tegay ergo ka socotay SRRC, waxay codsadeen in calanka Soomaaliya

laga siibo fagaaraha shirka oo dhulka lagu tuuro, maadaama xukumadda TNG ee

Cabdiqaasim madaxweynaha ka yahay aan loo dhamayn oo aysan Soomaaliya meteli

karin, hase yeeshee waa laga diiday oo waxaa loogu caqli celiyey maamulka TNG in

JQM ay u aqoonsan tahay dowlad Soomaaliyeed. Ethiopia waxay dagaal-oogayaasha

dalka burburiyey ugu deeqday hub xad-dhaaf, waxay kaloo isku soofaysay oo weliba

hubaysay inta badan qabaa’ilka Soomaalida si ay isu gumaadaan. Shirqoolka Ethiopia

wuxuu ku wajahan yahay in sinjiga Soomaalidu dabargo’ si ay u hesho bad iyo berri isku

qoofalan oo aan cidina lahayn ama ugu yaraan inay wiiqdo awoodda wax iska caabinta

Soomaalida, kadibna laga dhigo qabaa’il cadow isu ah oo Ethiopia hoos taga (kilinka


Dhulka miyaa dadkiisii dhintoo dhaxal la’aan jooga?

Dhulkaanow ma qowm kuu dhashoo ku dhagrayaa jira?


Tulud geela ayaa toban ku ruux weydaaye,

Dhulkaan tegay miyaan dhagaxna loo tuuraynin?

Ethiopia waxay si hawl yar ugu guulaystay inay Soomaaliya ka tirtirto kaadirka

indheergartada loo yaqaan sida: aqoonyahannada haybadda leh, saraakiisha kartida leh,

dhaqaatiirta taqasuuska leh, culumada diinta iyo wixii soo raaca. Murti baa waxay

leedahay bulshadii laga waayo: waayeel taliya, wadaad duceeya iyo wiil dagaallama,

bulshadaas belaayo ayaa ku habsatay oo burbur baa u sugnaaday, waa heerka maanta

Soomaalidu ku sugan tahay. Ethiopia waxay ku talo gashay markay layso oo gebi

ahaanba waddanka ka suuliso kaadirka aqoonta leh inay dalka isugu haraan waxmagarato

ku dhaqanta xeerka duurjoogta ee ku salaysan sida loo kala xoog weyn yahay in laysu

cuno {Survival of the fittest}, xeerkaas Ethiopia dejisay ayaa maanta Soomaaliya looga

dhaqmaa oo beeluhu sida ay u kala hub badan yihiin ayey isu bililiqaystaan, waxaa la

boobay oo la barakiciyey beelaha aan hubaysnayn sida Banaadiri ama Gibilcad. Hadba

dunida dad baa u kaca oo diin cusub la shir yimaada, shirqoolladii Ethiopia u dejisay

burburinta Soomaaliya si fiican ayey u hirgaleen. Ethiopia burburinta Soomaaliya ku

guulaysatay ayaa ku geeraartay “halaagga Soomaali hootadaan la helay hoodo iyo

nasiib wacan dheh”

Geed baa hadlay oo wuxuu yiri: Godiney haddaan gabalkey kugu daabnayn sidaa iima

goyseen. Ethiopia in aysan naxariis Soomaali u hayn oo u ixsaan falayn waa wax la og

yahay oo taariikhda ku xusan, laakiin waxaa ayaandarro laga naxo ah, rag magac

Soomaaliyeed leh, balse maankii laga xaday inay ku hadaaqaan Ethiopia tii hore maaha

oo waa xabiibkeen, waxayna jeceshahay samaanta iyo samata-bixinta Soomaaliya, wax

walba hiil iyo hoo waa nala garab taagan tahay, waxay u geyfan tahay sidii Soomaaliya

dowlad ku yeelan lahayd. Waxay kaloo ku hantaatacaan, Jaalle Meles Zenawi waa towri

dhalinyar oo maskax furan oo afkaartiisu waa ka duwan tahay Boqorradii Amxaarada iyo

dhiigyacabkii Kornayl Mingiste. Su’aasha isweydiinta mudan waxay tahay Meles iyo

Mingiste yey kala yihiin? Meles Zenawi isir ahaan waa Tigree ka soo jeeda

boqortooyadii faca weyneyd ee la oran jiray {Axum Empire ama Solomonid Kingdom}

waxayna ku abtirsataa Nabi Suleymaan iyo reer bini-Israel.

Boqorradii Tigree ee Ethiopia xukumi jiray waxaa ugu dambeeyey Emperor Teodoros oo

1863kii ismerjiyey naftana iska qaaday, waxaa xilkii kala wareegay Emperor Yohannes

1V oo dhintay 1889. Geeridii Yohannes 1V waxay soo afjartay boqortooyadii {Axum

Empire} ee ilaa qarnigii Caamul-fiil soo jirtay , xilligaas wixii ka dambeeyey Boqor

Menelik oo taageero isugu jirtay hiil iyo hoo ka helay boqorradii Ingiriiska (Queen

Victoria) ayaa maamulkiisa ku ballaariyey dhulweynaha Ethiopia, wuxuuna xoog ku

qabsaday gobollo cusub. Boqor Menelik ka hor boqorradii Ethiopia u talin jiray waxay

ahaayeen reer Aksum, waxay kaloo ahaayeen hormoodkii nidaamka dhulgoosiga iyo

Gumeysiga, waa boqortooyadii seeska u dhigtay dulmiga iyo kala sareynta Ethiopia weli

ka jirta.

Emperor Theodore ayaa 1855kii ku dhaartay inuu Muslimiinta ka tirtiri doono

mandaqada Bariga Afrika, mar kale Boqor Menelik ayaa 1887kii markuu qabsaday Harar

isna holliyey inuu meelmariyo dhaartii Theodore, Alle SWT ayaa horjoogsaday hindisihii

labada Kaafir. Maanta Meles Zenawi oo ka faa’iidaysanaya mashruuca loogu

magacdaray “La Dagaallanka Argagaxisada” oo nuxurkiisu yahay “La dagaallanka

Muslimiinta” wuxuu wacad ku maray oo weliba u geyfan yahay inuu dib u soo nooleeyo

fekradii Emperor Theodore. Bartamihii 1991kii Gaagaabta loo yaqaan Tigree ama

jabhadda TPLF markay xukunka Ethiopia la wareegeen, Meles Zenawi wuxuu

go’aansaday inuu dib u yagleelo oo boorka ka jafo afkaartii boqortooyadii {Axum

Empire}, laga soo bilaabo 1991kii wixii dhaqaale dalku helay (gudaha & dibeddaba)

waxaa loo weeciyey dhismaha iyo horumarinta gobolka Tigree, dalka intiisa kalena waa

la dayacay.

Kornayl Mingiste H. Mariam isir ahaan wuxuu u dhashay beesha Kulo-Konta oo taliskii

Mingiste ka hor ahaan jirtay addoomo Amxaaradu leedahay, sida xoolaha ayaa suuqa

lagu kala iibsan jiray, sharaf iyo karaamo weligood ma yeelan. Mingiste aabbahiisa ayaa

ahaan jiray addoon Xayle Salaase, taasina waxay suurtagelisay inuu waxbarto oo

ciidamada loo qoro ee beeshiisa waxbarasho iyo shaqo fiican midna looma oggolayn

waayadii hore. Marka aan su’aashii dib u soo celiyee, Meles iyo Mingiste keebaa

Gumeyste ah? Keebaa Kacaan ah oo u guntaday inuu wax xoreeyo? Jawaabta waxaa

laga sugayaa Kaadirka Ethiopia ee ku andacooday Meles Zenawi waa saaxiib daacad ah,

wuxuuna sutigaashaan ugu jiraa samatabixinta Soomaaliya. Xabashidu waa xabiibka

Soomaalida waxay ka dhigan tahay, Yuhuuddu si daacadnimo ah ayey Carabta u

jeceshahay. Meles Zenawi ayaa dadaal ugu jira horumarinta danaha Soomaaliya waxay

ka dhigan tahay, madaxda xisbiga Likud ee Israel (Shamir, Sharon & Natanyahu) waxay

har iyo habeenba heegan ugu jiraan daryeelka danaha reer Falastiin. Waxay kaloo ka

dhigan tahay, Fircoonka cusub ee sebenkan soo baxay {George W. Bush} wuxuu ku

dadaalaa daryeelka danaha Muslimiinta iyo horumarinta caqiidada Islaamka.

1989kii ayaa xukunka laga qaaday hoggaamiye P.W.Botha oo ahaa cunsuri si dhab ah u

aaminsan nidaamka Midab-kala-sooca {Apartheid} ee dalka Koofur Afrika ka jiray

xilligaas. Waxaa beddelay oo xilkii kala wareegay F.W. Dekler oo ahaa qunyarsocod

aaminsan in dadka madow si dadban loogu maamulo midab-kala-sooc la huwiyey sir iyo

dibindaabyo dahsoon. Baadariga Desmond Tutu oo muddo dheer u halgamayey xaqa

dadka madow iyo burburinta nidaamka kala sareynta, ayaa nin weriye ah wuxuu

weydiiyey: F.W. Dekler oo ah {moderate} sow kama fiicna oo dadka madow uguma

roona P.W. Botha? Desmond Tutu oo dhoolla-caddeynaya ayaa ku jawaabay: F.W. &

P.W. waa xarfo Ingiriis ah, labada hoggaamiyena waa niman caddaan ah. {F.W. & P.W.

are English alphabets and both leaders are whitemen}. Sida Desmond Tutu oo kale

waxaaan leeyahay Meles & Mingiste mid waa Tigree, midna waa addoon Amxaar,

labaduba waxay neceb yihiin jiritaanka Soomaaliya xor ah. Nin la oran jiray Nuur

Laangare ayaa ku maansooday: “Maxaan laba Gaaloo abtirsiinyo gudboon… Midna aan

u gumeyn, midna aan u gobeyn”

Ilowshiiyo dhowaa ma umulbaa:

Gabyaa la oran jiray Salaan Carrabey ayaa ku maansooday “dumarkuba xublaha foosha

way xanaf wareeraane, balse inay xusuusdarran yihiin xaylka kale mooge.” Raggu

markay carruurta dhalayaan waxay ku jiraan raaxada ugu sareysa, dumarkuna xilliga

foosha waxay la kulmaan xanuunka ugu badan, xaalad nolol iyo geeri u dhaxaysa ayey

ku sugan yihiin. Dhaqaatiirta haweenka umuliya ayaa waxay ka fekereen sidii ragga loo

dareensiin lahaa xanuunka foosha, dhowr tijaabo kadib waxay go’aamiyeen marka

haweentu foolanayso, ninkeed oo xarig siriq leh xiniinyaha looga xiray inuu dhinaca ka

fariisto, mar kastoo xanuunka fooshu qabto haweentu waa inay xariga xoog u jiidaa oo

weliba jafaalisaa. Dhaqaatiirtu waxay isku waafaqeen in habkaas ragga loo dareensiin

karo xumadda iyo kulaylka foosha. Gobol dalka Hindiya ku yaal ayaa laga hirgeliyey

tijaabadaas waana lagu guulaystay, waxaanse jeclaan lahaa in tijaabadaas Soomaaliya

laga dhaqangeliyo. Xaamilo kastoo la xanuunsata kulaylka foosha, 40 ayaamood kadib

waa illowdaa xanuunkii ay soo martay, waxayna sameysaa is qurxin iyo cillaansaar iyo

cadar is marin, si ay dareenka himadda saygeed u soo jiidato.

Hab dhaqanka Soomaalida waxaa lagu meteli karaa umul afartan baxday, waa bulsho

war ku nool ah {oral society} xumaan iyo samaan waxba lama diiwaangeliyo, dhibaatadii

shalay dhacday degdeg baa loo illoobaa sida haweenku xanuunkii foosha u illoobaan oo

kale. 1988kii dad ka qaxay Woqooyi Galbeed ayaa xeryo qaxooti looga ooday Xarshin,

Harta Sheekh iyo meelo kale oo ku yaal dhulka Soomaali Galbeed ee Xabashidu

gumeysato, qaxootigii ka cararay Hargeysa waxay miciinsadeen walaalaha Soomaali

Galbeed, ee uma tallaabin gobollada Makale iyo Shawa. Sidoo kale 1991kii dad ka qaxay

Koofurta Soomaaliya ayaa xeryo looga ooday dhulka NFD ee Keenya gumeysato, waxay

miciinsadeen Soomaalida NFD ee uma tallaabin Galbeedka Nairobi iyo Harooyinka.

Qaxootigii yaacay qaar baa ku sii hakaday Nairobi & Adis Ababa, markay laaluush iska

bixiyeen waxaa u suurtagashay inay uga sii dhoofaan waddamada Yurub & Ameerika.

Soomaalida oo taariikhyan aaminsanayd Xabashidu inay tahay dugaag dadka cuna,

waxay Adis Ababa ka heleen soo dhoweyn iyo naxariis kooban balse mar kasta ka fiican

arxamdarrada Carabta, taasina waxay dhalisay in Soomaalidu si fudud ku illowdo

cadaawadii soo jireenka ahayd ee kala dhexaysay Xabashida. Haddaba qof

Soomaaliyeed oo qaangaar ah inuu ku andacoodo Xabashi ayaa Soomaali xabiib u ah

waa mucjiso maanka fayow diidan yahay. Cadowtooyada Xabashidu u qabto Soomaalida

waa mid aad u fog, aadna u qoto dheer, muddo qarniyo ahna soo jirtay, waa cadaawad

dowladihii soo maray Ethiopia weligood aysan isku khilaafin kana mideysan yihiin.

Waxaa caalamka ka dhaca is beddelo dhinacyada siyaasadda iyo madaxda maamulka sare

saameeya, is beddelkaasoo xilliyada qaar suurtageliya isu soo dhowaanshaha laba shacab

oo markii hore colaad ba’ani ay ka dhaxeysay. Walow maamulladii Soomaaliya soo

maray ay Xabshida u muujiyeen niyadsami, haddana Ethiopia marnaba kama debcin

mowqifkeedii cuskanaa cadawtooyada iyo ka horjeedka midnimada qowmiyadda

Soomaalida. Cadowtooyadaas gaamurtay oo illaa qarniyo soo taxneyd ayaa waxaa ka

abuurmay dagaallo culus oo laga xusi karo kuwii ugu caansanaa:

* Waqtigii ugu dambeeyey ee maamulladii boqortooyadii IFAT ay ka jirtay carriga

Soomaali Galbeed, ayaa boqorkii Xabashida ee la oran jiray Negus Yeshaq (1414 – 29),

wuxuu cagtamariyey dhulkii maamulka Islaamku ka jiray, duullaankii Negus Yeshaq soo

qaaday 1415 wuxuu ku dilay boqorkii Muslimiinta ee la oran jiray Sacaadu-diin.

Taariikhyahannadu waxay sheegeen guushii Kirishtaanka Ethiopia ka soo hooyeen

dagaalladii ay la galeen Muslimiinta inay farxadii damaashaadka ka tiriyeen heeso iyo

buraanburo uu ku jiray magaca Soomaaliya, iyadoo waqtigaas reer Galbeedku ku

tilmaameen markii ugu horeysay taariikhda ee la maqlay magaca Soomaali, waxayse

aniga iigu muuqataa been-abuur aan beyd run ka ahayn, waayo qowmiyadda Soomaalida

waxay geeska Afrika deganayd afar qarni ka hor dhalshadii Nabi Ciise cs.

