Friday, December 21, 2012

The Abdulaziz Mosque of Mogdisho was built by Ottaman Turks in1033

The Abdulaziz Mosque of Mogdisho was built by Ottaman Turks in1033 according to rusted metal door in a shattered wall, a faded plaque with white lettering on a black background dating to 1033 indicates Abdulaziz mosque was built by Ottamans. Manara Tower destroyed in the War Lido Beach South toward the old port. Imam Abdel Karin




http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/faith-in-the-future-of-somalia-8340878.html

Saturday, December 15, 2012

PROF. AXMED I. SAMATAR: "Soomaaliya waxaa u billaabatay Rajo cusub oo ay kaga baxayso Fowdada iyo Colaadaha"


Sabti, December 15, 2012 (HOL) — Prof. Axmed Ismaaciil Samatar oo ka mid ahaa murashaxiintii u tartamay xilka madaxnimo ee Soomaaliya, haatanna ah mudane ka tirsan baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ayaa sheegay in Soomaaliya uu u billowday xilli cusub oo ay kaga baxayso fowdada.



Mudane Samatar wuxuu sheegay in doorashada madaxweynaha cusub ee Somalia ay u horseedayso dalka inuu ka baxo muddo dheer oo uu colaado kusoo jiray uuna u gudbo in dib loo dhiso dalka, sidoo kalena lasoo celiyo dhaqaalihii oo muddo hore lumay.



"Isagu [Xasan Sheekh] waa nin daneynaya dalka," ayuu yiri Prof. Samatar oo ah guddoomiyaha dhinaca siyaasadda ee xisbiga Hiil-Qaran oo ka mid ah xisbiyadii ku tartamay doorashadii madaxnimo ee Muqdisho ka dhacay bishii Sepmeter ee lasoo dhaafay. "Hoggaamintiisa waxay Soomaaliya u horseedaysaa mustaqbal ifaya oo ah mid ay Soomaaliya dib ugu dhalanayso."



Soomaaliya waxay muddo sannado ah la daalaa-dhacaysay dagaallo sokeeye oo ay dad badan naftooda ku waayeen, waxaana doorashadii ka dhacday Muqdisho ay noqonaysaa tii labaad oo si xorriyad ah uga dhacda caasimadda muddo 42-sano laga joogo.



"Dalkeennu wuxuu noqonayaa halkii ugu horreysay oo ka tirsan Qaaradda Afrika, gaar ahaan dalalka ka hooseeya saxaaraha oo ay ka dhacdo doorasho xor ah oo murashaxiin laga guuleystay uu ku ogolaaday in looga adkaaday doorashada, isla markaana qira in in doorashadu ay ku dhacday si xor ah," ayuu yiri Prof. Samatar.



Sidoo kale, xildhibaanku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay u tahay doorashadan oo kale markii labaad, iyadoo 1967-kii ay Soomaaliya noqotay dalkii ugu horreeyay ee ka hooseeya saxaaraha Afrika oo ay ka dhacday doorasho lagu adkaaday oo labadii murashax ee tartamayay ay ogolaadeen.



Dowladda cusub ee Soomaaliya ayaa noqonaysa tii afaraad oo dalka soo marta, iyadoo ay ka horreeyeen dowladdii uu hoggaaminayay marxuum Aadan Cabdulle Cismaan (Aadan Cadde), marxuum C/rashiid Cali Sharma'arke oo labaduba ahaa kuwo rayid ah iyo dowladdii uu hoggaaminaya marxuum Maxamed Siyaad Barre oo ku qabsaday xukunka awood milateri.



"Ma jiro dowlad Afrikaan ah oo xorriyadeeda qaadatay sannadkii 1960-kii oo ay ku dhacday mid la mid ah dhibaatada ku dhacday Soomaaliya," ayuu yiri Samatar oo intaas ku daray: "Soomaaliya waxaa u billaabatay rajo cusub oo ay kaga baxayso Fowdada."



Prof. Samatar wuxuu sheegay in 15 sano ka hor aan la qiyaasi karin mustaqbalka Soomaaliya, balse ay xaaladdu hadda si aad ah uga duwan tahay xilligaas, wuxuuna sheegay in Soomaaliya ay hadda ka muuqdaan rajooyin cad-cad oo muujinaya inay ka bixi karto colaadihii muddada soo socday.



Ugu dambeyn Prof. Samatar wuxuu sidoo kale sheegay in kooxaha Islaamiyiinta ah ay isku dayeen inay burburiyaan dhaqanka Soomaalida, sido kalena hoggaamiyeyaashii kooxaha ayuu ku eedeeyay inay afduubeen fursadihii Soomaaliya soo maray iyagoo eeganaya danahooda gaarka ah, balse labada dhinacba ay iyagu burbureen.



Maxamed Xaaji Xuseen, Hiiraan Online

maxuseen@hiiraan.com

Muqdisho, Soomaaliya





Thursday, December 13, 2012

Eastleigh Somalis paying over $23 million in taxes a month, according to official figures






NAIROBI, Kenya,Dec 13 – Bustling with business, the Kenyan capital’s Eastleigh district is dubbed “little Mogadishu” after the anarchic capital of Somalia, where so many here fled from for a new, more peaceful life.

But the largely ethnic Somali and vibrant economic hub faces tough times after a string of attacks blamed on Islamist militants, with the community battered by a harsh police crackdown to root out a hard core of insurgents.

“Ethnic Somalis, irrespective of which passport they carry, have become a target for armed thugs across Kenya,” said Abdi Aynte, an independent analyst, and himself a Somali who spends much time in Kenya.
Kenya has suffered a series of attacks — including grenade and bomb explosions — regularly pinned on members or sympathisers of Somalia’s Al-Qaeda-linked Al Shabaab.

But heavy handed crackdowns risk alienating both ethnic Somali Kenyans and refugees, many of whom fled war-torn Somalia to escape the extremist rule of the same militants they are now viewed as potential backers of.

“The people of Eastleigh are first attacked by bombs, and then mistreated by security forces, who round up people and arrest them indiscriminately,” said businessman Mohamed Hirsi, who imports perfume.
On dusty, bumpy streets hemmed in by high rise buildings, crowds haggle at street markets selling fried spicy snacks, heaps of bananas and piles of melons, with traders from across East Africa coming to Eastleigh to strike deals.