* Iimaam Axmed Ibraahim Al-Qasaali (1506-43) loona yiqiin Axmed Gurey wuxuu

weerar ba’an ku qaaday Xabashida, hoodo wanaag darteed, wuxuu ku guulaystay inuu

jebiyo Xabashida oo waagaas ka hor lahaan jirtay gacansarayn suurtagelisay in

Muslimiinta Ethiopia lagu soo rogay lagana qaado canshuur. Axmed Gurey oo ku

barbaaray nawaaxiga Harar, wuxuu u guntaday una istaagay inuu badbaadiyo dadka iyo

diinta Islaamka oo waayadaas ka sii laciifaysey arlada Xabashida. Wuxuu markii horeba

abaabulay iskuna dubariday ciidamo laxaad leh oo u badnaa dhallinyaro Soomaaliyeed

oo si geesinimo leh ugu babac-dhigay cadowga Xabashida. Bilowgii horeba wuxuu

diiday canshuurtii Muslimiinta laga qaadi jiray, taasina waxay lama huraan ka dhigtay

inay dagaal fooda is-daraan ciidamadii Axmad Gurey hoggaaminayey iyo kuwii uu

horkacayey boqor la oran jiray Lebna Dengel iyo guddomiyihii Xabashida ee gobolka

Bali, waxaana si ba’an loo jebiyey ciidamadii Lebna Dengel. Guulihii dagaal ee Axmed

Gurey gaaray 1529-1535 suurtagal iima ah inaan sadaradaan ku faahfaahiyo, waxaase ka

mid ahaa dhulkii Xabashida laga qabsaday gobollada: Shembera-kure, Dawaro, Shawa,

Lassta, Baali, Hadya, Sidamo, Gurage iyo goobo kaloo muhiim ah..

1535 – Markii ciidamada Axmed Gurey qabsadeen dhamaan Bartamaha & Koofurta

Ethiopia, wuxuu weerarey isla markaana gacanta ku dhigay gobolka Tigree, isagoo uga

sii gudbay illaa deegaanka Woqooyi Galbeed Kasala illaa uu dhinaca ku qabtay

Saldanadii Muslimka ahayd ee Mazagna oo madax ay ka ahaayeen qabiilka Beeja oo ku

taal xadka Suudaan. Muddadii dhowr iyo tobanka sano ahayd ee Axmed Gurey

Xabashida xukumayey waxuu baday oo ay ka maageen inay wax dab ah shitaan habeen

iyo maalin toona, iyagoo ka cabsanayey geesiyiinta Soomaalidu inay qaaca dabka soo

bidhaan-raacaan, sidaas awgeedna ay Xabashidu illaa maanta hilibka ceerin u cunaan.

Jabkii gaaray darteed, waxaa Xabashida u soo gurmaday ciidamo ka yimid dalka

Bortaqiiska ka dibna jabiyey ciidamadii Axmed Gurey. Hadaba jabkii Axmed Gurey u

geystay ilbaxnimadii Boqortooyadii {Axum Empire} ee faca weyneyd ayaa ah unuga

cadowtooyada Xabashidu uurka ugu hayso Soomaalida, waxaana ka go’an in aysan

qancayn illaa iyada iyo Soomaalida mid laga taqaluso, maanta Xabashidu si ay yoolkaas

ku gaarto waxay isticmaashaa xoog iyo xeelad kastoo suurtagal ka dhigi karta tirtirista

sinjiga Soomaalida.

* Soomaalidu kuma jirin dalalkii Afrika ee Gumeysteyaasha reer Yurub ku kala

qeybsadeen Shirkii Berlin sannadkii 1884kii, maxaa yeelay waxay maamul ahaan

Soomaalidu ka tirsaneyd boqortooyadii Islaamka ee Cusmaaniyiinta Turkiga. Haddaba

markii Masaaridu ka baxday Harar, Seylac iyo dhammaan magaalooyinka ku teedsan

Badda-Cas ee ay fadhiyeen sannadkii 1886kii, waxaa mandaqadda Harar qabsaday

ciidamadii Boqor Menelik ee uu abbaanduule ka ahaa Ras Makonen. Qabsashadii Harar

oo lagu tilmaamay mid ka dhalatay dayacaadii Masaarida iyo hoosaasinta Ingiriiska,

kadib Boqor Menelik ayaa sannadkii 1887kii warqad u diray Ingiriiska isagoo ku yiri:

“Alle mahadi waxaan jebiyey Amiir Cabdullaahi oo ku baxsaday faras dushi, wuxuu ahaa

Axmed Gurey kale oo sebenkan soo baxay. Caasimaddisii Harar waxaa si buuxda ula

wareegay ciidankeyga, waxaana ka taagay calankeyga, iyadoo laga sifeeyey maamulkii

Muslimiinta. Amiir Cabdullaahi mar dambe ma waxyeelleyn doono Kirishtaanka, dhul

Muslimku leeyahana mandaqadaan kama jiri doono”

* 1948-49 Golaha loo dhan yahay ee JQM waxaa looga dooday aayaha waddamadii laga

kiciyey Fajiistadii Talyaaniga. Waayadii doodu ka socotay xarunta JQM, Boqor Xayle

Salaase wuxuu geed dheer iyo geed gaabanba u koray oo weliba xawli orod iyo

xusulduub u galay in Soomaaliya iyo Ereteria federal ahaa loo raaciyo Ethiopia.

Damaciisii ku wajahnaa Ereteria waa u meelmaray balse kuma guulaysan inuu

Soomaaliya wada liqo. 07/05/1956 markii Cabdullaahi Ciise loo dhaariyey RW

dowladdii daaqiliga ahayd, Boqor Xayle Salaase taasi waa u cuntami-weyday, wuxuuna

ku dadaalay inuu horjoogsado dowladdii ka dhalatay Koofurta Soomaaliya, wuxuu

kormeer shaqo ku kala bixiyey dhulweynaha Soomaali Galbeed, 25/08/1956 khudbaddii

uu ka jeediyey magaalada Qabridaharre, wuxuu yiri “qowmiyadda Soomaalidu isir ahaan

waxay ka mid tahay qowmiyadaha Ethiopia, sinaba ugama go’i karto, dadka ku hawlan

dowlad ka dhalata Soomaaliya waxay ku jiraan riyo maalmeed aan taabagal noqon

karin… Soomaali gobanimo heshay waa dameer geesa yeeshay ”

* Xabashidu waxay liqi-weyday laba gobol oo midoobay inay yagleelaan dowlad

Soomaaliyeed oo u hawlgeli doonta mideynta Soomaaliweyn iyo is raaca shanta

Soomaaliyeed, xorriyaddii lixdankii Xabashidu waxay u aragtay halis ku soo fool leh

danaheeda gumeysi. Sidaas awgeed Xabashida waxay go’aansatay inay ka hortagto

hanaqaadka dowladdii dhalatay 01/07/1960kii, waxayna weerar saf-ballaaran ah oo cir

iyo dhul ah ku soo qaaday Soomaaliya bishii Febaraayo 1964kii. Alle ma taageero

kibirka iyo gardarrada, Xabashida oo isku magacawda Libaaxyada Afrika darteed,

adduunweynuhu wuxuu aaminsanaa in Xabashidu si fudud ku qabsan doonta

Soomaaliya, hase yeeshee Xabashidii soo duushay ayaa dagaalkii lagu jebiyey,

Libaaxyadii Afrikana waxaa laga dhigay daayeer dullaysan. Hobollada qaranka ayaa ku

heesay “Xaduuda gadaaman ee Gaalku sameeyey, inaan ka gudbayno waan

garanaayee, Geyshkayagow guulaysta”

* Todobaatan iyo todoba gu’ baa taaha la hayaa, markay taadu soo gashaa taabka la

qabtaa ! Laga soo bilaabo 1950-yadii dowladii daaqiliga ahayd, Soomaalidu waxay hanti

lahayd (mood & noolba) waxaa loo weeciyey unkidda iyo horumarinta CQS, si loo

xoreeyo gobolladi ku jiray gacanta Gumeysiga, lana najaxiyo himiladii mideynta

Soomaaliweyn. 1970-yadii CQS ee Soomaaliya waxaa loo yiqiin ciidamada ugu

firfircoon qaaradda madow {Best Black Army}, tayo iyo tababarba waxay gaareen heer

sare. Sidaas awgeed, sannadkii 1977 Soomaaliya waxay guluf milateri, weerar cir iyo

dhulba ku qaaday ciidamadii Xabashida ee fadhigoodu ahaa dhulka Soomaali Galbeed.

CQS waxay si fudud u burburiyeen awooddii ciidamada Xabashida, waxayna muddo

gaaban ka xoreeyeen 90% dhulka Soomaali Galbeed, iyagoo sida biriqda xowli ku jiiray

dhufeysyadii Ameerikaanku u dhisay ciidamada Xabashida, Godey illaa Kaaraa-mardha,

halkaasna waxaa lagu jebiyey ciidamadii loo yiqiin Libaaxyada Afrika, iyadoo intii

rasaastu leeftay mooyee intii kale laga dhigay maxaabiis dullaysan. CQS oo Addis-Ababa

kaabiga saaray una jirsaday wax ka yar 50 kilomitir waxay cabsi ba’an ku abuurtay

Xabashida oo sidii lagu yiqiin u habarwacatay quwadaha Kirishtaanka, kadibna waxaa u

soo gurmaday Bahdii Warso-Bari.

Xabashida oo ku faanta inay tahay dowlad fac weyn oo aan weligeed la gumeysan isla

markaana leh ilbaxnimo iyo xadaarad fog, waxaa u suurtagashay inay isticmaasho

saxaafadda afka dheer ee Yuhuudda, lana hirgeliyo tookha iyo islweynida Xabashida.

Ummaddaha madow waxaa laga dhaadhiciyey inay yihiin daayeer ducufo ah,

Xabashiduna tahay libaaxyo sare oo laga haybaysto. Josoph Geobles wasiirkii

warfaafinta ee Naziga ayaa laga soo xigtay inuu yiri “ ku celceli beenta illaa la

rumasyto”. Been fakatay runi ma gaarto ! Beentii saxaafadda Yuhuuddu faafisay ee

ahayd Xabashidu waa Libaaxyada Afrika, waxay dhalisay in dadyowga madow ay

gorodda laalaadiyaan oo ay ka cabsadaan Xabashida, balse taasi liddigeed Soomaalidu si

ba’an ayey u yastaa Xabashida, waxayna u taqaan Amxaaro injirley iyo wax liita.

Soomaalida oo aaminsan inay Xabashida ka burji sarayso oo goobaha dagaalka uga adag

tahay, waxay Xabashida u taqaan fulay aan haadda hubsan oo marka faltanka dagaalka

foodda laysdarro fagaareeya. Ubadka Soomaaliyeed waxaa lagu anqariyaa oo lagu

barbaariyaa nacaybka Xabashida, carruurta oo lagu baraarujiyo cadowtooyada kala

dhexaysa Xabashida, waa xaq iyo wax haboon. Ayaandarro mar kastoo Soomaalidu ka

adkaato Xabashida waxay u habarwacataa oo qaylodhaan u dirsataa dowladaha

Kirishtaanka, waxaa la ogyahay 1530kii goortii Axmed Gurey jebiyey Xabashida in

Boortaqiisku u soo gurmaday, sidoo kale 1977 markii Kacaankii MSBarre jebiyey

kibirkii Xabashida waxaa u soo gurmaday Huwantii Warso oo ay hormood u ahaayeen

Ruushka iyo Kuuba. Hobollada qaranka ayaa ku heesay “Galbeed waa la xoreeyee

Waarsaa Gaagixisey

Kaadirka Ethiopia:

Dagaalkii 1977 ka dib Xabashida waxaa si fudud ugu suurtagashay inay Soomaali hub

isugu dhiibaan, kana dhex abuuraan cadaawad heerkeedu gaaray umulo-doox. Ethiopia

waxay alliftay shirqoolka loo yaqaan Lixland, taasina waxay muran iyo mugdi gelisay

midnimadii jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya. Nasiibdarro Soomaaliya oo ah Maxmiyad si

dadban u hoos tagta maamulka Ethiopia, waxay bulshada Soomaalida ku dhex leedahay

Kaadir xoog badan oo loo tababaray dabargoynta sinjiga Soomaalida, wuxuuna ka

kooban yahay saddex kooxood oo kala darran:

(A) Hoggaamiyeyaasha ururada hubaysan ee loo yaqaan Tabcane Tigree waxaa laga

haqabtiraa madfac iyo miino lagu xasuuqo shacabka. Hoggaamiye kasta marka hagar

la’aan hub loo siiyo, waxaa dhegta loogu sheegaa inuu gar iyo gardarro noqonayo

madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, waxaase shardi ah inuu marka horeba saxiixo fulinta shan

qodob oo kala ah :

1- Ciidamada Xooga dalka Soomaaliyeed inaan dib loo aas-aasin oo Soomaaliya

aysan weligeed yeelan milateri awood leh

2- Inuu saxiixo Soomaaliya wax dhul ah oo ka maqan in aysan jirin, mar dambena

aysan sheegan Soomaali Galbeed iyo NFD, halkaasna lagu hilmaamo fekradii

mideynta Soomaaliweyn, isla markaana suugaanta guubaabada iyo kicinta shucuurta

waddaniyada xambaarsan laga joojiyo qalabka warbaahinta iyo dugsiyada


3- Mabda’ ahaan in la xakameeyo baraarujinta, barashada iyo fiditaanka diinka

Islaamka isla markaana la xirxiro culumada Gaaladu u taqaan Asal-raaca, loona soo

gacan geliyo nabadsugidda Ethiopia. Xuseen MFCaydiid oo ka mid ah madaxda

kooxda SRRC ayaa isagoo jooga Ghion Hotel, Adis Ababa, 01/02/2002 wareysi uu

siiyey wakaaladda wararka JQM ee lagu magacaabo IRIN, wuxuu yiri “cadowgeenna

ugu weyn waa Islaamka” {Our main enemy is Islamism}

4- In geyiga Soomaaliyeed hawaanba, dirqi iyo sandulle Xabashida laga siiyo deked

ka madaxbannaan maamulka Soomaalida, dekeddaas oo sharciyan loo aqoonsanayo

bogcad {enclave} Ethiopia ku leedahay dhulka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya.

5- Waa in Soomaaliya dastuur ahaan u qaadataa nidaamka federaalka kala

madaxbannaan {Co-federal} kaasoo ogol qabiil kasta markuu rabo inuu ka go’i

karto dalka intiisa kale. Sidaas awgeed jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya waa in loo

qeybiyaa Imaarado yaryar oo lagu jaangooyey qabiil-qabiil kala madaxbannaan, isla

markaana la dhaqangeliyo hindisaha Meles Zenawi ee dulucdisu tahay in Soomaaliya

noqoto (Lixland = Somaliland, Puntiland, Hiiraanland , Banaadirland, Bayland iyo


(B) Gudaha Soomaaliya Xabashidu waxay ka dhex abuurtay shaqsiyaad biiriqatayaal ah

oo loo tababaray mashruuca la magacbaxay Dilitaanka Nindooorka, caado-qatayaasha u

kireysan Meles Zenawi waxay si gaadmo ah ku toogtaan ama ku afduubaan

aqoonyahanka bulshada {elite} sida: indheergaratada, saraakiisha, culumada diinta,

takhaatiirta iyo wixii la mid ah.

(C) Waxaa kaloo jira koox loo tababaray basaasidda xogta Soomaaliya, kooxdaan

jaajuusiinta ah waxaa lagu dhex firdhiyey guud ahaan geyiga Soomaaliya miyi iyo

magaalo, waxayna meel kasta Adis Ababa uga tebiyaan warbixin joogto ah {daily

report}. Arrimaha la xiriira siyaasada, dhaqaalaha, difaaca iyo nabadgelyada oo muhiim

u ah Ethiopia ka sokow, warbixin maalmeedka loo tebiyo Meles Zenawi, xataa waxaa

lagu sheego dalagga beeraha ka soo go’ay iyo geela gu’ga dhalay. Abwaan Abshir Nuur

Faarax Bacadle ayaa adeegayaasha Ethiopia shiribkan u tebiyey:

Ukumihii Amxaaradoo ummaddii uf dhahdaad tihiin,

Abuur Ethiopiaan arkaa ummaddii yaanse aqbalayn,

Taariikh madowboo aan tirmeyn tabcaneyaal Tigrey u taal,

Wixii wacaaya wiil Amxaar wallaahi waa la weel duwaa,

Hadday Tigree u tanaasuleen inaan ka tashaney tegee,

Sababtee loo takooray:

Walow dhaqanka Soomaaliyeed ee soo jireenka ah si weyn loo qiimeeyo, haddana

meelaha qaar wuxuu ku leeyahay dhaliil tiro badan, nimco walba nusqaanteeda leh.

Dhaqanka Soomaalida qeybihiisa ku saabsan sinnaanta bulshada iyo xulashada geyaanka

aad iyo aad buu u fool-xun yahay, hab-dhaqankaas ku salaysan faquuqa iyo yasidda

waxaa si weyn u diidan da’yarta damiirka wanaagsan ee la hanaqaaday sebenka cusub.

Xilligii Gumeysiga ka hor, taariikhda Soomaalidu laguma sameyn jirin wax diiwaangelin

ah oo mustaqbalka laga raadraaco, waxaase dhacdooyinka muhiimka ah jiilba jiilka kale

ugu tebin jiray hab oraaheed aan weliba dhammeystirneyn . Si kastaba ha ahaatee marka

baaris lagu sameynayo sababta loo takooray beelaha Soomaaliyeed ee la yaso oo aan

muuqaal, madaama midab, dhaqan, luqad iyo diin ahaan toona ka duwanayn Soomaalida

kale. Waxaa jira sheekooyin tiro badan oo ku-tiri-kuteen ah oo marka dulucdooda loo

fiirsado ku biyo-shubanaya laba aragtiyadood {version} oo sida qaalibka ah inta badan

bulshadu ku fasiraan sababtii keentay takooridda beelaha la yaso. Labada aragtiyadood

midi waxay u muuqataa been abuur aan caga badan ku tagneyn balse fekrada kale ayaa

marka dib loo eego sida waayadii hore ay ku imaan kartay isbeddel ku dhaca hab dhaqan

beeleed waxaa la oran karaa ilaa xad waa macquul la barxay.

(1) Aragtida kowaad waxay leedahay waqti aad u fog geyiga Soomaalida waxaa ka jirtay

beel aad u tiro badan oo awoodeeda ballaaran ugu talin jirtay kuna xukumi jirtay beelaha

kale oo dhan. Lama garanayo waxaa la isku qoonsaday, waxaase la sheegay beelihii kale

inta isbaheysteen inay dagaal ku qaadeen kuna jebiyeen beeshii awoodda badnayd.

Ayaandarro intii la dilay mooyee intii kale oo maxaabiis laga dhigay ayaa xero lagu

ooday, halkaasna ay badankoodii silic iyo gaajo ugu le’deen. Dadkii ka haray beeshii laga

adkaaday darxumo darteed xeradii ciqaabta qaar baa ku dhintay. Maalintii qof xerada ku

dhintaba bulshadii kale waxay halheys ka dhigatay weerta ah “Maantana MID GO’

weedhaas waxaa loola jeeday maantana qof baa xijaabtay. Intii yareyd ee ka badbaaday

Allena ka samatabixiyey xeradii ciqaabta, maadaama aysan lahayn bar-xoolaad iyo beer

toona, waxay noqdeen dagaag dabato ah isla markaana waxaa dantu ku kalliftay inay

nolol maalmeed ka dhigtaan kana shaqaystaan meheradaha Soomaalidu ka faanto sida:

kalluumeysi, ugaarsi, kabo-tolis, dhar-sameyn, bir-tumis, timo xiiris, dhul-xaaq, xooloqalidda

iwm. Waxaa kaloo weliba lagu sameeyey bahdil iyo Ab-dhalsho doorin iyadoo

lagu toley halheyskii ahaa MID-GO’ magacasoo muddo kadib isu rogey hayb beeleed aan

aasaas isir iyo abtirsi taxane ah toona lahayn balse ku midoobay xirfadaha laga faano.

Runtii lama macneyn karo waxaa dhibka intaas le’eg loo marsiiyey beeshaas oo ilaa

maanta lagu hayo ficil-xun iyo aflagaado joogto ah oo loo raaciyey bah-dil iyo yasid,

waxaase la yaab leh in ummadda Soomaaliyeed weligeed hal marna aysan ka yeelan shir

iyo wada tashi wax looga qabanayo takoorida aan wax qiil ah loo hayn ee lagu hayo

walaalo Soomaaliyeed oo sinji ahaan aan dhinac kasta isaga sidkan nahay. Sheeko la

yaab leh oo arrintan tusaale u noqon karta waxay tahay, jufo u dhalatay beesha

Mareexaan ayaa dhegta dhiigga u dartay ninka la oran jiray Maxamad Daa’uud oo ahaa

hoggaamiye dadku si weyn u jeclaa isaguna hayb ahaan Mareexaan ahaa. Dilkii

Maxamed Daa’uud waxaa ka xumaaday jufooyinkii kalee beesha Mareexaan waxayna si

wadajir ah washamsi ugu qaadeen jufadii hoggaamiyaha dishay, waxaa laysugu daray

rag badan oo laga laayey iyo xoolihii oo laga dhacay, dabadeed jufadii la jebiyey markay

noqotay dabato aan xoolo lahayn waa la takooray, waana geyaan seegeen oo waayadii

hore lama guursan jirin.

Dib-u-dhaca dhaqan dhaqaale ee la degay Soomaalida, inta badan waxaa loo aaneeyaa

horumar la’aanta sancada iyo ka faa’iidaysi la’aanta khayraadka badda, maxaa yeelay

waxaa la yasay oo weliba la takooray dadkii ku hawlanaa horumarinta farsamada: biraha,

kabaha, dharka, nadaafadda, ugaarsiga iwm. Sidoo kale waayadii hore kalluumaysatada

waxaa loo yiqiin Jaaji iyo lohod cunayaal nasab dhiman ah. Soomaalidii hore waxay

aaminsanayd belaayo madow inay badda ku dhex jirto oo aysan barako iyo khayr toona

lahayn, fekradaas dhowr maahmaah ayaa lagu fasiray, waxaaa ka mid ah: Nin bad ku

dhac yaab wuxuu sheegona ma yaqaan. Saddex macaash iyo marax midna lagama helo:

Roob bad ku da’ay, cilmi xaasid galay iyo shahwo habar gashay. Aqoon la’aanta

muhiimadda badda waxaa kaloo laga dheehan karaa, Soomaalidu waxay naf iyo maalba u

hurtay xoreynta (NFD, Soomaali Galbeed & Jabuuti) balse weligeed xataa maalin qura

ma sheegan Jasiirada Soqodara, madaama khayraadka baddu aysan wax qiime ah u

lahayn. 1990kii aniga iyo saaxiibkey ayaa diyaarad casri ah ku safarnay, sida loo

hormariyey oo wax walba loogu dhameystiray diyaaradda ashqaraar ayey nagu riday.

Saaxiibkey ayaa yiri eray qiime leh oo dhaxalgal ah, wuxuu igu yiri: “diyaaraddaan

waxaa samaystay ummad aan aflagaadeyn oo aan takoorin Tumaalkeedii ee ha la yaabin

oo hala indha-daraandarin.” Kooxaha la faquuqay shaqooyinka ay waddanka u qabtaan

waa muhiim saldhig u ah jiritaanka nolosha aadamiga, marka laga reebo caado-qaataha

umulaha ka qaraabta oo runtii mudan in la takooro xirfadiisa darteed.

(2) Sheeko oraaheeda labaad oo ah mid kutiri-kuteen ah, waxaa lagu sheegay qiso aan

macquul ahayn, waxaa la yiri, oday la oran jiray Gorgaarte Hawiye baa laba wiil dhalay

(Maxamed iyo Maxamuud). Seben lagu jiray xilli jiilaal iyo abaar oodo-lulul ah ayaa

labadii wiil socdaaleen, saranseerkii safarka darteed waxaa asiibay, gaajo darran oo ay ku

sigteen baqti cunis iyo bakeyle-qalad, dabadeed nafta oo ku dabayar waxay heleen neef

baqtiyey, waxaa dantu ku kalliftay inay neefkii baqtiyey hilibkiisa wax ku cunaan.

Markay ka hamuun gooyeen oo nafta ka ceshadeen, Maxamed Gorgaarte wuxuu neefkii

ka qaatay cad hilib ah oo sahay ah, balse Maxamuud waa diiday inuu wax hilib ah qaato.

Markay gurigoodii ku soo laabteen, waxay abbahood u sharaxeen wixii dhacay, odaygii

wuxuu qaadan waayey wiilashaada ayaa baqti cunay, dabedeed wuxuu u yeeray

waxgaradkii beesha, arrintii dhacday oo ahayd ugub waxaa loo xilsaaray xeerbeegti

go’aan ka soo gaarta waxaa laga yeelayo shilkii ku dhacay labada wiil. Xeerbeegtigii

waxay go’aamiyeen in Maxamed Gorgaarte la takooro oo aan la guursan faraciisa,

madaama aysan ahayn geyaan la siman bulshada inteeda kale. Go’aankaas jowrfalka ah

wuxuu horseeday in faracii Maxamed Gorgaarte loo aqoonsado Midgo, waxaa la raaciyey

kooxihii hore loo takooray.

Haddii caqliga laga shaqaysiiyo, sheeko oraaheedka sare ku qeexan waxay u muuqataa

been abuur aan beyd run ka ahayn, sababtoo ah:- (1) Si nafta loo badbaadiyo oo aan gaajo

darteed loo geeriyoon Shareecda Islaamku waxay ogoshahay oo xalaaleysay in neef

baqtiyey wax laga cuno, hase yeeshee Shaareecda Islaamku waxaa si cad loogu

mamnuucay: dilka qof aan waxba galabsan, kufsiga, dhilleysiga, xatooyada, bililiqaysiga,

boobka, dhaca iwm, ceebahaasoo ka mid nolol maalmeedka bulshada. (2) Teeda kale

oday laba wiil keliyaha dhalay inuu mid u takooro cunista hilib baqtiyey darteed waa

waxaan dhici karin oo aan suurtagal ahayn, waayo arrintaani waxay liddi ku tahay sheeko

oraaheedyada kale ee lagu sheego, beel heblaayo odaygii ay ka soo farcantay waxaa laga

helay ceel, beel heblaayo odaygii ay ka soo farcantay waxaa la helay isagoo baadi ah oo

soo lumay, beel helaayo odaygii ay ka soo farcantay gabadh garcatay ayaa dhashay oo

aabbihi lama yaqaan iwm. Teeda kale Soomaalidu taranka dadka aad bay u jeceshahay

siiba wiilasha, waxaana jirta murti oranaysa “rag xalaal ah iyo geel xalaal ah midna

xero lagama buuxiyo.” Oday wiilkiisa inuu isugu daro dayro iyo takoorid in aysan

macquul ahayn waxaa daliil cad u ah, maanta oo dadku aad u tiro badan yahay lama

takooro: wiilka isbaarada dhigta ee islaamaha furta, wiilka haweenka dhowrsoon kufsada,

xataa lama takooro saqajaanka liita iyo laga roonaha nimow naagga ah. Haddiiba ay run

tahay wiil baadi ah oo lumay in la koriyey, sidee loo deyriyey oo loo takooray wiil la


Bilaawga cutubka aas-aaska 30ka urur-qabiil, waxaaan ku soo xusay Soomaalida reerguuraaga

ah, wax yar oo fara ku tiris ah mooyee, in aysan waddaniyiin ahayn. Nasiib

wanaag beelaha tiro yarida iyo geel la’aanta darteed loo takooray, reerguuraaga kale waa

ka waddanisan yihiin, waxay caan ku yihiin hal-abuurka suugaanta xamaasadda waddan

jaceylka xambaarsan, waa geesiyiin aan ishoodu libiqsan, waa gumeysi diid Gaalada aad

u neceb, waxay u geyfan yihiin gargaarka shacabkooda iyo horumarinta dalka hooyo.

Qoraa ahaan waxaan ku talinayaa, haddii la doonaayo in silica iyo dhibaatada laga

samatabaxo, waxaa sixirfur ah in la xaalmariyo oo weliba la xoreeyo, lagana ducaysto

dadkaas iyagoo haba-yaraatee aan waxba galabsan, wax iin ahna aan lahayn kibirka iyo

jaahilnimada loo faquuqay. “Waxyi iguma soo dego, haddana wax ima seegaan”

haddaan la xaalmarin oo aan laga ducaysan, qalalaasaha iyo qaranjabku waa jiri doonaa.

Abshir Nuur Faarax Bacadle oo ka damqaday dhibaatda loo geystay beelaha dulman ee la

takooray ayaa tiriyey gabay aad u dheer, waxaaan ka soo xulay:

Ibliis wuxuu noo laqimay,

Alliyo nabina ogoleyn,

Aqligana aan geli karayn,

Asal iyo farac lahayn,

Adduunkana laga aqoon,

Sidee baad ku aqbasheen,

Amaad uga aamusteen,

Ma waydnaan islaam ahayn?


Aqoonyahankeenna iyo

Abwaankiyo culumadiyo

Indheergaradkeenna iyo

Ilbaxa kuwa sheegta iyo

Asxaabul cuquulkayaga,

Iyo ururada bulshada,

Oday dhaqameedyadiyo,

Intii iimaanku solay,

Amuurtaa jaahiliga ah,

Sidee baad ku aqbasheen,

Amaad uga aamusteen?


Dameer la uleynayaa,

Aqligu wuxuu keenayaa,

Inaad ka xanuunsatoo,

Alle abaal uga sugtee,

Ma ruux aadami ahoo,

Islaam ahaad leedihiin,

Ummadaad ka xun tihiin,

Ma ahid awlaad nasab ah,

Intaa waxaa igala daran,

Xataa weli meydin oran,

Amuurtani waa iftaro,

Dulmigiyo ilhaanadaan,

Ummad dhan lagu fongoray,

Sidee baad ku aqbasheen,

Amaad uga aamusteen?


Ummadda ha looga digo,

Ma waydnaan awooddi karin,

Wax daran baad aaminteen,

Oo aad ku adkeysateen,

Amuurtaan kafaaradeed,

Waa inaanu is guursanaa,

Wax kaloo ay ku ansaxayso,

Wallaahi inaan la arag,

Nikaaxii aad inkirteen,

Aqbalnay waa inaad dhahdiin,

Allena loo soo noqdaa,


Axad uu nabi Aadam dhalay,

Islaam ahoon gaal ahayn,

Abuurkeennii horiyo,

Asalkayagii mid yahay,

Umul Xaawana dhashoo,

Uur aan wada jiifanoo,

Ib-naas wada nuugnayoo,

Udgoonaa hooya tiri,

Ilhaanna lagu fongoray,

Ma ogine wayska aqbalnaye,

Qof iyo camalkiisa iyo,

Inna agramakum cindallaahi,

Adqaakum ma inkirteen?