Last week two separate attacks — a roadside bomb and a grenade hurled into a mosque — killed six, while last month a bomb on a bus that killed nine people sparked violent anti-Somali demonstrations.

Kenya hosts over 516,000 Somali refugees, the vast majority in the world’s largest refugee camp complex of Dadaab in the remote northeast.





But more than 2.3 million Kenyans are ethnic Somalis, some six percent of the population. Their traditional homelands make up around a fifth of the country.
They also form a key part of the economy, with the estimated 500,000 people working in Eastleigh paying over $23 million in taxes a month, according to official figures, and acting as the hub for much of the commerce from Somalia.

Kenya invaded Somalia last year to attack Al Shabaab bases, prompting dire warnings of revenge. But while a wider military offensive has put the Shebab in Somalia on the backfoot, the community here are viewed with suspicion.

“Fear, guilt by association and a sense of ‘otherness’ have now enveloped the millions of Somalis living in the country, all of which is good news for Al-Shebab,” Aynte added.

Such issues are not contained to Eastleigh alone. Kenya’s northeastern Somali regions have also seen a wave of attacks against security forces, prompting crackdowns and reprisal raids, according to Human Rights Watch.

Kenyan officials have spoken openly about wanting to return Somali refugees back to their homeland.
“It is terrible… we left Somalia because of insecurity there, but now we face the same problems here in Kenya,” said one Somali refugee running a small business in Eastleigh, who asked not to be named.
After recent attacks, police have launched mass arrests of those without proper papers.

“I had to pay to get my son released, he had no involvement in any attack but they arrested him,” the refugee added.

Some have fled Eastleigh back to refugee camps near the Somali border, such as Halima Juma, whose husband was beaten by angry crowds in Nairobi.

“All our belongings were stolen, we are in a desperate situation” she said, now back living in the Dadaab camp.

No group have claimed responsibility for the attacks, while Shabaab spokesman Abdiaziz Abu Musab has condemned the killings, telling AFP they are “the acts of non-Muslims.”
Alienating Kenya’s Somali community brings with it multiple risks.
Tensions are already high across the country ahead of elections due in March, five years after deadly post-poll killings that shattered Kenya’s image as a beacon of regional stability.

“Al-Shabaab has in the past exploited the Somali people when they have felt most victimised,” Aynte added. “Already, the Shabaab’s effective propaganda machine is hard at work, trying to turn a largely unsuspecting community into a hostile unit.”

As elections approach, an angry Kenyan Somali population will be one more area of concern, adding to separate issues including a separatist movement on the coast, militant Islamists and tensions between ethnic groups.

“Kenya looks even more divided and susceptible to outbreaks of violence than it did in 2007,” David Throup wrote in a recent report for the US-based Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Wednesday, December 12, 2012

Qabaa’ilka Soomaalidu ma isbahaysi baa, Mise waa dhalasho? Maxamed Hirad
Arar:
Runtii waa su’aal ay adag tahay in jawaab waafi ah laga bixiyo. Waxa taas daliil u ah, siina adkaynaya innaga oo aan illaa maanta hayn qoraallo ama dokumantiyo taariikhi ah oo arrintaas wax ka yidhi. Waxa keliya ee aynu cuskannaa inta badan waa qoraallo kooban oo dad ajnebi ahi ay qoreen, xilliyo mudada laga joogaa ay aad u yar tahay, marka la barbar dhigo inta ay qowmiyadda Soomaaliyeed soo jirtay. Waxa intaas dheer, kuwaas oo aan dhul badan oo Soomaaliyeed marin, sidaa awgeedna xogta ay ururiyeen ay ku salaysan tahay dad iyo degaanno kooban.

Mar haddii xaal sidaas yahay, qofka doonaya in uu baadhitaan ku sameeyo mawduucan oo kale waxa ku adkaanaya in uu helo qoraallo badan oo uu raadraaco. Marka maqaalkan kooban waxa uu xooggiisu ku salaysan yahay aqoonta duqay Soomaaliyeed oo degaanno door ah oo kala geddisan deggen ama ku barbaaray, aqoon fiicanna u leh qabaa’ilka iyo xogo kale oo aan ka soo ururiyay qoraallo kooban. Waxa intaas dheer oo aan qoraalkan yar iyana u adeegsanayaa suugaanta Soomaalida oo ay ku jiraan sheekooyinka iyo odhaahaha Soomaalida dhexdeeda caanka ka ah.

Aqoonayahanada dersa asalka Soomaalidu waxa ay sheegeen in magaca Soomaali oo qoran ay markii u horraysay ku arkeen hees Xabashi ahi oo ay ku tilmaamayaan qoladaasi sida ay uga guulaysteen dagaal dhex maray iyaga iyo Soomaalida. Marka waxa la dhihi karaa ama muuqata in aan magaca Soomaali laftiisa xog badan laga hayn wixii ka horreeyay dagaaladii Imaam Axmed Guray. Waxase jirta ama laysla garan karaa markii diinta islaamku soo gaadhay dalkan, in dad badani ku noolaayeen degaanka Soomaalida. Kuwaas oo magac, Diin, iyo dhaqan u gaar ah lahaa. Waxa illaa haddeer jira wax badan oo ka sii baaqi ah raadadkii iyo dhaqamadii dadkaas. Waxa tusaale inoogu filan, dab shidka, xabaalaha, sida taallo tiiryaadka, curraafaynta iyo samaanyaha oo dhammaan laga helo ama ka jira geyiga Soomaaliyeed.

Waxa ay aqoonyahanno badani iyana isku raacsan yihiin in dhulkii loo yaqaannay Punt uu hadda ka mid yahay degaanka Soomaalida, dadkii ku dhaqnaana ay Soomaalidu asal ku leedahay.