Shirib: Nasabkii Nuuxya Aadamoo, hal naas wada nuugayaa tihiin

Asleynkiyo ijmaaciyoo, waxaan athar cilmiya ahayn ogaada waayska iftaree.

Inna agramakum cidallaah, adqaakum saad u inkirteen?

Haddii qof geeri ku sigtay hilib uu cunay darteed loo takooray, haddii farsamayaqaankii

hubka (waran & toorey) sameeyey xirfadiisa darteed loo takooray, haddii ninkii kabaha

tolay iyo kii taaloogga xiiray la takooray, haddii ninkii dharka sameeyey la takooray, waa

su’aal da’weyn oo maanka daalinaysee, maxaa tallaabo laga qaadi karaa ragga ku hawlan

qaranjabka isla markaana Soomaalida tabaalaysan u xagal daacinaya nacabka Xabashida

oo sida la ogsoon yahay ay na dhextaal cadaawad faca weyn oo cirriqeedu kasoo jeedo

khilaaf ku saabsan dal iyo diin?

Qoraa ahaan aan rayigeyga soo qadimo, Adeegayaasha Ethiopia waa in loo aqoonsadaa

Ukun Amxaaro. Waxaaan qabaa in Kaadirka Ethiopia xaaladooda loo wajaho laba hab

oo dar-Alle isugu soo beegmay, balse loo baahan yahay in si ballaaran loo agaasimo.

Marka hore waxaa ila quman in shirweyne loo qabto xeerbeegti dhaqanka Soomaalida ku

xeeldheer oo laga soo dhex xulay qeybaha bulshada, xeerbeegtidaas waxaa looga baahan

yahay inay soo saaraan go’aano taariikhda gala oo laba ujeeddo leh:

1. In la xaalmariyo oo loo galliimo isla markaana la siiyo gabdho godob-reeb ah,

loona raaciyo magdhaw dhinacyada daahirka iyo baadinka, si loo ilowsiiyo

dhibaatadii iyo xumaantii hore loogu geystay dadka sida gaboodfalka ah loo


2. Taas beddelkeeda in la faquuqo oo la takooro, oo aan mustaqbalka laga

guursan loona guurin, lagana sameeyo tirokoob sugan kooxaha iyo

shaqsiyaadka daba-dhilifka u ah Ethiopia ee caqabadda ku ah midnimada iyo

masiirka Soomaalida. Waxaa ila haboon in Kaadirka Ethiopia hal dabaqad

{Category} laga dhigo, loona aqoonsado hal beel isla markaana loo bixiyo

afar magac midkii ku haboon:

Beesha:Tabcane Tigree.

Beesha: Ukun Amxaaro

Beesha: Abuurka Ethiopia

Beesha: Xerta Xabashida

Cabdidhuux ayaa yiri: “Soomaaliya waa buktaa, bisteed weeyoo la hubi”. Guud ahaan

gees-ka-gees geyiga Soomaaliya belaayo madow ayaa ku habsatay oo beerka jartay.

Cudurka oo la garto waa furaha caafimaadka. Cudurka Soomaaliya cardaadiqaha ka

dhigay waa jeermi Ethiopia abuurtay, cirriqiisu wuxuu ka soo jeedaa Adis Ababa, waa

hubaynta ururada astaantoodu tahay saddexda xaraf (RRA, USC, SPM, SNF iwm) balse

lagu naanayso Tabcaneyaasha Tigree, waa isku soofeynta beelaha Soomaalida oo Adis

Ababa laga abaabulo. Waxaa jeermigaas sii dheer oo Keenya la wadaagtaa saddexda

khatar ee xarafka (Q) ku taal ee qarankii Soomaaliya rogay, waxay kala yihiin: qaad

cagaaran, qori rasaas leh iyo qabyaalad anaaniyad leh. Maalin walba diyaarado laga soo

buuxiyey suntan cagaaran ee loo yaqaan Qaadka wax walba qaatay ayaa Adis Ababa

iyo Nairobi laga soo waaridaa, sumaynta iyo suuxinta bulshada ka sokow, labada cadow

(Ethiopia & Keenya) waxay xaalufiyeen dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya oo markii horeba dhulka


Waa ayaandarro weyn iyo wax laga qoomameeyo in adduunweynuhu aqbalo, Ethiopia &

Keenya ayaa daweynaya oo shir dib-u-heshiisiin u qabanaya Soomaaliya oo sakaraad la

ah suntii Adis Ababa iyo Nairobi laga soo afuufay. Soomaalidu waxay tiraah waraabaha

aamusan iyo waraabaha qaylya, waxaa khatarsan midka aamusan. Keenya oo ah waraabe

aamusan, waxay ku andacootaa inay si weyn ugu dhabar jabatay shirkii ma-dhaamde ee

labada sano iyo dheeraadka uga socday ururada Soomaalida Mbaghati-Nairobi. Xaqa

haddii afka laga daboolo feeraha ayuu ka dilaacaa, Soomaalidu waa masaakiin la dulmay,

waxaanna dhul dhigay faragelin Shisheeye nacab ah. Keenya oo dusha u ridatay

abaabulka iyo ka miro-dhalinta shirka ururada Soomaalida, intii shirku Mbaghati ka

socday, dowladda Keenya waxaa ka soo yeeray laba arrimood oo laga naxay balse

kashifay shirqoolladii dahsoonaa:

* Goblka NFD ee Keenya gumeysato ka sokow, xaafadda Islii ee Nairobi waxaa si rasmi

ah u degan kumanyaal Soomaali ah oo u badan ganacsato wax weyn ku kordhiyey

dhaqaalaha Keenya. Gaadiidka (cir-dhul-bad) u kala goosha Soomaaliya iyo Keenya

xataa hal saac ma hakado, isu socod ballaaran ayaa ka jira xuduudda labada dal. Waxaa

intaa sii dheer ergooyinkii shirka ka qeybgelayey oo maalin walba ku sii qulqulaya

Nairobi ayaa dowladda Keenya waxay joojisay in dalkeeda lagu galo Basaboorka

Soomaaliya, waxayse ogolaatay Soomaalidu inay soo qaataan basaboor Ethiopiaan lagu

macmalay {fogery} Muqdisho iyo Nairobi (Cabdalle Shadeeya iyo Islii), taasoo

macnaheedu yahay in marka hore la tirtiro astaamaha jiritaanka qaranka Soomaaliyeed,

kadibna Soomaaliya loo aqoonsado shacab hoos taga Ethiopia, Kilinka 6aad.

* Nasiibwanaag, Alle ayaa ka dhawaajiyey madaxweynihii hore ee Keenya Denial Arap

Moi. Shirkii lagu heshiisiinayey ururada Soomaalida oo weli ka socda Nairobi, ayaa

Moi wuxuu qarsanwaayey oo afku ka xaday erayo naxdin leh oo xambaarsan cadowtooyo

qotadheer, balse qofkii dhiig Soomaali ku jiray ku baraarugay, hase ahaatee doqon iyo

Tabcane Tigree ma fahmin nuxurka shabakadda shirqoollada daadsan. Mr. Moi oo

boqasho ku joogay Washington ayaa 19/09/2003 wuxuu yiri “Soomaaliya oo hesha

qaran midaysan iyo baraare, waxay sheegan doontaa gobollada ka maqan, taas ayaa

waddamada derisku ka cabsanayaan”

Buur baa foolatay, waxaa lays weydiiyey maxay dhali doontaa? Buurtii waxay dihataba

waxay dhashay cirbad, taasina waxay noqotay fajac iyo amakaag. Shirkii samatabixinta

Soomaalida labada sano iyo hee-heeda uga socday (Eldoret & Mabaghati) oo lahaa laba

dhaqtar (Mwai Kibaki & Meles Zenawi) iyo laba kalkaaliye (Mwangale & Kiplagat),

labada sano iyo dheeraad markii laga dhursugayey oo lagu fooliyey garoonka Kaisarani-

Nairobi, wuxuu dhalay Dagaal-ooge iyo Dilaa-sare. Shirkii shisheeyuhu u qabtay

ururada Soomaalida ama kooxaha lagu naanayso Tabcane Tigree inuu yahay

shimbirayahow heesa, hees wanaagsan heesa, kaasoo wax natiijo ah aysan ka soo bixi

doonin, waxaa kashifay oo weliba ka dayriyey indheergarato Soomaaliyeed oo faktii

horeba dareemay qurunka la huurinayo ee cuskan qawda maqashii waxna haw qaban.

Rag damiirkoodu wanaagsan yahay ayaa sii odorosay khatarta ka soo fool leh shir-kusheegga

cadowgu abaabulay, siyaasiyiintii saadaaliyey suntan Keenya lagu walaaqayo

waxaa hormood ka ahaa:

· Cabdirisaaq Xaaji Xuseen oo ah ruugcadaa RW dalka ahaan jiray.

· Cali Mahdi Maxamed oo noqday madaxweyne ku meel gaar ah.

· Prof. Cabdi Ismaacil Samatar oo ah bare-jaamacadeed USA

Taariikhiyan ragga gabya weligood waxay ahaayeen indheergaratada ummadda, waxay

bulshada ku hagaan hillinka toosan, markasta waxay ka digaan halista ka soo foolleh

hadimada Gumeysiga. Marka la qiimeeyo waayihii la soo maray iyo marxaladda

qalafsane taagan waxaa muuqata, culumada diinta iyo gabyaaga mooyee Soomaalidu in

aysan lahayn aqoonyahan kale oo ay gablan ka tahay. Qadarin iyo xushmad ay bulshada

ku dhex leeyihiin awgeed, labadaan kooxood fariinta ay gudbiyaan si niyadsami ah ayaa

dadweynuhu u qaataa, sababtoo ah murti madhaafaan ah ayaa waxay leedahay, bulshada

waxaa samaha ku haga oo xumaha uga diga saddex: Sheekh mufti ah, Shaacir abwaan ah

iyo Shardabaal oday ah. 1970-yadii Kacaankii Oktoobar oo tixgeliyey kaalinta

suugaanhyanku uga jiro horumarinta dalka darteed ayaa MSBarre wuxuu soo saaray

sharci lagu qeexay, abwaannada hal-abuurka maansadu inay yihiin jaamici heer sare ah.

Dhowr gabyaa oo ay ka mid ahaayeen: Mustafe, Bacadle, Yamyam iyo Tabantaabo ayaa

odorosay natiijo la’aanta shir-ku-sheegii shisheeyuhu abaabulay, murtidii ay soo

bandhigeen waxaan ka soo xulay jiiftadaan Tabantaabo tiriyey:

Ameerika iyo Awsteraliya,

Asiya iyo Ayrobba,

Anagoo Afrikaan ah,

Imaraadka Carbeed,

Amxaarkan Asafaah,

Muwaangale af-buur,

Addoonkii Kibligaat,

IGAD baa wax dhisaysa,

Oo dowlad aayo wanaagsan,

Oo arladeenna u fiican,

Oo amaanka soo celinaysa,


Arlo Keenyeey ka imaan,

Aniga iila ekaa,

Ayax baa beer ag fariistay,

Oo islaaxii mirihii,

Iyo abuurkii afka saarin,

Oo iska eeganaya,

Ri baa awr foolanaysa,

Gorayaa afar naas leh,

Eger ah oo la salaaxay,

Ubadna loo lisayaa,

Uubataa ari raacday,

Aroorisoo aan mid ka taaban,

Oo aqalkii wada keentay,


Isticmaarkaanu ogeyn,

Oo lixda aag noo kala ooday,

Arladeenna Soomaali,

Aayatiinkeenna dambeetona,

Dabargo’ii ummaddeenna,

Ethiopiaan u wakiishay,

Ugub maahan midaani,

Arrintu wayska caddaan,

Waa ujeeddo Gumeysi,

Olole uu kicinaayo,

Waa siyaasad aguugan,

Waa amaarad shirqool leh,


Waa middaan aragnaayoo,

Waa abaabul Gumeyste,

Ishaarooyinka muuqda,

Haddii aan in-ka sheego,

Odayaal isku sheegga,

Ergada ay ka dhigteen,

Kuwaan ay urursheen,

Aragtidayda yartaa,

Aniga iila ekaa,

Aboor madaxa,

Jirac wada askar ah,

Shillin amaah doon ah,

Udbo dad ah,

Ergana loo dirsaday,

Lana afduubaayo,

Orgi duqah,

Arrimo loola tegay,

Dibina eegaayo,

Aqal xiran,

Eed lagu dhex furay,

Awr ka talinaysa,

Awoow gaban ah,

Iyo ubad cirro leh,

Aabbe kaba sii yar,

Ibo daya,

Naagaha irmaan,

Odayo nuugaaya,

Aqli gaaban,

Iimaan gurracan,

Aragti hoosaysa,


Abjamayeey amuuraha kan jira waanu aragnaaye,

Ummaddaan aslaaxeedii iyo sharafti yaa aasay?

Islaamnimada diintiyo nabadda yaan oogin?

Yaa urur Gumeysteha noqday oo ibo guryeynaaya?

Arrintii wanaag lehba yaa diidan unugeedda?

Indheergardkii yaa aamusiyey iyo aqoonyahanba?

Culumadeennii yaa kala eryoo iniqba meel geeyey?

Odayaashii yaa kala qeybsaday noo arriminaayey?

Maxamed warsame Tabantaabo ayaa ka tiriyey shirkii Mbaghati.

Sida Xabashida, Keenya Gumeyste maaha, dhibaatada dhextaal iyada iyo Soomaaliya

waxaa abuuray Gumeysiga Ingiriiska, sababtoo ah, 08/03/1963 Mr. Ducan Sandys

Xoghayihii Isticmaarka ayaa si rasmi ah ugu dhawaaqay NFD inay ka mid tahay Keenya.

Dhulka NFD oo Soomaalidu leedahay ayaa Gumeysiga Ingiriisku u hibeeyey Keenya, si

geeska Afrika looga abuuro xasarad joogto ah {Ever lasting problem}, hase ahaatee

28/10/1967kii Mr. Denial Arap Moi oo xilligaas ahaa madaxweyne ku xigeen iyo RW

MICigaal ayaa magaalada Caruusha-Tansaniya ku kala saxiixday heshiis lagu qeexay in

xiisadda la qaboojiyo oo wax kasta lagu dhameeyo wada-hadal ku dhisan Afrikanimo.

Mr. Moi oo heshiiskaas qalinka ku duugay inuu 36 sano kadib la shir yimaad gocasho ku

salaysan cadowtooyo iyo burburinta qarannimada Soomaaliya, wax la filaayey maahan.

Haddii Denial Arap Moi fekradaas gurracan aaminsan yahay, Meles Zenawi muxuu

aaminsan yahay? Waxaa la rejeynayaa jawaab laba afley ah, mid laga sugayo

waddaniyiinta damiirka wanaagsan iyo mid laga sugayo kooxaha Tabcane Tigree.

1970-yadii MSBarre wuxuu hawlgeliyey askar tiro badan, dadweynihii ayey si xun u

kadeedeen, shacabkii la dulmay waxay isku dareen baryo Alle loogu galliimay inuu

culayska ka dulqaado iyo inkaar askarta lagu habaaray in belaayo asiibto. Nin la oran

jiray Yuusuf Badane oo ahaa reer Aadan-Yabaal ayaa ku shirbay: “Allihii keenay

kaakiley, inuu kacshaa laga koraa”. Soomaaliya siday u indha-xun-tahay uma Alle la’a,

dhowaan waxaa la rejeynayaa in sharaftii Soomaaliya dib u soo noolaato. Sida Yuusuf

Badane oo kale waxaaan leeyahay, Amxaarkii Af-Soomaaliga yiqiin Dr. Cabdimajiid

Xuseen safiirkii Ethiopia ee JQM, Allihii cudurka xun ku riday ee aakhiro u diray waxaa

laga rejeynayaa inuu aakhiro u diro inta weli ka nool kooxaha Tabcane Tigree.

Sidii Yuhuuddu ugu faraxday geeridii Jamaal Cabdinaasir isla markaana guud ahaanba

Gaaladu ugu faraxday geeridii Boqor Faysal Cabdulcasiis, sidaas oo kale dadka jecel

samaanta Soomaalida, meel ay joogaanba waxay aad ugu farxeen geeridii Dr

Cabdimajiid, rag badan ayaa tiriyey gabayo rayrayn iyo digasho xambaarsan, waxaa ka

mid ah Maxamed Warsame Tabantaabo, wuxuu ku maansooday:

Inkaar-qabe Ato Meyle,

Amxaarkuu UNada geystee,

Na asaraaraayey,

Af-Soomaaliguu garanayaa,

Loo adeegsadaye,

Ajashii kolkey u timid,

Nalaka siib oofe,

Abris iyo abeesuu ka tegay,

Baa soo abaabulane,

Allahayow Amxaarkii baqtiyey,

Maad iilka ugu geysid,

Oo ololka naareed ku tuur,

Idil ahaantoodba,

Abrahaba Kacbada Illaahey

Aabi ugu duuliye,

Intii kibirtay,

Abaabiil baa lagu salliday,

Oo eber ka siiyeene,

Kuwaan harayna waa aynigii,

Tan iyo aamanuu jiraye,

Allahayow Islaam baan nahaye,

Oo diinta aaminaye,

Amxaariyo intii raacsanba,

Eber ka sii manta

Ehelka Shaydaanka ..Aamiin

Sidoo kale gabyaa Dhunkaal Faarax Barre, ayaa gabay dheer oo kuhaan ah u diray

kooxaha Tabcane Tigree, waxaan beydadkiisa kasoo xulay kuwan:-

Geyigeena oo xora annagoo dowladnimo gaarnay

Gablamaha cadaawuhu watee gadaya Soomaali

Ee gibilka inooga eg haddana garan afkii hooyo

Alle gowrac gacal maahoo waa Gaalo ubadkeede

Godkuu galay Cabdimajiid Eebbow goor dhow lagu aaso

Geeridii wadaadkii dishaay gurubso gaagaabta

Allow guusha haw dhiibin waa garac Tigreeyaade

Gudubtadu ha sheegtee nimanka geliya taariikhda.

Gabyaa Dallaayad oo ahaa reer Hargeysa ayaa isna seben hore ku maansooday:

Daadkii wadaadkii dilow Diiriyaa haraye

Waan kuu duceeyaa markaa daallim qaadoba’e

Adigaan askeri dowlo iyo cidi ku doonayne,

Diihaal gabowdaa fadhida damasha waaweyne

Isaga Aw Dawiil dacal ka dhaaf kuumabaan dirane

Laf-Cambena duqee waysku diir labada doofaare.

Cutubka 21aad: Doorashadii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf:

Daliil runah daruus aan ka qoray xaalka degi-waayey

Dad walaala duul wada dhashoo laysu dacareeyey,

Soomaalidaan kala didee qoloba daan aaday,

Dembiyada dhacaayee ka badan miraha deegaanka,

Dawadaan bukootee dabiib looga dhigay maarta,

Dembigaan ninkii geystay baan idin dareensiine,


Nin wax diley haddii aan la dilin ee la iska sii daayo,

Waa inuu dilkiisii sii wataa saa la dili-waaye,

Degdeg weerar waa inuu galaa saa la dili-waaye,

Nin doorkoo dhan waa inuu dilaa saa la dili-waaye,

Diin Islaamle waa inuu dilaa saa la dili-waaye,

Dagaal diide waa inuu dilaa saa la dili-waaye,

Malcaamadaha waa inuu dunshaa saan la dili-waaye,

Masaakiinta waa inuu dubaa saa la dili-waaye,

Dal iyo maalba waa inuu gubaa saa la dili-waaye,

Dadkuna waa inuu dabargo’aa saa la dili-waaye,

Dilkuna waa inuu sii bataa saa la dli-waaye,

Dembigu waa inuu sii kordhaa saa la dili-waaye,


Dilaa sare waa inuu usii dallaco saa la dili-waaye,

Digtatoori waa inuu noqdaa saa la dili-waaye,

Dastuur gaar ah waa inuu degsado saa la dili-waaye,

Boqortooyo waa inuu dalbado saa la dili-waaye,

Duruus beenah waa aqriyo saa la dili-waaye,

Wejigiisa waa inaan la deyin saa la dili-waaye,

Waa inaad madaxa hoos uga dedaan saa la dili-waaye,

Soo dareera goortuu yiraah saa la dili-waaye,

Waa inaydin deri yeelataan saa la dili-waaye,

Waa inaad dhamaan daba-gashaan saa la dili-waaye,

Dadnimo waa inaad kala tagtaan saa la dili-waaye,

Dullina waa inaad soo baxdaan saa la dili-waaye,

Dumarkuna durbaannada u tumo saa la dili-waaye,

Ragguna waa inuu sacab ku daro saa la dili-waaye,

Duca-qabe waa inaad dhahdaan saa la dili-waaye,

Dirqina waa inay idinku tahay saa la dili-waaye,

Wuxuu doono waa inuu falaa saa la dili-waaye,

Qarannimo waa inay duntaa saa la dili-waaye,

Dalka iyo dadkuba waa inay baaba’aan saa la dili-waaye,

Waa inuu Xamarna Daafeed u raro saa la dili-waaye,

Hargeysana badweynta u diro saa la dili-waaye,

Kismaayona webiga uu dhex daro saa la dili-waaye,


Ummad yahay daguugani ee qalbigu daxalaystay,

Diintiyo kitaabkii Allaad daba-maryeyseene,

Waxaad deyrka ugu oodan tahay daalim iyo qaa’in,

Deylaaba idin dhaanta iyo sacii diilinta lahaaye,

Iyagaaba darkii garanaya iyo doono ubadkiiye,

Daab iyo masaar waxaad tihiin duulna garanwaaye,


Dilaa sare haddii u dalcay oo la dili-waayey,

Dad wixii ka haray waa kuwaan haatan uu diliye,

Dad waa dilis dagaal waw kalahis dulucdu waa weerar.

Dadaal iyo midnimo wayska deyn sharafi waa daadin.

Dakaniyo colaad waa hirgelin nabadi waa duugis.

Diif iyo xanuun iyo darxumo dabargo’ waa raadin.

Daacad iyo wanaag waa ka durug belona waa doonis.


Haddii kale dantiinii gartoo daalimkaas dila,

Dabadeed midnimadii dalkiyo daawo wada qaata,

Dar-Illaah u soo jeesta oo diinta wada raaca,

Dariiqii Rasuulkii maroo diinta wada raaca,

Dawiyo nabad wada raadiyoo diinta wada raaca

Waxaa tiriyey: Maxamed Warsame Tabantaabo

Axad 10/10/2004 garoonka Kaisarani-Nairobi, Xildhibaanada Soomaalidu waxay

Kornayl Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Axmed u doorteen madaxweynaha jamhuuriyada

Soomaaliya muddo shan sano ah. Nin baa laga hayaa “Waxyi iguma soo dego haddana

wax ima seegaan !!! Doorashadii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf oo la mid ah tii {Charles Taylor,

Libria} aafada Axadley ee ku xusan cutubka la soo dhaafay, hubaal waxay isu beddeli

doontaa Yaboohii Cadaabta.

Alle adduunka wuxuu udbaha u taagay Axad, maalintii ku xigtay oo Isniin ah markii la

qiimeeyey adduunka, waxaa la qiray in Axaddii shalay ay wanaagsanayd. Sidaas awgeed

waxaa laga curiyey murti oranaysa “Adduun gadaal u xun oo aayo maleh”. Intii aan

ifka soo joogay, sannad sannadka ka dambeeya ka fiican weligay hal mar baan arkay,

wuxuu ahaa 1991-92 Koofurta waxaa ka jiray gaajo ba’an oo qolofta mooska la cuno,

sannadkii 1993 raashin tiro badan oo ICRC ay keentay ayaa ciidankii UNITAF qeybiyey,

raashinkii xad-dhaafka ahaa kiishka bariiska wuxuu gaaray shan kun shilin, markii dadku

ka dhergay malaha xoolahana waa la siiyey. Hasa ahaatee weligay ma arkin mana maqlin

laba hoggaamiye Soomaali oo kii dambe fiican yahay, mar kasta waxaa lagu calaacalaa

kii hore waa loo darsaday.

Maamulkii iyo hab-dhaqankii MFCaydiid markii la qiimeeyey, waxaa loo duceeyey

MSBarre oo la yiri Allow MSBarre raalli ka noqo “Salaamullahi Calal Xujaaj”.

MFCaydiid saaxiibkii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf oo saaxadda siyaasadda uga dambeeyey,

maxaa la oran doonaa? Nin baa laga sheegay heblaayaan aqaanoo meel fiican kuma

dhasho. Maamulka Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waxaa lagu qiimayn doonaa samaan iyo xumaan

waxqabadkisa, taasna aan u daayo waqtiga iyo waayaha, balse aan soo qadimo

tallaabooyinkii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf qaaday bishii u horaysay maamulkisa:

* Muddo ka badan laba sanadood markii shirka dib-u-heshiisiint Soomaalidu ka socday

dalka Kenya, ayaa markii ugu horeysay lagu guuleystay isu keenista xubno baarlamaan

oo laga soo xulay qabaa’ilka Soomaalida, kaasi oo ka kooban 275 Mudane. Tallaabadani

waxay guul iyo farxadba u ahayd qaban-qaabiyayaashii shirka oo ahaa waddamada ku

bahoobay urur gobolleedka IGAD, gaar ahaan waxaa si weyn libinta isu siiyey dalka

Kenya oo quus ka taagnaa horumar la’aanta shirka, taasi oo ay kala mid ahayd

Soomaalida inteeda badan oo aaminsan illaa hadda in shirka iyo miraha ka dhashaaba

aysan wax xal ah iyo wanaag toona ku soo biirin doonin wax ka qabashada xaaladda

murugsan ee Soomaaliya ka oogan, maadaama hoggaaminta shirka ay gacanta ugu jirtay

lug weynna ku lahaayeen waddamo khilaaf dhinaca soohdimaha ah uu kala dhexeeyo

Soomaalida, haatana muranka xuduudaha ku soo kordhiyey cadaawad qotodheer oo

dhinaca diinta ah.

Muddo bil ah ka dib, waxaa tartan loo galay hanashada xilka ugu sareeye qaranka oo ah

jagada madaxweynaha, siyaasiyiin tiro badan ayaa isa soo sharaxay, waxaase gebegabadii

ku guuleystay cod aqlabiyad lehna helay Kornayl Cabdulaahi Yuusuf Axmad, oon

Soomaalida badankeedu fileyn inuu jagadaasi ku soo bixi doono. “Dhega dheer taan u

dhigtayba maahan.” Markii guddoomiyaha baarlamaanku, mudane Shariif Xassan ku

dhawaaqay natiijadii doorashada, wuxuu cod baahiyaha ku soo dhoweeyey

madaxweynaha la doortay Kornayl Cabdullahi Yuusuf iyo tartamihii laga guuleystay

mudane Cabdullahi Caddow si ay munaasabada guusha awgeed baarlamaanka iyo marti

sharafta kale dhowr kelmadood ugu soo jeediyaan.

Waxaa dad badani u dhegtaagayeen bal waxaa caawa Korneyl Cabdullahi Yuusuf oran

doono maadaama ay ahayd maalintii noloshiisa ugu farxad badneyd. Waxaa la yaab

noqotay ka dib markii Kornayl Cabdilaahi ku dhawaaqay wax Soomaalida iska daaye

xataa shisheeyuhu la yaabay, wuxuuna yiri, “Soomaalidu waa kala dhaqan duwan tahay

oo qaar maalintii ayey shaqeeyaan qaarna habeenkii ayey shaqeeyaan, anniguse waxaaan

ballan qaadayaa in aan labadaba la shaqeyn doono, ma jinbaa? Isagaa la yiraahdaa

habeen iyo maalin toona ma seexdo. Dadka ku takhasusa cilmiga isirka Aadanaha

(Ethnologists) siiba kuwa Soomaalida u dhuun-daloola si weynna wax uga qoray, waxay

caddeeyeen in Soomaalidu tahay dad isku dhaqan ah, isku luqad ah, isku diin ah.

Haddaba hadalka Kornayl Cabdullahi ee ah Soomaalidu waa kala dhaqan waxaa loo

qaatay mid kashifay sir culus oon cidina hore u soo bandhigin.

* Canshuur qaadow janno jidkeed kuma joogo, cagtana uma jirqooqo ! Haybadda

hoggaamiye qaran waxaa ugu horeysa inuu yahay aftaham shacabka u sawiri kara

hiiraalle qaran iyo horumar lagu gaaro berrin barwaaqo, waa lagama maarmaan inuu

leeyahay cod fasiix ah oo shacabka qiiro gelin kara, waa lagama maarmaan inuu

shacabka beerlaxawsan karo been iyo run mid ay tahayba. Haybadda hoggaamiye qaran

waxaa ka mid ah inuu hadalkiisa ku dheeho Asleynka (Aayado Qur’aan & Axaadis) si

dadweynaha loogu qushuuciyo diinta islaamka. Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waa bilcaksi, waa

afgarooc yaqaan jaajaaleynta iyo googaa-cadaleysiga kaftanka reer Mudug. Hadalkiisu

waxaa ku badan xanaf boogaha damqisa, mana yaqaan xubinta hadalka iyo halbeegga

hawraarta, waxaa ka dhex muuqda oo laga dhadhansan karaa faan iyo tookh ku salaysan

islaweyni qabyaalad cuskan, waxaa ka mid ah eraydaan: “ku dhawaaqista magac qabiil

oo caado u ah ka sokow, wuxuu yiraah: dadka anigaa ugu hub badan, dadka anigaa ugu

geesisan, dadka anigaa wax ugu dili og, dagaalkii qaranka dumiyey anigaa bilaabay


27/08/2000 goortii maamulkii TNG lagu soo dhisay Carta, khudbadii Cabdullaahi Yuusuf

ku mucaaraday TNG ee uu ka jeediyey Garowe, si loo qiimeeyo iyo si loo qoro midna

lama yaqaan, sababtoo ah Cabdullaahi kalama yaqaan hadalka qof mas’uul ah meel

fagaare ah ka jeediyo iyo kaftanka goobaha fadhi-ku-dirirka looga sheekeeyo.

Taageerayaasha Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waa inay garwaaqsadaan haddiiba uu xilka bilo ku

sii waaro inuu u baahan yahay aqoonyahan diyaariya khudbooyinkisa {Speech writer}.

Dhaqaatiirta cilmi nafsiga ku taqasustay haddii ay lafaguri lahaayeen hadallada

Cabdullaahi Yuusuf, waa hubaal in loo aqoonsan lahaa nin waalan balse weli aan dhar

dhigan. Canshuur qaadow janno jidkeed kuma joogo macnaheedu waxaa weeye,

Cabdullaahi Yuusuf kuma taagna toobiyaha taga tubta nabadda iyo taliska

madaxtooyada, wuxuuse u eg-yahay dagaal-ooge u dallacay dilaa-sare, sida ku cad

murtida gabayga cutubkan bilowga iyo furahaba u ah.