Daraasado lagu sameeyay hiddaha (genetics) Soomaalida ayaa iyana caddeeyay in dadka Soomaaliyeed ay asal la wadaagaan dadyowga kale ee ku dhaqan Itoobiya, Ereteriya iyo Waqooyiga Afrika sida qawmiyadaha Oromada, Canfarta, Berberka iyo xataa Carabta Waqooyiga Afrika. Waxa intaas dheer afafka qowmiyadahaasi ku hadlaan oo ay isku bah yihiin afka Soomaaliga. Daraasadaha hiddaha asalka Soomaalida lagu sameeyay waxa ay caddeeyeen in dadyowga ku dhaqan Geeska Afrika ee ay Soomaalidu ka mid tahay ay yihiin ummad gaar ah (Distinct Seperate Race) oo ka duwan ummadaha la jaarka ah sida Carabta iyo Afrikaanka kale. Waxa intaas dheer oo daraasadahaas koobani sheegayaan in qawmiyadda Soomaalidu ay jirtay muddo ka badan 4,000 oo sano.

Markii diinta Islaamku ka dhalatay Jasiiradda Carbeed oo sida aynu wada ognahay bad yari u dhaxayso iyada iyo Soomaaliya ayaa waxa markiiba ay si hawl yar ugu soo tallowday dhinaca degaanka Soomaalida. Diintaas oo dabcan muddo dheer qaadatay in Soomaali oo dhan ay wada gaadho. Hase yeeshee waxa xaqiiqo ah in ay raad weyn ku yeelatay dhaqanka Soomaalida oo xilligan la joogo dhammaantood wada Muslim ah. Waxase adag in la aamino ama waxa aynu odhan karnaa macquul ma aha dhawr wadaad baa qaran dhan sahal ku qabsaday muddo qaaban. Ama dhawrka Shiikh ee ay Soomaalidu sheegato iyo carruurtiisii baa ka adkaaday oo qaarna dadkii dalkan ka buuxay laayey, intii kalena bara kiciyey oo dhulkii ka qaaday. Midda kale waxa isweydiin mudan meeye dadkii diinta ay u laqimayeen ee dhexdooda diinta ka faafinayeen? Iyagii keliya iyo carruurtoodii baa dalkii oo dhan u hadhay, waa arrin aad cajiib u ah oo caqligu aanu qaadan karin!

Markaynu qodobkan ka hadalkiisa soo koobno, sida la garan karo Soomaalidu waxa ay ka soo jeeddaaa dadkii dalka joogay ee diinta la soo gaadhsiiyay muddo hadda kun sano ka badan laga joogo. Waxa ayse dhaqan badan la wadaagaan muslimiinta ku dhaqan Bariga Dhexe iyo dalalka kale ee caalamka Islaamkaba.

Hayb beddelashada Soomaalida:
Ugu horrayn marka aynu arrintan ka hadalaynno waxa mudan marka hore in aan isweydiinno Soomaalida ma dhacdaa in ay haybtoodii hore ka guuraan? Jawaabta su’aashaas oo koobani waxa ay tahay “Haa”. Waxa hubaal ah kollay in lixdankii sannadood ee aan anigu wax kala garanayey dad badani ay haybtoodii bedesheen oo qolo kale ku biireen. Si aynu arrintaa xaqiiqooyin cad ugu keenno waxa aan halkan ku soo bandhigayaa dhowr tusaale oo innoo iftiiminaya sida qabaa’ilka Soomaaliyeed u hayb bedeshaan.

Waxa haddaba jira qabaa’illo badan oo aan la isku diidanayn in ay yihiin bahwadaag ama isbahaysi. Waxa qolyahaas ka mid ah Digil iyo Mirifle, Jaarso, Ciise, Akisho, Bursuug, Garre, Maalin Guur, Muddulood iyo kuwo kale oo badan.

I970 kii ayaa waxa aan fasax damcay in aan ku tego magaalada Baydhabo. Xilligaas waxa waddanka ka dillaacay cudurka loo yaqaan Daacuun Calooleedka. Taas oo dhalisay in magaalooyinka iyo gobolada la kala xidho. Waxa aan ku xannibmay tuulo yar oo Baydhabo iyo Buur Hakaba u dhaxaysa. Dadkii deganaa ayaan qof keliyana ka af garan waayey. Akhirkii waxaan masaajid yar ka helay oday saagaashan jir ah oo caalim ah oo na tujinayey. Isagii baan isku af garanay luqadda carabiga oo fusxa ah. Laba habeen oo aan wadaadkaas meel la joogay waxyaabo badan baan ka faa’iiday oo ka qortay. Waxaan waydiiyey, dadka dhulkan degani waa ayo? Waxa uu iigu jawaabay waa Soomaali. Yay ka yihiin baan idhi? Waxa uu iigu jawaabay waa Soomaali oo idil. Waxaan weydiiyey Raxan Weyn waa ayo? Wuxuu igu yidhi waa dhulka oo waxa uu magacaasi tilmaamayaa, waa dhulkii raaxada badnaa. Waxa kale oo aan waydiiyey Digil iyo Mirifle waa ayo? Wuxuu iigu jawaabay dadkaa qaarna beeraha ayay ku dhaqmaan oo waa Digil, Miriflena waa xoolalay. Sida odaygaasi qirayo Raxan Weyn waa is bahaysi ka kooban qabaa’illo badano oo Soomaaliyeed.

Waxa sidoo kale iyana ah qabiilka Ciisaha oo waxa la yidhaa waxa ay u kala baxaan jilibadoodu Ciise iyo soo raac oo sida magacaasi tlimaamayo innoo iftiiminaysa in ay isbahaysi yihiin. Jilibada soo raaca ayaa waxa inta badan dhacda in qabaa’il badani yidhaahdaan annaga ayay asal ahaan naga soo jeedaan.

Qabaa’ilkan iyagu qirta in ay isbahaysi yihiin sida kuwa aan kor ku soo sheegnay, waa kuwa inta badan ay qabiilooyinka kale bililiqaystaan, gaar ahaan beryahan dambe ee qabyaaladdu siyaasadda aad u gashay ee ay xamaasadda badan yeelatay. Haddaan tusaale kooban kuwaas ka bixiyo jilibo dhowr ah oo Jaarso ah, gaar ahaan Warro Dhaqo ayaa intii ka dambaysay dagaalkii 1977 iyana u digarogtay reer Haaruun (reer, Isaaq, Ogaadeen) iyo Laylkase. Waxa sidoo kale iyana noqday xilliyadan dambe Jibriil Abokor (Sacad Muuse) Warro Oogo oo ahayd Jilib Akisho ah. Waxa iyana sheeko caan ah ka ah Hargeysa iyo inta galbeed ka xigta odhaahda ah Akishadii Cabbanowday. Sheekadaas oo tilmaamaysa qoysas Akisha ahaa oo u hayb bedeshay reer Cabbane (Sacad Muuse). Waxa maanta jira Qoys intooda Jigjiga deggenina yihiin Akisho, inta Hargeysa ku dhaqanina yihiin reer Cabbane.