Dowlad la’aanta darteed markii amarkii iyo kala dambeyntii ay luntay, qof kasta sida la

quman ayuu u dhaqmay, jaantaa rogan iyo fowdo ayaa nolosha lagu saleeyey. Xumaan

kasta oo caqiidada Islaamka iyo caqliga suuban ka horjeeda ayaa dhaqan noqotay.

Magaalada Xamar waxaa ka furan idaacad FM ah oo lagu magacaabo Bariga Afrika,

sida laga dheehan karo barnaamijyada laga baahiyo idaacadaas, waxaa muuqata inay u

adeegayso danaha cadowga Soomaalida. Barnaamiyada laga baahiyo waxaa ugu

muhiimsan kan “Isirka Samaale”, rag isku sheega aqoonyahan ku xeeldheer taariikhda

ayaa waxay ku yooyootamaan in bulshadu ka kooban tahay Samaale iyo Soogalooti,

lagama maarmaanna ay tahay in magaca Soomaaliya lagu beddelo Samaale oo ah haybqarameedka

{identity} beelaha Irir-Samaale oo iska leh mandaqadda Geeska Afrika.

Dulucda iyo ujeedada barnaamijku waa isku soofeyn iyo sii kala irdheyn bulshada iyo

abuuris niyadxumo horseeda dagaallo cusub, waa khatar hor leh iyo shirqool cadowgu

maleegay oo dalka ku soo fool leh. Yooyootanka idaacadda Bariga Afrika waxaa la mid

ah jaajaaleynta Cabdullaahi Yuusuf, maxaa yeelay markii la dhuuxay lana qiimeeyey

hadallada Cabdullaahi Yuusuf, waxaa loo fahmay in aysan ahayn murti ka soo maaxatay

maskax nin mas’uul ah, balse hadalkiisu inuu jawaab u yahay barnaamijka Isirka

Samaale ee idaacadda Bariga Afrika laga baahiyo...

* Taariikhiyan Soomaalidu waxay ahaan jirtay dad islaweyn oo aan qaadan liidnimada,

qofka Soomaaliga ah xataa haddii uusan diinta waxba ka aqoon, ma ogola oo dagaal buu

ka xigaa in loogu yeero Gaal baad tahay. Cayda ugu fooshxun ee Soomaalidu ka

dagaasho waayadii hore waxay ahaan jirtay waxaaad tahay “Amxaar injir leh iyo Yuhuud

tin leh”. Waa yaabe Kornayl Cabdullahi Yuusuf iyo kooxdiisu waxay si cad oo aan

qarsoodi lahayn ugu faanaan waxaan nahay Kaadir Ethiopia ka soo aflaxay oo

saaxiibkeen Meles Zanawi ayaa hub iyo hantiba nagu taageera si aan hoggaaminta dalka

xoog ugu hanano. Hoggaamiye ku faanaya Ethiopia ayaan kaba-qaad u ahay inuu

madaxweyne ka noqdo dalkaan burburay waa inkaar iyo ayaandarro weyn.

Hal booli ah nirig xalaal ah ma dhasho ! Kooxda International crisis group {ICG}

warbixinta lambarkeedu yahay 88 oo ay soo sareen doorashadii Kornayl Cabdullaahi

Yuusuf kadib, taasoo ay cinwaan uga dhigeen “dagaalka Soomaaliya waa iska sii socon

doonaa” {Somalia: Contiuation of war by other means}, bogga 5aad ee warbixinta waxay

ku qoreen Kornayl Cabdullaahi Yuusuf oo ah Tabcane Tigree si uu ugu guulaysto

jagada madaxweynaha inuu bixiyey laaluush iyadoo xildhibaan kasta hoosta looga

dhiibay $7.000, todoba kun oo dollar. Warar kaloo laga soo xigtay ilo lagu kalsoon yahay

waxay tibaaxeen in laaluushka Cabdullaahi Yuusuf madaxweynaha ku noqday laga

bixiyey khasnada dhexee Ethiopia oo weliba Talyaanigu baritaaray.

* Axaddii la doortay laba ayaamood kadib Arbacadii ku xigtay shirkii u horeeyey iyo

wada tashi siyaasadeed wuxuu la showray Jeneraal MSXMoorgan, taasina waxay caro

karaar dhaaftay ku riday reer Hargeysa iyo guud ahaan Soomaalidii Kacaanku kadeeday,

gaar ahaan Isbahaysiga Dooxada Jubba oo tuhunsan in Cabdullaahi Yuusuf Jeneraal

Moorgan ka ballanqaaday inuu dib ugu gacan geliyo Kismaayo. 17/10/2004 Kornayl

Cabdullaahi Yuusuf markuu 7 ayaamood xilka hayey, wuxuu heshiis dhagar & qiyaamo

huwan la galay shirkadda {HAFZA = Horn of Africa Free Zone Authority}, heshiiskaas

qodobka ugu khartarsan wuxuu qeexayaa in Gacanka Xafuun oo hodon ku ah kalluunka

iyo cusbada muddo 99 sano ah laga kireeyey shirkadda HAFZA. Heshiiskaas oo ah

qiyaamo qarsoodi laga dhigay, shabakadaha warfaafinta ee shaaciyey waxaa ka mid ah

wargeyska Xog-Ogaal No 4775. Heshiiskaas oo ka kooban 19 qodob oo lagu daabacay

32 bog, waxaa lagu maldahay kiro waqti dheer, balse xaqiiqda dahsoon waxay tahay in

Gacanka Xaafuun laga iibiyey shirkadda HAFZA. Warar kaloo lagu kalsoon yahay oo

laga soo xigtay reer Gaalkacyo, waxay kashifeen Cabdullaahi Yuusuf tabaabushii

doorashada ka hor intii uusan u soo ambabixin Nairobi, wuxuu rag ganacsato ah ka

iibiyey xeryihii CQS ee ku yiil deegaanka Gaalkacyo.

Taariikhdu been ma sheegto, lagamana been sheego. Taariikhdu waa mid dhigan,

dhambaaley uruurisaa dhacdiyo mid la dhowryaba. Ninkii timir abuura iyo ninkii tiin

tallaalaba taariikhda ayaa werin ! Sida aan ku soo xusay cutubka 9-aad, MSBarre wuxuu

si geesinimo leh uga diiday shirkadda {CONOCO} inay shidaal ka soo saarto mandaqada

Woqooyi-Bari muddo 20 sano ah iyada oo aqoonyahan Soomaaliyeed uusan goobjoog ka

ahayn goobaha shaqadu ka socoto. 1970-yadii Jirde Xuseen ayaa iibsaday {Bar Savoy}

oo ku yiil bartamaha Xamar, Bar-Savoy dhanka Koofur-Bari waxaa kaga dheganaa

dhismaha Xafiiska laga diiwaangeliyo baabuurta iyo warqadda lagu wado baabuurta

{driving License}, Xafiiskaas waxaa lagu magacaabi jiray {PRA = Public Registeration

Automobile}. Taajir Jirde Xuseen wuxuu jeclaystay inuu dowladda ka iibsado

dhismahaas oo xilligaas Baraako fool-xun ahaa, qalqaaladii waxaa ka wasteeyey oo

arjigii codsiga ka qaaday Cumar Carte Qaalib oo ay u dhaxday ina-Jirde Xuseen,

xilligaasna ahaa wasiirka arrimaha dibedda oo MSBarre ay isku fiicnaayeen, gabayadiisii

jacburka ahaa iyo qarawgii uu ku sheegi jiray inuu ku riyooday MSBarre oo Soomaaliya

ka samatabixiyey aafadii ku habsatay waayadii maamulkii Musuqmaasuqa darteed.

Sidii lagu yiqiin Cumar Carte inta lebbistay suud qurux badan oo ilqabad leh, timahana

shanladii rasto ka dhex jeexay ayuu xafiiska madaxtooyada ugu tegay MSBarre oo ku

mashquulsan saxiixa warqado xoghayntu soo diyaarisay oo waqtigaas hortaagnayd.

Shicir-jacbur Carabi ah oo nuxurkisu ahaa duco balse MSBarre uusan fahmin markuu

mariyey, arjigii Jirde Xuseen ku codsanayey in dhismaha PRA laga iibiyo ayuu

hordhigay, wuxuuna u raaciyey baryootan iyo hoodo sheegasho uu ku sigtay inuu

gondaha qabsado si sodoggi looga iibiyo dhismaha PRA. MSBarre caro darteed sigaarkii

laba-laba ayuu u shitay, dhowr fijaan oo qaxwe {coffee} ahna waa cabay, wuxuuse

Cumar Carte ugu jawaabay “Digtatoor dembiyo badan galay haba laygu sheego, laakiin

lagama yaabo dhismo qaranku leeyahay inaan shaqsi ku wareejiyo”. MSBarre isla

markiiba wuxuu amray Baraakadii PRA in 5 dabaq looga dhiso xarunta wasaaradd

maaliyadda. Arjigii Jirde Xuseen ee Cumar Carte ka wasteeyey iyo tuhun kaloo jiray

darteed iyadoo laga shakiyey in Cumar Carte sidii ina-adeerki Axmed Yuusuf Ducaale

1967kii markuu ahaa wasiirka arrimaha dibedda uu u iibsaday qadiyadda xorayntii

Jabuuti oo kale in Cumar u iibsado qaddiyadda xoreynta Soomaali Galbeed, intii aan

dagaalkii 77 si rasmi ah loo bilaabin ayaa Cumar Carte laga qaaday xilka wasaaradda

arrimaha dibedda, waxaaase lagu beddelay Cabdiraxmaan Jaamac Barre oo ahaa doqon

ku guuldaraystay xilkii loo dhiibay.

Dabayaaqadii 1980-yadii Jeneraal Maxamed Faarax Xersi “Gacmogooye” ayaa shil

baabuur ku geeriyooday wuxuu ahaa sarkaal firfircoon oo hanaqaadka Kacaankii

Oktoobar hawl badan ka soo qabtay. Afadii Jannanku ka geeriyooday oo ay baritaarayaan

qabqablayaasha beesha Mareexaan ayaa xafiiska madaxtooyad isku shubay, waxay

MSBarre ka codsadeen in agoonta laga iibiyo dhul yar oo beri ahaan jiray xafiiskii horee

Rugta Ganacsiga, kuna yiil dhabarka dhismaha weyn ee dowladda {Ufficio Governo}.

Arjigii ayaa la hordhigay, waxaa loo sharxay Jannanka xijaabtay inuu ahaa halyey abaal

lama iloobaan ah ku leh Kacaanka, waxaa laga codsaday agoonta in taagero iyo wax-uqabasho

looga dhigo dhulkaas yar oo laga iibiyo. MSBarre intii uusan u jawaabin, wuxuu

u yeeray Jeneraal Jaamac Badwi taliyihii hoggaanka dhismaha Boliiska, kooxdii dhulka

doonaysay oo xaadir ah, si ay u quustaan wuxuu amray in goobtaas laga dhiso Laanta

Lacagaha Qalaad ee Bankiga. MSBarre oo diiday inuu dhul yar ka iibiyo shaqsi

Soomaaliyeed, inuu beddelo Cabdullaahi Yuusuf oo degmo dhan shirkad shisheeye ah ka

iibiyey waa ayaandarro weyn oo Soomaali ku dhacday. Nabee waa loo darsaday duqii

dacayda weynaa !

* Waayadii hore Soomaaliya waxaa ka jiri jiray dariiqooyin diimeed sida (Qaadiriya,

Axmeddiya, Saalixiya iwm) sannadahaan dambe waxaa ku soo biiray dariiqooyin cusub

sida (Al-Islaax, Al-Itixaad, Selefiya iwm) hasa ahaatee sheekada Kufaartu faafiyaan ee

oranaysa Soomaaliya waxaa jooga Al Qaacida waa been abuur aan beyd run ka ahayn.

Kornayl Cabdullaahi Yuusuf oo lagu xanto askeri aan aa-aaska diinta waxba ka aqoon

isla markaana doonaya inuu raalli geliyo cadowga Islaamka, mar kasta iyo madal kasta

wuxuu ka sheegaa oo afkiisu ku diir beelay Soomaaliya waxaa jooga Al Qaaciido iyo

argagaxiso ee adduunku ha na siiyo ciidan aan ku burburino. Meeshaad qof ka qaado qof

baad uga tagtay, hal-hayska Cabdullaahi Yuusuf ee ah waxaaan u baahan nahay ciidan

shisheeye oo lagu dabargooyo argagixisada iyo Alqaaciidada Soomaaliya, wuxuu caro

geliyey Soomaalida damiirka wanaagsan iyo inta diinta ehelka u ah. Iyadoo aan lagu

martiqaadin ka mid noqoshada Huwanta isku magacaawday la dagaallanka argagaxisada

balse dantoodu tahay dabargoynta Muslimiinta, Cabdullaahi Yuusuf wuxuu u tafaxeytay

oo heegan ugu jiraa inuu xubin firfircoon ka noqdo xulufada Washington laga hago ee ku

bahawday la dagaallanka Muslimiinta.

* Si qaldan oo qar-iska-tuurnimo ah wuxuu yiri, Somaliland & Puntland waxay leeyihiin

ciidan habaysan oo iyaga hubka laga qaadi maayo, laakiin Koofurta Soomaaliya

(Hawiye) ayaa la doonayaa in hubka laga qaado oo maskaxda laga beddelo. Hadalkaas

Hawiye wuxuu u arkay Cabdullaahi Yuusuf inuu yahay askeri ma naxe ah oo weliba aarsi

doon ah, taasina waxay horseeday in Hawiye hubkisa aasto oo weliba keyb-la-yuurar iyo

sutigaashaan galo. Maxamed Xaaji Aadan oo ka mid ah siyasiyiinta Puntland ayaa laga

soo xigtay erayadaan “Cabdullaahi Yuusuf waagii hore wuxuu ahaan jiray buro-kansar

ah oo ku taal Majeerteen, ayaandarro hadda wuxuu noqday belaayo madow oo ku

baahday berrin kastoo udub aqal Somaliyeed ka mudan yahay. Cabdullaahi Yuusuf

saddex dhaqan oo xun-xun: aargoosiga, qabyaaladda iyo xukun jacaylka wuxuu kala mid

yahay MSBarre inta kalena waa kaga sii xun yahay” Cabdullaahi Yuusuf wuxuu uurka

ku qarsan waayey oo afku ka xaday aargoosiga uu damacsan yahay, wuxuu meel fagaare

ah ka yiri: markaan Xamar la tago ciidan Majeerteen iyo Tigree iskudhafan ah, Hawiye

badan waa ku calaacali doonaa “Abbaanow anigu kuma jirin dilkii iyo bililiqaysigii

Daarood loogu geystay Koofurta 1991-92”. Damaacsi waa riyo maalmeed iyo rejo

meehanaw aan sinaba u suurtageleyn oo haatan Soomaali si fiican bay sannadahan isu


* Waayadii Soomaalidu ku nooleyd miyiga waxay lahayd lebbis lagu yaqaan, saddex

kooxood keliya ayaa loo ogolaa inay madaxa dedaan oo maro ku xirtaan: hoggaamiye

dhaqameed, culumada & haweenka la qabo. Dhaqankii horee suubanaa, xeerka Biri-mageydo

waxaa lagu qeexay saddexda duubka leh lama dilo, oo waxaa looga baqaa: caro

Eebbe, cuqubo iyo ceeb. 1930-yadii kadib markii baadiyaha laga soo dagaagay ee beled

la yimid, dhaqan doorsoon iyo isku dhex yaac ayaa ku dhacay reer magaalkii waxayna la

yimaadeen hab-dhaqan cusub. Raggii wuxuu u qeybsamay saddex: caami-duub leh,

caalim-faasuqa iyo cirroole-caasiya. Sidoo kale haweenkii waxay u qeybsameen saddex:

carmal-tima-daban, cajuuso-cillaan leh iyo carruur shaash leh. Wadaad iska yeel aan

diinta waxba ka aqoon oo ah caami-duub leh ayaa lebbistay qamiis-cad, cimaamad iyo

koofiyad, dabadeed wuxuu u xoolo doontay miyiga, si xushmad leh ayaa loo soo

dhoweeyey oo waxaa loo qaatay sheekh weyn oo asaleynka (Qur’aanka & Axaadista)

dusha ka yaqaan. Ka haybaysi iyo karaameyn darteed, waxaa lagu sharfay inuu salaada

subax dadka tujiyo oo jameecada iimaam u noqdo, isna waa yeelay, balse aqoondarro

darteed salaaddii subax wuxuu ka dhigay afar rakcadood, sababtoo ah weligiiba hal mar

ayuu salaad casar wax ka tukaday oo wuxuu u fahmay in salaad kasta afar rakcadood

tahay. Jameecadii ayaa ku tiri sheekh waad sahwiday ee mar kale aan salaadda tukano oo

ku noqono. Wuxuu ku jawaabay saaxi baan ahay oo weligay ma sahwin. Waxaa lagu yiri

hadde sidee wax u jiraan salaadda subax waa laba rakcadood, adiguna waxaad na tujisay

afar rakcadood? Caamiga duubka leh oo ahaa jaahil xoog leh wuxuu yiri, afar wax lagu

waayey laba laguma doono ee edeb yeesha. Haddaba Cabdullaahi Yuusuf inuu sidii

caamigii duubka lahaa yiraah, wax xoog lagu waayey xeelad laguma doono oo sidii lagu

yiqiin wax walba xabad iyo xoog ku xaliyo iyo inuu is beddelo oo noqdo oday ummadda

tabaalaysan u horseeda dib-u-heshiisinta iyo horumar ha laga dhursugo labada midda

maamulkiisu ku dhammaado.

* Muhandiskii qaraabo-kiilka iyo macalinkii qabyaaladda MSBarre, shaqaalaha ku

meersan walow ay u badnaayeen Mareexaan nabadgelyada qaabilsan, haddana waxay

ahaayeen isku-dhaf Soomaali-weyn ka kooban. Jagada afhayeenka warfaafinta

madaxweyanah waxaa iska beddelay Cabdi Xaaji Gabdoon, Yaasiin Xaaji Ismaacil iyo

Axmed Xasan Cowke. Laga soo bilaabo 1965kii markii MSBarre laga dhigay taliyaha

XDS waxaa darawal u ahaa Cabdi Madoobe (Majeerteen) waagii dambena wuxuu u

dallacsiiyey G/Sare la wareegay xilka Aide Camp. Kornayl Cabdullaahi Yuusuf

shaqaalaha ku meersan 100% waa Majeerteen u badan jufada reer Mahad, wargeyska

Codka Xorriyadda ee ka soo baxa Kaaraan ayaa qoray maqaal ciwaankisu ahaa

Cabdullaahi Yuusuf ma madaxweyne Soomaaliyeed baa mise waa Malaaq Majeerteen?

Wadaad baa yiri, jaahil janno jidkeed kuma joogo, naxariis Eebbena uma jeelqabo.

Cabdullaahi madaxweyne Soomaali midayn kara uma muuqdo, saanqaadkeed iyo

sansaankeedna maleh.

* Belaayada ka soo higleh Mataanaha Mudug waxaa sii odorosay MSBarre. Maamulkii

MSBarre waxaa laga dhaxlay burbur iyo barakac baaxad weyn, kaasoo la hubo inuu

dhacarsan doono jiilka dambe qarniyaasha soo socda. 1990kii markii maamulkii

MSBarre ku soo uruuray caasimada, gobollada oo dhan dagaalladii sokeeye ku baaheen

oo dab ka holcay, ayaa koox Mareexaan ah oo xilligaas naf-la-caari ahayd waxay

madaxtooyada ugu tageen MSBarre oo faraxsan wax shido ahna aysan wejigiisa ka

muuqan. Welwelka kooxda iyo dareen la’aanta MSBarre liddi bay isku ahaayeen,

kadibna waxay ku calaacaleen, “waxaad tahay hoodo-laawe hadimo noo abuuray,

Soomaaliya meel xun baad dhigtay, Mareexaanna waxaad u beertay godob mugweyn,

adiguna taariikh madow ayaad leedahay oo lafahaaga ayaa la gubi doonaa”. MSBarre oo

dhoollacadaynaya ayaa ugu jawaabay kooxdii welwelsanayd, “waxaad tihiin maangaabyo

aan baaxa-degga siyaasada beydna ka aqoon, saadaasha siyaasadda waxba kama

taqaaniin, sida aad wax u odorosteen arrimaha mustaqbalku waa ka beddelan yihiin”

MSBarre wuxuu kooxdii ugu caqli celiyey in wax walba si wanaagsan ku dhammaan

doonaan, wuxuu hadalkiisii ku soo afjaray “Mareexaan wax eed ah looma qabsan

doono, waxayna ahaan doonaan asharaaf ixtiraam mudan, anniguna waxaan noqon

doonaa halyey qaran oo haybad leh”. Kooxdii oo yaaban ayaa MSBarre weydiisey oo

sideebay taasi ku suurtoobi doontaa? MSBarre wuxuu ku jawaabay, mustaqabalka waxaa

imaan doona rag iga naxariis daran oo wixii dhibaato Kacaanku geystay sii kun-jibaari

doona, waxaana lagu calaacali doona Kacaankii MSBarre waa loo darsaday. MFCaydiid

iyo Cabdullaahi Yusuf Axmed oo hadda jabhad qabiil hoggaamiya ayaa gadaashay imaan

doona, waa hubaal gaboodfalka ay geysan doonaan inuu taariikhdayda qurxin doonaan,

duntooda iyo dirkooda ayaan aqoon fiican u leeyahay waxay Soomaaliya u horseedi

doonaan halaag baaxadweyn”. Wixii xumaan Mareexaan falay waxaa fasaqi doona

xumaanta Mataanaha Mudug fali doonaan, wixii xumaan MSBarre falayna waxaa fasaqi

doona xumaanta Saaxiibada Mudug samayn doonaan. Waxaa muuqata saadaashii

MSBarre inay rumowday oo rag ka arxamdarran ay gadaashi yimaadeen, walow

dhibaatada inteeda badan MSBarre beeray, lamana dafiri karo inuu Soomaaliya meel xun

uga tegay.

* Goortii Sayid Maxamed Cabdulle Xasan ku geeriyooday Iimey 21/12/1921kii, sidii

dawgu ahaa looma sameyn tacsi iyo baroordiiq heer qaran ah. Wuxuu mudnaa oo la

filayey in loo maamuuso geesi qaran ka geeriyooday, taas beddelkeeda gabayo digasho

iyo aflagaado ah ayaa loo tebiyey, waxaa ugu foolxumaa tuducyada hoose:

Hadda ayuu galayr-yeynayaa gego habaas weyne,

Hadda ayuu garuumaynayaa gabadh islaameede,

Waxaad geeri moodeen amuu yare gamaanyooday,

Wadaadkii gunaanadi lahaa amuu yaraha guulguulay,

Waatey Alleba kala go’een geeri ka horowe,

Sidee aakhiro ugu galbaday doqonsanaa gaalku ...

Gabaygaas iyo kii Calidhuux ee ahaa “Waa lagu digtaa duul hadduu ku darnaan

jiraye, bal dayooy wadaadkii wakaa sii dabayshadaye”, waxay noqdeen wax foolxun

oo ka baxsan dhaqanka suuban ee Soomaalida iyo guud ahaan shareecda islaamka,

waxayse gabayadu ku salaysan yihiin murtida oranaysa: Rag hadduu coloobo marka hore

wuxuu ku kala cad goostaa ciraabta gabayga, dumarna hadduu coloobo marka hore

waxay ku kala cad goostaan caytanka suuqa. Waxgaradkii sebenkaas noolaa iyo

culumada diinta ayaa ka shiray gabayada aflagaadada iyo jeesjeeska ah ee marxuumka

loo tiriyey, kadibna waxaa la xilsaaray (Ahlu caqli & wal qiyaas) culumada laga xulay.

Guddigii la xilsaaray markay qiimeeyeen taariikhdii Sayidka, sidii uu gobanimada ugu

halgamay iyo jahaadkii uu Gaalada kala hortegay, waxay qiyaaseen in Sayidku ahlu

janno yahay, sababtoo ah bay yiraahdeen ciilkii uu Gaalada baday ayaa dembigiisa

dabooli, Insha-Allaah.

Sidaas oo kale goortii MSBarre Lagos ku geeriyooday 03/01/1995, siyaabo kala duwan

ayaa wax looga sheegay, hurgumadii laga dhaxlay Kacaankii Luggooyo ayaan boogtisu

weli bogsan. Degmada Xamar-jadiid, xaafadda Cali Kamiin, maqaayad ku taal dad

fadhiyey ayaa markay BBC ka dhegaysteen in MSBarre xijaabtay waxay ku duceeyeen

Allow u naxariiso oo jannatul firdowsa ka waraabi. Mooryaan reer Hobyo ah ayaa dadkii

rasaas aan loo miidaan deyin ku furay, dadkii goobtaas lagu xasuuqay waxaa ka mid ahaa

Axmed Cali Geelle oo ah reer Caabudwaaq, balse hooyadi reer Hobyo tahay. Axmed Cali

Geelle wuxuu ahaa Biri-ma-geydo kulansaday: magan, inaan la yaal abti loo yahay oo

inta la dilo ka reeban.

Qof islaam ah oo dhintay in lagala baqaylo naxariista Eebbe waa arrin foolxun oo hidde

dhaqanka Soomaalida ku cusub. Reer Muqdisho mashaqadii dhacaday waxay u

xilsaareen guddi (Ahlu caqli wal qiyaas) bal inay soo iftoodaan oo go’aan ka soo gaaraan

aayaha MSBarre. Guddigii la xilsaaray markay daraasad ku sameeyeen hab-dhaqankii

MSBarre iyo sidii Kacaanku ula macaamilay Mataanaha Mudug, waxay qiyaaseen

MSBarre Insh-Allaah inuu ahlu janno yahay, taasna wuxuu ku mutaystay aqoontii

durugsanayd ee uu u lahaa Mataanaha Mudug, siiba xarigii MFCaydiid & Cabdullaahi

Yuusuf. Markii la arkay hab-dhaqanka dugaagii ka dambeeyey MSBarre, waxaa loogu

duceeyey in naxariista Eebbe daboosho dembigiisa, raxiimullaah. Doorashadii

Cabdullaahi Yuusuf kadib, qof kastoo xusa magaca MSBarre, xataa reer Hargeysa,

waxay ku duceeyaan Alle ha u naxariisto MSBarre.

MFCaydiid iyo saaxiibki Cabdullaahi Yuusuf oo ku xiran xabsiga Mandheera, odayaal

iskudhaf ah oo reer Mudug ah ayaa 1973kii madaxtooyada kula shiray MSBarre, waxay

ka codsadeen inuu labada sarkaal xabsiga ka sii daayo. MSBarre oo ahaa nin codsiga

odayaasha dhaqanka tixgeliya wuxuu la kulmay laba kala darran lagu dooransii, inuu

codsiga odayaasha diido way ku adkaatay isla markaana inuu labada sarkaal sii daayo

iyaduna way ku adkaatay. Wuxuu odayaashii u sharaxay sababta labada sarkaal ku xiran

yihiin, garaawshiyo ku salaysan mataan-bowleyn iyo madax-salaax kadib, wuxuu yiri:

“MFCaydiid naftayda ayuu halis ku yahay oo aan uga baqay, Cabdullaahi Yuusufna

qaranka ayuu halis ku yahay oo aan uga baqay, sidaas ayey xabsiga ku mutaysteen”

MSBarre wuxuu ahaa oday wax og oo loo waxyooday, saadaashiisii ahayd Cabdullaahi

wuxuu halis ku yahay qaranka, waxay dhab noqotay dagaalkii 77. Kornayl Cabdullaahi

Yuusuf waxaa taliye looga dhigay ciidankii ka faltamay aagga Baali & Sidaamo, iyadoo

guluf weerarku habsami ku socdo oo Soomaalidu gacanta sare leedahay, Cabdullaahi

wuxuu joojiyey weerarkii ciidanka Soomaalidu ku hayey ciidanka Xabashida, wuxuu

xiriir hoose la yeeshay saraakiil ay isku hayb ahaayeen waxaa ka mid ahaa Kornayl

Maxamuud Sheekh Cismaam “Cirro” oo isna ahaa taliyaha guud ee saadka iyo

taakuleynta CQS, waxay ku heshiiyeen inay ka shaqeeyaan sidii Soomaalidu dagaalka

ugu jabi lahayd oo Ethiopia u guulaysan lahayd. Dhowr sarkaal oo reer Woqooyi-Bari ah

ayaa mas’uul ka ahaa guuladarradii dagaalkii 77. Ujeedada shirqoolka loo abaabulay

waxay ku jaango’nayd laba arrimood, waa tan horee haddii Soomaali Galbeed la xoreeyo,

waxay is tuseen in MSBarre noqon doonaa halyey qaran oo haybad leh {Napoleon

Bonabart}, waa tan labaade waxay is tuseen israaca Soomaaliweyn xor ah inuu halis ku

yahay haybadda iyo gacansareynta siyaasadeed ee beesha Majeerteen.

Hagartii iyo jallaafadii dagaalkii 77, isku-daygii afgembigii 09/04/1978, aas-aaskii SSDF

& Radio Halgan, qabsashadii Balanballe & Galdogob, hagar la’aantii hiil iyo hooba

Ethiopia ku taageertay in Cabdullaahi Yuusuf noqdo madaxweynaha Puntland iyo

madaxweyanaha jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya iyo sidii Ethiopia ugu taageertay

inuu jalbaha dhulka u dhigo maamulladii ay madaxweyneyaasha ka ahaayeen

Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xasan iyo Jaamac Cali Jaamac iyo codsiga Cabdullaahi Yuusuf ee

ku wajahan in ciidan Itroobiyaan ah faragelin ku sameeyo Soomaaliya, arrimahaas iyo

kuwa kaloo dahsoon marka laysu geeyo waxay muujinayaan tuhun salballaaran oo

dulucdiisu tahay in Cabdullaahi Yuusuf weligi ahaa jaajuus Ethiopia ku dhex leedahay

saraakiisha Soomaalida.

Marnaba yaan loo qaadan inaan ahay qareen difaacaya dunuubtii MSBarre Soomaali ka

galay, waxaaan qorayaa oo keliya inay yimadeen rag ka naxariisdaran kun jeer. Marka

furuq yimaado waraabow waa faro ka leef. Reer Harar ayaa ku mahmaaha: haddii

Amxaar la arko, Faranji waa Xaaji. Wadar jeer waxaan ku celceliyey MSBarre inuu

mas’uul ka yahay inta badan dhibaatada Soomaaliya hadda ka taagan, sababtoo ah isagaa

maamulka qaranka u rogay qabyaalad qaawan iyo qori caaradi, isagaa tallaalay turxaanta

iyo kala tagga Soomaalida. Qofkii shar iyo khayr kala doortay waxba kalama dooran,

laakiin qofkii laba sharood kala doortay ayaa runtii wax kala doortay. Caafimaadku waa

shayga ugu fiican ee Alle bixiyo, haddii laga fursan waayo oo cudur ku asiibo, kolley

cudurka qaaxadu waa ka roon yahay cudurka Kansarka. Sidaas awgeed marka la

qiimeeyo hab-dhaqanka hoggamiye kooxeedyada iyo raggii u hanqaltaagay jagada

madaxweynaha, waxaa la oran karaa maamulkii MSBarre wuxuu ahaa qaaxo halis ah,

waxaase dabi yimid Kansar aan dawo lahayn.