Hayb bedelashadu kuma koobna beelahaas aan kor ku soo tilmaamay oo qudha. Qabaa’ilada kale sida Daaroodka, Isaaqa, Hawiyaha iyo kuwa kale ee faraha badanba waa arrin si weyn uga jirta. Aan ku bilaabo Shiikhaash (Shiikhaal) oo berigii hore la odhan jiray waxa ay ka soo jeedaan Abubakar Siddiiq, sida ku qoran kitaabka la yidhaahdo Nasrul Mu’miniin ee uu qoray Shiikh Cabdullahi Qudubi, awowgoodna ahaa shiikha ku aasan magaalada Sheekh looguna magacdaray iyo reer shiikh Xasan Kalweyn oo sheegan jiray in ay ka soo jeedaan Cusmaan bin Cafaan. Haddaba Shiikhaash (Loo Boge, Aw Qudub, iyo Gendershe) iyo reer Xasan Kalweyn maanta waa hal reer oo loo bixiyay Martiile Hiraab, ahna qabiil Hawiye ah. Waxa iyana jira qabaa’ilka Xawaadle, Saransoor (Digoodi iyo Gaal Jecel), Gugundhabe iyo Odaajeen oo maanta aynu u naqaan in ay Hawiye yihiin, horese u ahaa qabaa’il iskood u taagnaa.

Waxa sidoo kale isna ahaa qabiillo iskood u taagan oo sheegan jiray in ay Saado yihiin ama Carab, reerka Isaxaaqa la yidhaa ee maanta ka midka ah jilibada Habar Yoonis iyo reer Doodka oo Habar Jeclo ka mid ah. Qolada Isaxaaqu waxa ay haybtoodii hore ka guureen illaa 50 kii sano ee u dambeeyay oo aan aniga laftaydu soo gaadhay, halka ay reer Doodku iyagu beri dhaweyd uun toos u sheegteen Habar Jeclo. Waxa iyana intii xornimada ka dambaysay hayb bedeshay Fiqi Shinni oo ahaa Ajuuraan, haddase ah Ayaanle, Cayr, Habar Gidir. Waxa kale oo la sheegaa qolada la yidhaa Cumar dheer oo maanta ah Wagar Dhac oo Mareexaan ah, in ay asal ahaan ka soo jeedaan Cayr, Habar Gidir. Qolada kale ee hadda la yidhaa Damal Muuse ee dega Galkacayo ayaa iyana illaa 64 kii ka hayb bedeshay Dir oo noqday Muuse Carre oo Habar Yoonis ah.

Waxa halkan malaha mudan in aan ku xuso sheeko beri dhexdii ahayd lagu faafiyay qaar ka mid ah wargeysyada ka soo baxa magaalada Hargeysa. Kaas oo qoray sheeko ku saabsanayd laba reer oo haddeer kala ah Gadabuursi iyo Isaaq in ay wada siyaartaan hal oday oo ay wada sheegtaan in ay ka soo jeedaan. Labadaas reer ayaa qoraalku sheegay in ay istuseen in malaha ay isku asal yihiin, balse qolo weliba ku adkaysatay in ay halkeeda ku negaato.

Qolada Gadabuursiga oo marar qaar dadku ku tilmaamo isbahaysi waxa jira reero badan oo aan lagu murmin in ay qolyo kale yihiin. Waxa reerahaas ka mid ah Xeeb Jire oo la sheego in ay Shiikhaash yihiin, Muuse Fiin oo la yidhaa waa Ogaadeen iyo reer Nuurka oo dadka qaarkiis ku sheego in ay Ciidagale ahaayeen.
Dhinaca gobolada bariga oo dad badani ku tilmaamo meesha Soomaalidu ay asalkeedii ka soo fidday ayaa waxa la sheegaa reero badan oo ku dhaqnaan jiray, maantase aan cidi ka joogin. Waxa qabaa’ilkaas ka mid ahaa Reer Waa Rag, Leg dhufso, Odayo qoyan, Qabsan Dulle, Qayraanshe iyo qolyo kale oo badan. Kuwaas oo maanta dhammaantood ku dhex milmay reerka Majeeteerteen ee Hartiga ah. Reerka Dhulbahantaha ayaa iyana la sheegaa in qolyo badani ku dhex milmeen. Tusaale ahaan waxa Dhulabahantaha dhexdiisa caan ka ah magaca la yidhaa Ilma Halal Gob ah oo la sheego in ay ahaayeen qabiil jiray, balse maanta Dhulabahante uun ka mid ah. Waxa iyana dhowr iyo tobankii sano ee u dambeeyay soo baxay qolada Jambeel oo la yidhi waa Cabdi Koombe. Anigu intii aan wax kala gartay oo 60 sano kor u dhaafay waxa aan maqli jiray Koombe waa 4: Geri, Harti, Xarle iyo Jiiraan. Jambeel waxa aan marar maqlay waa reer Cabdi oo Geri ah. Si kastaba ha ahaatee Cabdi Koombe waa wax aan hore u jirin, qoladaasina waxa suuragal ah in ay ama Geri yihiin ama Harti.

Haddaan qaybtan soo duuduubo waxa aan jecelahay in aan xuso qola Madhibaan ah oo sannadkan horraaantiis qolyo ka mid ah iyaga iyo xubno ka tirsan beesha Habar Yoonis isku dayeen in ay haybtooda u bedelaan qolo ay u bixiyeen Kuul Carre. Sheekadaas oo muddo dhowr bilood ah socotay waxa ay akhirkii ku baaba’day ka dib markii xubno muhiim ah oo ka tirsan labada dhinac ay ka horyimaaddeen mashruucaas.

Runtii halkan kuma dhamma tusaaleyaasha laga bixin karo hayb bedelashada iyo qabaa’ilka Soomaalida. Waxase aan la dafiri Karin in hayb ka guurku uu yahay arrin aan ku cusbayn Soomaalida dhexdeeda, balse loo baahan yahay in si cilmiyaysan loo derso. Waxa xaqiiqo ah in aanu jirin Soomaalida dhexdeeda qabiil odhan kara waxa aannu nahay saafi oo iskuma dhex walaaqnin. Haddii malaha DNA dooda la baadhi lahaa wax badan baa malahayga soo bixi lahaa oo kala caddaan lahaa.

Sheekooyinka caanka ka ah Soomaalida dhexdeeda:
Soomaalidu wax badan taariikhdeeda qoraal laguma wada hayo. Ha yeeshee waxa in badan laga heli karaaa suugaanta oo tix iyo tiraabba leh. Waxa iyana aad u badan sheekooyin iyo odhaahyo si weyn innoogu iftiimin kara mawduucan maqaalku ku saabsan yahay ee ah hayb ka guurka.

Haddaan qaar kooban ka xusno sheekooyinkaas tilmaamaya in dadku isku dhafan yihiin waxa ka mid ah: Ogaadeen waa wiil tagoogo iyo wiil talo. Taas oo macanaheedu yahay dadka reerkaas wada sheegta qaybina waa dhalasho, inta kalena heshiis bay Ogaadeen ku noqdeen. Waxa odhaah taas la mid ah iyana laga sheegaa reerka Abgaal oo waxa la yidhaa: Abgaal waa Abgaal iyo muggiis oo laga wado inta dhalasho Abgaal ku ah iyo inta kale wey isle’eg yihiin. Dadka qaar baa magaca Abgaal ku fasira waa Gaalle oo dhan. Kuwa sidan dambe wax u tilmaamaa waa kuwa qaba in Soomaalidu ay Oromada asal ahaan ka soo jeeddo.

Waxa iyana Soomaalida dhexdeeda caan ka ah beyd gabay ku jiray oo la yidhaa “Sacad waa Ogaadeen haddii loo abtirinaayo” oo tibaaxaysa sheegashada ah in reerka Sacad la yidhaa aanu ahayn Habar Gidir oo uu yahay Makaahiil, Ogaadeen. Waxa sheekadaa barbartaal mid kale oo wax ka sheegta reerka kale ee Habar Gidir ee la yidhaa Saruurka. Waxa la yidhaa Odaygii Madar Kicis Hiraab ahaa ee Habar Gidirta dhalay oo wiilkiisii bahal ka cunay ayaa ku ducaystay in kan Eebbe uga dhigo inankiisii. Odayga oo la sheego in uu indha la’aa baa la yidhaa waxa uu ku ducaystay sidan: San weynaa oo sarara weynaa Ilaahow Saruur Madar Kicis iiga dhig. Waxa iyana dadku aad u yidhaahdaan Odaygii Daarood ahaa weli waa dhalaa. Taas oo looga jeedo in xilli walba aad arkayso qolo cusub oo Daarood ah.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee waxa aan shaki ku jirin in qabaa’ilka Soomaalidu yihiin dad isku dhafan, haybsooca ay isku samaysaana aanu sal iyo raad toona lahayn. Waxa kale oo iyana xaqiiqo ah sida lagu xusay daraasado kooban oo lagu sameeyay hiddaha Soomaaliyeed in ay Soomaalidu tahay qawmiyad ka da’ weyn odayada ay sheegato in ay ka soo jeedaan.

Gabagabo:
Ugu damabayn waxa dhab ah in aan maqaalkan yar ee kooban oo aan ka soo dheegay buug yar oon aan qoraalkiisa ku guda jiro, kana hadlaya Hayb Takoorka in aan lagu soo koobi karin arrinta ku saabsan hayb bedelashada. Runtii waa mawduuc weli dihan, una baahan in daraasdo badan lagu sameeyo. Waxase xaqiiqo ah oo aan la iska indho tiri karin in qabaa’ilka Soomaalidu aanay sal mug weyn leh ku fadhiyin, khaasatan dhinaca sheegashada isirka.

Sunday, December 9, 2012

Boqorka Beesha Magaadle- Xisbiga Mucaaradka ah ee UCID ayaa munaasibad u qaabilay Boqorka Beesha Magaadle.

Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga UCID oo ka hadlay halka xalka Soomaaliya ku jiro

Hargeysa (Somaliland.Org)- Xisbiga Mucaaradka ah ee UCID ayaa munaasibad u qaabilay Boqorka Beesha Magaadle.
Munaasibaddaas oo lagu qabtay Hotel Kaah ee bariga Hargeysa, ayaa waxa a hadlay masuuliyiin kala duwan, waxaanu Guddoomiyaha Xisbigaas Faysal Cali Waraabe ka hadlay xalka Soomaaliya iyo halka uu ku jiro.
Faahfaahinta Warkaa ka daawo halkan;



Caleemo-Saarka Boqorka Beesha Magaadle oo ka dhacay Ceerigaabo.