Waxaa taagan qofkaan garan ma garto waxaa soo socda, xagga garashada Eebbe dadka

kama simin, waxaa jira qof saadaalin kara mustaqabalka waxaa dhici doona, sida

qaalibka ah gabyaagu wuxuu leeyahay Ilhaam ay wax ku odorosaan. Gabyaa lagu

magacaabo Nuux Saciid Naxar (reer Xaafuun) oo ilaaliye ka ahaan jiray daarta

Baarlamaankii hore ayaa horaantii 1990kii la yaabay carcarta mushkiladdii bilaawga

ahayd ee nuxurkeedu ahaa: (qabiil ku bururka, kursi u qooqa, qarannimo diidka,

qabyaalad jacaylka, xasadka, dhabar-ka-wareenka, is-naca, sohdimaha qabiilka iyo seero

beeleedka). Gabyaa Nuux oo ka tiiraanyeysan belaayada soo higleh ayaa hanuunintii

maalinta Talaadada loo qaban jiray shaqaalaha dowladda ka tiriyey gabay taariikhi ah,

wuxuu ku maansooday:

Sabca iyo sabciin baan jiraa maalmo saa’ida’e

Suugaanta maansadana hantiyey sa iyo wowgeede,

Waxaaan saxay waxaaan saadiyey iyo waxaan samayn doono,

Aan sawiro bal maantana halkaan saanta dhiganayno,

Soddon sanaba qaran baan ahayn calan u saaraaye,

Saldanadiina adkaystaan lahaa yaan la saabiline,

Saracadaan lahaa labada webi dooxadaan sare’e,

Soomaali sidii aan la rabay diiday samahiiye,

Saluugtoo midnimadii nacdaye hoog ma wada saaqay,

Waa maxay sawaxaankiyo haddaba salawga yeeraaya?

Su’aashaa jawaabteeda sugan sidatan weeyaane,

Soddon qaad rasaastiis aan sinaba loo waayin,

Saqiir iyo toban jirkiinii sitaad nabad sugaysaane,

Safar la laayiyo naflahaan salashay laabtiisu,

Sanaadiiqda lacagta laga buuxiyee dibedda loo saaray,

Saqiir ooyi hooyada sawaxi oday gacamaha sayrin,

Sirqa baahan dhalinyaro sahwiday oo gaajo ay solatay,

Suuq ololay beesada sabayn aan qaar indhaha saarin,

Saraha dabaqa dheer Laanguruus nimanka saanyooday,

Safkayaga dhergaaya oon bulshada eegin siliceeda,

Seedaha sokeeyaha is jaray nabadda seerowday,

Sulfaha dhacay abaaraha sanqaray waxaakan sooyaamay,

Saddex Allifle Jannankii ka biqi yeyna soo maraye,

Sababaha dhibaatadan ku timid waa la soconaaye,

Soomaaliyey Kitaab beenah baa saan inoo galaye,

Saatirkeenna ma loo noqonayaa weyna saamixiye,


Sugaanta meeeshaan la rabay waa nigaa sugaye,

Siyaadkaa noo sareeyiyo intuu sahanku noo muuqdo,

Saxiixiisu intuu soconayaan siinad leenahaye,

Haddaan siigo kicin maalintuu talada siidaayo,

Haddaan lagu sallidin raggaan u nixin shacabka Soomaali,

Haddaan saanad culus laysla dhicin Xamarna saaltaynin,

Sacabada haddii ayaan dhigan taajirradu suuqa,

Niman sarara weynaa hadeyan saxar ka sii dhuuban,

Sagaal goor hadaan laga darraan kaa na kala soocay,

Siyaadow, Siyaadow haddaan waaya lagu suuxin,

Soo celi Allahayow haddaannu noqonin sowdkiinu,

Soomaali wacal baan ka ahay ee saa ha la ogaado….

Axmed Kuukay oo Xeer-Ilaaliye ka ahaa MBD isla markaana ka mid ahaa dadkii

dhegaysanayey maalintii hanuuninta gabayga Nuux, wuxuu ii sheegay markuu gabayga

dhammeeyey inuu jidbooday oo ilmeeyey. Fiintu waxay ka oydaa fidnada soo socota,

galawgu wuxuu sheegaa waxaan dhicin balse dhici doona.

Sheeko oraaheed kutiri-kuteen ah, waxaa la sheegay dhowr qarni ka hor wabiga

Shabeelle nawaaxiga degmada Afgooye waxaa ku noollaan jiray yaxaas-weyne fariistay

hilo-wabi, wuxuuna hallakeeyey dad iyo duunyo wixii ka soo ag-dhowaaday biyaha

wabiga. Nafley oo dhan markay ka quusteen biyaha wabiga, shir waxgaradku u dhan

yihiin waxaa lagu go’aamiyey in yaxaas-weyne maalin walba loo qalo dibi baad ah.

Heshiiskii dhexmaray waxgaradka iyo yaxaas-weyne muddo ayaa lagu caano-maalay oo

wax dhibaato ah aysan dhicin, dad iyo duunyo si xorriyad ah ayaa biyaha looga dhergay.

Dabcan dadku waa damaaci, laxawjeclo darteed waxaa la masuugay dibigii baadda ahaa,

waxaa la gorfeeyey taladii biyaha wabiga lagu cabi lahaa iyadoo aan wax baad ah la

bixin. Waxaa la shiriyey raggii maalinta darran loo irkan jiray taladooda, falanqayn iyo

dood dheer kadib waxaa la go’aamiyey qiime kasta ha qaadatee in yaxaas-weyne la dilo

oo laga xoroobo amar-ku-taaglayntiisa. Boqol barbaar oo waran iyo gaashaan ku

hubaysan ayaa beelaha laga xulay, waxaana loo xilsaaray inay yaxaas-weyne madaxa ka

jaraan, loona babacdhigo halista ka imaan karta.

Walow dhowr nin uu hallakeeyey lana haleelay saynta iyo micida, ugu dambeystii waa

laga guulaystay oo waa la dilay yaxaas weyne. Dadweynihii oo aad u faraxsan ayaa

ciyaar iyo raynrayn la damaashaaday, waxay quudaraynayeen baad la’aan in biyaha

wabiga laga haqab-beeli doono oo belaayo oo dhan waqtigeedii dhamaaday. Waxaa soo

ifbaxay arrin aan markii horeba talada lagu darin, yaxaas-weyne dibiga loo qalo markuu

laba xubnood ka cuno (garab iyo sarar) hilbaha soo hara wuxuu siin jiray koox yaxaasyo

ah oo wabiga ku la noollayd. Dilkii yaxaas-weyne, maalin kadib waxaa loo arooray hilowabi,

ayaadarro waxaa weerar soo qaaday 30 yaxaas oo aan hore loo arki jirin oo mid

waliba doonayo in kaligi loo qalo 3 dibi oo baad ah. Dibigii yaxaas-weyne loo qali jiray

ee la masuugay waa boqol jibaarmay, wuxuuna noqday 90 dibi, calaacal iyo Allow

yaxaas-weyne maxaa loo dilay ayaa lagu waashay.

Sheekada sare waxay la mid tahay halgankii hubaysnaa ee lagu qaaday taliskii MSBarre.

Oktoobar 1969 illaa Luulyo 1976 MSBarre wuxuu ahaa hoggaamiye qaran oo haybad

leh, dalkuna hormar lixaad leh ayuu sameeyey, balse aas-aaskii XHKS 1976kii wixii ka

dambeeyey MSBarre wuxuu noqday hoggaamiye beeleed, dastuurka dalka lagu maamulo

waxaa laga dhigay gabaygii Ergo Daarood, qaraabo-kiil iyo qabyaalad qaawan oo lagu

faano ayaa la dhaqan geliyey. Qabyaaladdii MSBarre ka soo bilaabay Irir iyo Daarood

waxay ku biyoshubatay loollan dhexmaray labadii bahood (Khadiijo & Dallaayad) ee

MSBarre, waxaa iska horyimid Ayaanle MSBarre oo ahaa RW dahsoon iyo Maslax

MSBarre oo ahaa taliyaha XDS. Markii la xamili-waayey kadeedkii iyo amar-kutaaglayntii,

maamulkii MSBarre waxaa ka horyimid mucaarad hubaysan, ugu dambaystii

26/01/1991kii waxaa lagu guulasytay in MSBarre madaxtooyada laga saaro, waxaa la

rejaynaayey in dhibaato oo dhan laga bixi doono. Gees-ka-gees guud ahaan dalka oo

dhan goobaha lagu caweeyo iyo fagaarayaasha lagu dabbaaldego waxaa isugu soo baxay

dadweyne faraxsan, rag iyo dumar isu jiibinaya ciyaaraha waxay ku heeseen:

Dheg-dheer dhimatoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Dhul-gub dhoofyoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Xornimo dhalatoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Dheregi timidoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Dhiilahaan culanoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Dheefta loo simanyoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Dhibaato hartoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Dhiig-miirad tegyoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Nabadi dhalatoo dhulkii waa nabad,

Dhacadiid ku gamoo dhulkii waa nabad !!!

Ayaandarroi muddo gaaban kadib wax walba bilcaksi ayey isu beddeleen, midnimadii

dalka ayaa muran gashay, hashii maandeeq waa la qalay nin cagaf helay iyo nin calool

helayba waxaa loo codeeyey in ceeriin lagu cuno hilbaha maandeeq, gees-ka-gees waxaa

laga naadiyey dowlad gobolleed iyo guurti baarlamaan lagu sheegayy. Sannad kadib

markii MSBarre Xamar laga saaray waxaa ku herdamey Cali Mahdi iyo MFCaydiid,

dabadeed waxaa lagu waashay “Salaamullaahi Calal Xujaaj”, yaxaasyadii khatarta ahaa

ee MSBarre xabsiyada ku hayn jiray ayaa oodda so jabsaday, waxaa soo ifbaxay 30

hoggaamiye kooxeed oo mid kasta ku hadaaqayo “waxaan doonayaa inaan caano baqal

cabo oo aan carrab yaxaas cuno ee mar i dhaha madaxweyne”. Faraxdii dadweynuhu

siima waarin, heestii ahayd dheg-dheer dhimatoo dhulkii waa nabad waxay isu

beddeshay ridmo bilcaksi ah:

Belaayaa dhacdoo dhibkii badayeey,

La kala dhimayoo dhibkii badayeey,

Dhiig-badani qubayoo dhibkii badayeey,

Dhalaankii jalayoo dhibkii badayeey,

Wayeel dhacanyoo dhibkii badayeey,

Madfac baa dhambaloo dhibkii badayeey,

Qaxooti loo dhurayoo dhibkii badayeey,

Dhismihii burburyoo dhibkii badayeey,

Dowladi ma dhisnoo dhibkii badayeey,

Dhagarqabay isu dharanayoo dhibkii badayeey,

Na kala dhufsadoo dhibkii badayeey,

Dhuun-weyne ka darnoo dhibkii badayeey !!!

Janaayo 1991kii markii MSBarre Xamar ka baxay Abshir Bacadle ayaa tiriyey gabay

raynrayn ah hase ahaatee sannadguuradii 1992 mar kale wuxuu tibaaxay in MSBarre laga

sii daray, wuxuuna ku maansooday:

Duqii hore maxaa loo eryoon kula dagaaleynay,

Dalkii iyo dadkiyo diintii buu dumiyey sow maaha,

Digtatoornimuu keenay iyo dulun cad sow maaha,

Ka daroo dibi dhal-baan aragnay iyo furuqyo daacuune,

Nin walbow walaalkaa dad qala haw durbaan tumine,

Yaan laydin dabargoyn qabiil dowlad noqon waaye,

Qolana qolo ma dabargoyn kadhee weysku daganteene,

Ayax bililiqaa nagu dagoo diirtay beledkeenna,

Duqii doona ducana ugu dara waadna dilateene,

Allow yaa inoo diga markaan duqa ku yaacaynay,

Allow yaa inoo diga markaan deriska riixayney,

Allow yaa inoo diga markaan dacarta beerayney,

Allow yaa dabaadiga hariyo degelka noo caynsha,

Allow yaa dabkoo idil ku rida dowlad gacanteeda,

Allow yaa dagaallada ahliga dib uga waantooba,

Allow yaa mar kale daawada deris walaaloobay,

Allow yaa dalkoo nabadgelyaa diinta ku hoggaansha,

Allow yaa dersiga muqadiska ah dib ugu soo laabta,

Allow yaa difaaciyo amniga dhidibadu u duuga,

Allow yaa daroogiyo qabiil inaga daaweeya,

Allow yaa dariis ciiidan iyo dowlad mar u jeeda,

Dib wax ugama sheegeen askeri daa’in abidkeeye,


Ninkaanse dhiigga daadanaya damaaqin yeelkiisa,

Rabbi hibadu ugu deeqay bay dacar ku beereene,

Gubey kaga daydeen oo dulmi bay derejo moodeene,

Afartaa qabiil nimuu dishoo dudaya haw sheegin,

Danta guud nimaan eeginoo doqona haw sheegin,

Dalka nimaan u dhalan kuma duxdee duulow haw sheegin,

Dad-qal dib-u-heshiisinta neceb dulucda haw sheegin,

Nimaan diin lahayn iyo dabley dirirsan haw sheegin,

Murti nimaan da’deed gaarin iyo ducufo haw sheegin,

Afar-jeeble deyn hore cunoo dabacsan haw sheegin,

Digtatoor dan gooniya watoo durugsan haw sheegin,

Dambarkeeda nimaan maali jirin dowlad haw sheegin…

Agoosto 2000, dowladdii lagu soo dhisay Tuulada Carta ee Cabdiqaasim Salaad Xasan

madaxweynaha ka ahaa, markay Xamar soo cagadhigatay cayayaan tiro badan ayaa ku

kacay, waxaa ka hor yimid dagaal-oogayaashii dalka qeybsaday, nin ka mid ah

hoggaamiye kooxyeedyada ayaa yiri “hadday bir tahay waan raacaynaa, haddayse bac

tahay waan jeexaynaa”. Abshir Bacadle oo la yaabay hab-dhaqanka Soomaalida ee

nuxurkisu yahay in wax kasta la mucaarado, ayaa arrintaas ka gabayey wuxuu ku


Haddaan kii hore diidnay (MSBarre)

Cali kiish-yarena diidnay (Cali Mahdi)

Oda Koofina diidnay (MFCaydiid)

Kitaabkii Allena diidnay (Maxk. Islaamiga)

Kan la doortayna diidnay (Cabdiqaasim)

Hal Xamiid Karasaaya ???

Oo Kalifoorniya jooga,

Oo Kirishto jeebka ku haysta,

Oo Kufaar Muslim sheegta ah,

Oo Ey koor leh wataa,

Naloo keeni rabaaye,

Kartideeda lahaada,

Waa laydiin kari-waayee,

Shirib: Keennii haddaad karaahsateen,

waa la keenay Keenadiid labaad…

Wa Billaahi Towfiiq


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