March 8, 2010
By
 
 
Ceerigaabo(Qarannews) 14 Maddax-dhaqameedyo isugu jira Salaadiin iyo Boqorro ay hoggaaminayeen Suldaanka guud ee beelaha H/Yoonis Suldaan-Maxamed Xirsi Qani iyo Suldaanka guud ee Beelaha H/Yoonis-bari Suldaan-Rashiid Suldaan-Cali Ducaale, Madaxda laamaha dawladda heer-gobol iyo degmo, Cuqaasha, Guurtida, Waxgaradka kale, Aqoonyahanno, Haweenka, Marti-sharaf ka kala yimid gobollada Somaliland iyo dadweyne kale oo aad u tiro badan ayaa isugu yimid munaasibaddan Caleemo-saarka Boqorkan oo ay yeesheen Beesha Magaadle Boqor-Maxamuud Sh-Cismaan Nuur (Timacadde) oo maanta lagu qabtay magaala-madaxda gobolka Sanaag ee Ceerigaabo.
Boqorkan oo ka soo jeeda Beesha faca weyn ee Magaadle ayaa dhowaan beesha uu ka dhashay kusoo doorteen in uu qabto xilka boqor-nimada ee maanta loo caleemo-saaray.
Munaasibaddan Caleemo-saarka Boqor-Maxamuud Sh-Cismaan Nuur (Timacadde) ee magaalada Ceerigaabo oo ahayd mid si weyn loo soo agaasimey ayaa waxa ugu horrayn ka hadlay halkaas Maayor-ka Ceerigaabo Ismaaciil X. Nuur, waxana uu Meeyarku ku dheeraaday taariikhda fog ee beeshani leedahay ayaa waxa hadalladiisii ka mid ahaa “Taariikhda sida aynu ku hayno Boqor-Maxamuud maanta waa boqorkii 8-aad ee beesha magaadle yeelatay waxana ka horreeyey 7 boqor oo hore oo beeshani u soo talinayey”. Isagoo hadalkiisa sii watana wuxu yidhi “Boqorkani waa mid guud ahaan beelaha reer Sh-Isixaaq gaarahaanna beelaha H/yoonis ixtiraam ka mudan, waayo waa beeshii Sh-Isaxaaq dhulka ugu yimid, kana guursadey Magaado oo boqorkii xilligaasi dhalay innaguna (Haba-Magaadle) aynu ka soo jeedno. Sidaas darteedna waannu soo dhowaynaynaa boqorkan”.
Chief-Caaqil-Axmed Xaaji Jaamac, Caaqil-Faarax Xaaji Cabdi, Caaqil-Jaamac Jibriil braahin iyo Wasiirkii hore ee Wasaaradda Awqaafta iyo Arrimaha Diinta Axmed Maxamed Axmed (Aaya-tullah) oo iyagu ka soo jeeda beesha soo dooratay boqorkan ayaa si aan kala leexasho lahayn waxay halkaas uga caddeeyeen beel ahaan shirar badan oo ay yeesheen kaddib in ay boqorkan soo doorteen, lana shaqayn doonaan, iyagoo Marti-sharafta munaasibaddan isugu timidna si weyn ugaga mahad celiyey sida wanaagsan ee ay uga ajiibeen marti-qaadkan iyo caleemo-saarka Boqor-Maxamuud Sh-Cismaan Nuur (Timacadde sidoo kalena Beelaha Reer Somaliland iyo Reer Sanaagba ay ka codsadeen boqorkan cusub in ay la shaqeeyaan.
Waxa iyaguna munaasibaddan ka hadlay xubno tiro badan oo isugu jira Cuqaal iyo Guurti ka soo kala jeeda dhammaan beelaha dega gobolka Sanaag, kuwaas oo iyaguna halkaas boqorkan iyo beeshiisaba uga soo jeediyey hadallo isugu jira bogaadin, talooyin, waano dardaaran iyo ducooyin intaba, sidoo kalena dhinacyadooda halkaas ka caddeeyey in ay boqorkan si buuxda ula shaqayn doonaan.
Intaasi kaddib, waxa Boqor-Maxamuud Sh-Cismaan Nuur (Timacadde) madaxa loo saaray duubkii (cimaamadda) boqornimadiisa oo ay si wada jir ah madaxa ugu geliyeen Suldaanka guud ee beelha H/Yoonis Suldaan-Maxamed Suldaan-Xirsi Qani iyo Suldaanka guud ee beelaha H/Yoonis-bari Suldaan-Rashiid Suldaan-Cali Ducaale.
Suldaan-Rashiid Suldaan-CAli Ducaale oo ku hadlayaye afka guud ahaan magaca salaadiinta safarka ku joogta gobolka Sanaag iyo madax-dhaqameedyada beelaha reer Sanaag ayaa hadal kooban oo uu halkaas ka jeediyey wuxu ku sheegey in ay boqorkan cusub kusoo dhowaynayaan guud ahaan golaha madax-dhaqameedyada Somaliland iyo gobolka Sanaag, isagoo suldaanku xusay in ay nasiib weyn u tahay boqorkan cusub tirade Salaadiinta iyo boqorrada faraha badan ee ka kala yimid dhammaan gobollada Somaliland ee ka soo qayb galay caleemo-saarkiisan, wuxuna sidoo kale suldaanku halkaas ka caddeeyey in ay boqorkan cusub si buuxda ula shaqayn doonaan, isagoo Eebbena uga baryey boqorkan cusub in uu u fududeeyo hawlaha loo igmadey.
Gebgebadii munaasibaddan waxa hadal kooban oo mahadnaq iyo ducu isugu jira ka soo jeediyey boqorka cusub ee lagu caleemo-saaray halkaas Boqor-Maxamuud Sh-Cismaan Nuur (Timacadde), wuxuna halkaas boqorkan cusubi ka sheegay in uu qaadan doono hadallada talooyinka iyo waanada ee halkaas looga soo jeediyey, sidoo kalena wuxu ballan qaaday in uu bulshadiisa ugu talin doono sinnaan iyo caddaalad.
Si kastaba ha ahaatee, munaasibaddan oo hadallo badan oo kaftan ahna laysaga tebinayey ayaa u muuqanaysey mid ay isugu yimaaddeen madax-dhaqameedyadii (Salaadiin iyo Boqorro) ugu badnaa ee lagu arko munaasibad noocan oo kale ah oo ka dhacda guud ahaan gobolka Sanaag.
Salaadiinta iyo Boqorrada Munaasibaddan ka soo qayb galayna waxay kala ahaayeen:-
  1. Suldaan-Maxamed Suldaan Xirsi Qani (Suldaanka guud ee Beelaha H/Yoonis).
  2. Suldaan-Rashiid Suldaan Cali Ducaale.
  3. Suldaan-Yuusuf Muxummad Xiirey.
  4. Suldaan-Nuur Faarax Xuseen.
  5. Suldaan-Aadan Yuusuf Nuur (Suul-cayn).
  6. Suldaan-C/raxmaan Cawaale Hurre.
  7. Suldaan-Maxamuud Cabdi C/laahi X. Aadan
  8. Suldaan-Cali Yuusuf Cabdi (Badda cas).
  9. Suldaan-Ismaaciil Nuur Wacays
10.Suldaan-Maxamed Axmed Cali-yare
11.Boqor-Axmed Cali Ducaale.
12.Boqor-Maxamed Nuux Aadan
13.Boqor-C/laahi Xaaji Xasan.
Source: Qarannews/Ceerigaabo
Comments are closed.

Beesha Magaadle Maxamed-Xiniftire Mahe Dir iyo Deegamadooda

Xigasho laga soo Guuriyay
http://magaadle.blogspot.ca/2012/04/inta-lafood-ee-ay-kala-baxdo-beesha.html#!/2012/04/inta-lafood-ee-ay-kala-baxdo-beesha.html

Marka hore waxaan ku bilaabay magaca illaahay sareeyoon weenaaye
Marka xigta Magaadle waa Maxamed-Xiniftire waxuu ka sii yahay Mahe Dir waxuuna ka sii yahay Dir waxuuna kasii yahay Dir Irir waxuu ka sii yahay Irir-Samaalle waxuu ka sii yahay IJI waxuu ka sii yahay Inna Xaam(haam) Xaam na waa Inna Nebi Nuux (nabad gelyo iyo naxariis korkiisa ha ahaatee).
Taariikhda beesha magaadle waxaa loo kala saaraa mid qadiim ah ,mid dhexe iyo xadiis ah ama waqtiga hadda la joogo.

Beesha Magaadle waxay degaan ahaan degan tahay guud ahaan Somaliland , gaar ahaan tuulooyin ka tirsan goboladda Sanaag iyo Togdheer.

Sida Godcaanood oo ka tirsan degmadda Ceerigaabo ee Gobolka Sanaag iyo tuulooyinka Qurilugud, Coodanle, Wadaamo-goo oo iyaguna ka tirsan Degmadda Buuhoodle ee Gobolka Togdheer.

waxay leedahay laba Caaqil iyo hal Boqor beeshu oo kala ah;

1.Caaqil Faarax Xaaji Cabdi Ow-Daahir

2.Chief Caaqil Axmed-Rashiid Xaaji Jaamac Ow-Maxamed

3.Boqor Maxamuud Shiekh Osman Nuur (Timacade).

OLD ARTICALS: SUURE DIR CLANS NAMELY FIQI MUHUMMED AND AGOON (S.ABDALLE) CLANS WAR IN CENTRAL SOMALIA MUDUG AND GALGADUUD REGIONS WITH MAREEHAN AND SACAD

IRIN Wednesday, 17 December 2003


At least 60 people were killed and another 90 wounded in renewed fighting on Tuesday in the northwest of Galgadud Region, according to local sources in the regional capital, Dhusa-Mareb.
The latest fighting broke out on between the Darod subclan of the Marehan and the Dir subclan of Fiqi Muhumud, and was concentrated in and around the village of Herale, some 80 km northwest of Dhusa-Mareb, said Nur Mu'allim Dhere, a member of the Dir clan.


Last month Herale, which is populated by the Suure Dir-Fiqi Mahmud, was also the scene of serious fighting between the two sides which left over 50 people dead.


Nur told IRIN that in the latest clash, 18 fighters on his side had been killed and 29 wounded, while the other side suffered 25 deaths.

Sources in Abud Waaq, 40 km west of the Herale, where the Marehan have taken their casualties, told IRIN that at least 30 dead and 70 wounded had been brought in.
According to sources from a neutral clan in the area, what started out as "revenge killings" had now flared up into a "fully-fledged land war".


"Basically, the Marehan want the Fiqi Muhumud out of the area, and until one group gives up, the fighting will probably continue," the sources said, adding that heavy weapons had been used in Tuesday's fighting.


Intensive mediation efforts on the part of elders and religious leaders from neutral clans seem to have failed. "We have been unable to bring the two sides together to start talking," said Ilmi Hirsi, a clan elder. "However, we are persevering with our efforts and hope that cooler heads will prevail."
The situation was reported calm on Wednesday, with both sides burying their dead and taking the injured to hospitals.

SACAD HABAR GIDIR - SUURE DIR-SALEEBAN CABDALLE WAR

NAIROBI, 10 Jul 2003 (IRIN) - Two days of heavy fighting in the south of Mudug region, have left at least 43 people dead and over 90 injured, a local journalist in the regional capital Galkayo told IRIN on Thursday.
The fighting broke out on Tuesday between the Sa'ad, Habar Gedir subclan and the Dir, and was concentrated in and around the villages of Towfiq and Awle, some 200 km east of Galkayo, the journalist Dahir Abdulkadir Aflow said. The two villages are populated by the Dir.

The clashes were triggered by revenge killings for the deaths of two Sa'ad men in Galkayo last week, but the ensuing escalation of violence was also attributed to disagreements over water and grazing in the area, Aflow said. "It is more about water and grazing land right now."

"Unfortunately, this is something that happens when nomads in search of pasture and water collide with each other," he said. This particular clash between the two clans had been "exacerbated by the easy availability of heavy weapons".

"Previously they used spears or guns but now both sides are using technicals [battlewagons fitted with heavy machine guns]," he said. "In an area with little cover for concealment, the casualty figures are bound to be high."

He added that the casualty toll was likely to rise once the fighting stopped and both sides could take their wounded to hospitals.

Abdullahi Dayib of the Dir clan told IRIN that among those killed from his clan were three women and four children.

The fighting has reportedly displaced hundreds of families who have no access to wells or water points, Dayib said. He stressed the need for help, "but given the lack of roads and current insecurity in the area, I doubt if anyone will come to their aid".


Dagalkii AF Barwaaqo Reer Agoon Beesha Surre iyo Sacad

Ku dhawaad 50-ruux ayaa ku geeriyootay, tiro Boqol ruux kor u dhaafaysana way ku dhaawacantay dagaal shalay iyo dorraad ka dhacay tuulada Af-barwaaqo ee ka tirsan degmada Jariiban ee gobolka Mudug. Dagaalkan oo u dhexeeya maleeshiyooyin kala taabacsan beelaha Habargidir ee Sacad iyo Dir (Agoon) ayaa wuxuu ka bilowday aano qabiil iyo dilal horey u dhex maray labadaasi beel, kuwaasoo isu adeegsaday hubka waaweyn iyo kuwa fudud, waxaana la sheegayaa in dagaalkaas mindhiciro-dooxa ahi uu badankiis ka dhacay meel bannaan ah oo aysan jirin gabaad iyo meel kale oo rasaasta xooggan looga dhuunto, taasoo sababtay baa la yiri dhimashada iyo dhaawaca baaxaddaas laeg. Warku wuxuu sheegayaa in dhimashadu ay intii hore ka sii badan karto oo ay soo badanayaan dadka dhaawaca u dhimanaya, kuwaasoo dhiig bax iyo daawo la’aan u qur baxaya. Ma jiro ilaa iyo hadda cid nabadeyn ka dhex wadda labada dhinac ee dagaalamaya, marka laga reebo baaqyo afka kaliya ku kooban oo dhinaca saxaafadda loo sii marinayo, taasoo la og yahay in uusan dagaal ku joogsaneynin

Inter-clan fighting kills about 65 in Somalia

MOGADISHU - Fighting between rival clans in southern and central Somalia has killed around 65 people in the past week, residents and radio reports said on Sunday. Eyewitnesses said several hundred heavily armed militiamen had been fighting in the central Mudug region for the past few days, killing at least 45 people and injuring many more, mostly civilians.

The fighting between the Dir and Sacad clans spread to at least 10 villages within a 20 km (12 miles) radius of Galcaio, a town some 570 km (350 miles) north of the Somali capital Mogadishu. Panicked residents fled their houses as a result of heavy shelling on both sides.

It was not immediately clear what sparked the fighting. Some residents said it was linked to the recent killing of a Sacad businessman by members of the Dir tribe. A Sacad leader told Reuters the fighting appeared to be subsiding on Sunday morning, after tribal leaders agreed on a ceasefire. In the Lower Shabelleh region south of Mogadishu, around 20 people were killed when fighting broke out earlier this week between the Jiddoh and Jareer clans over grazing rights, VHF radio reports said.


The two clans normally coexist relatively peacefully, but years of drought have heightened tensions in the region. Somalia has had no central authority since 1991, when dictator Mohammed Siad Barre was overthrown. A transitional government sits in Mogadishu, but controls only parts of the capital and pockets elsewhere.


The rest of the Horn of Africa country is a patchwork of clan-based fiefdoms, ruled by rival warlords and their heavily armed militias. The climate of insecurity, economic turmoil and drought have disrupted Somalia's normal agricultural and herding patterns, and caused serious food shortages. Aid agencies have warned any further disruption could cause a major humanitarian crisis. – Reuters

Dec. 2003: A number of notable traditional leaders, supported by some prominent businessmen and women, leave Muqdisho to mediate warring clans in Galgudud region, central Somalia: an armed inter-clan conflict in Herale village (Dir against Marehan) on one hand and, the Murusade vs. Duduble in El-bur district




11 Jul 2003 – Clashes between two clans in central Somalia have claimed scores of lives since Tuesday. The fighting appears to be over access to natural resources. More than 50 people have died and 90 have been injured in clashes between two clans in the Mudug region of central Somalia. The fighting reportedly started when members of the Sa'ad sub-clan attacked the Saleeban Abdalle (Agoon) Dir clan for allegedly killing two of its members. But observers note that there was more to the clash than mere revenge. The senior United Nations relief official for Somalia Calum McLean says this is the second time in three months that there has been fighting in the area. "Now it's happened again," he said. "It's resource-based rather than political, you know, over grazing. It's over access to pasture and water." Observers say conflicts among the Sa'ad, Dir, and other nomadic groups over land and water for their cattle are not uncommon, but it is unusual for things to go so far. They say the easy availability of guns makes the death toll much higher than clashes in the past. The fighting comes at a time when Somali peace talks are being held in Kenya. Last year, representatives of clan-based factions signed a cease-fire while negotiations continued. The talks aim to end 12 years of civil war in Somalia. The country is split into areas ruled by warring clan leaders. For the past year, those warlords and other delegates have been in Kenya trying to resolve their differences, write a new constitution, and elect a new president and parliament. Mr. McLean says the United Nations agency is monitoring the situation in Mudug and urges Somali leaders to honor their commitments. "We're very alarmed by the escalation in the conflict and call for leaders to respect the ceasefire declaration," said Mr. McLean. United Nations sources report that the fighting.

Sa'ad, Habar Gedir subclan and the Dir

NAIROBI, 10 July (IRIN) - Two days of heavy fighting in the south of Mudug region, have left at least 43 people dead and over 90 injured, a local journalist in the regional capital Galkayo told IRIN on Thursday. The fighting broke out on Tuesday between the Sa'ad, Habar Gedir subclan and the Dir, and was concentrated in and around the villages of Towfiq and Awle, some 200 km east of Galkayo, the journalist Dahir Abdulkadir Aflow said. The two villages are populated by the Dir. The clashes were triggered by revenge killings for the deaths of two Sa'ad men in Galkayo last week, but the ensuing escalation of violence was also attributed to disagreements over water and grazing in the area, Aflow said. "It is more about water and grazing land right now." "Unfortunately, this is something that happens when nomads in search of pasture and water collide with each other," he said. This particular clash between the two clans had been "exacerbated by the easy availability of heavy weapons". "Previously they used spears or guns but now both sides are using technicals [battlewagons fitted with heavy machine guns]," he said. "In an area with little cover for concealment, the casualty figures are bound to be high." He added that the casualty toll was likely to rise once the fighting stopped and both sides could take their wounded to hospitals. Abdullahi Dayib of the Dir clan told IRIN that among those killed from his clan were three women and four children. The fighting has reportedly displaced hundreds of families who have no access to wells or water points, Dayib said.


NAIROBI, 30 Jan 2002 (IRIN) - About 40 people have been killed and 60 wounded in inter-clan fighting in the Mudug region of central Somalia, sources in the regional capital Galkayo told IRIN on Wednesday. The fighting was concentrated in and around the village of Afbarwaqo, some 200 km east of Galkayo, but has now died down. According to a local elder, Muhammad Salad Du'ale, the fighting - which broke out two weeks ago - occurred between the Sa'd sub-clan of the main Habar Gedir clan, and the (Saleeban Cabdalle Agoon)Dir clan. It was sparked off by revenge killings for the deaths of eight fishermen near Afbarwaqo, but the ensuing escalation of the violence was also attributable to the scarcity of water and grazing in the area, Du'ale said. He said neutral elders from Galkayo had managed to secure a ceasefire on Monday to allow for mediation to take place and to stop the fighting from spreading to other villages. "There has been no fighting in the last couple of days," Sheko Harir, a Dir elder, told IRIN from Galkayo. "The elders have met and talked to both sides, and direct talks between the belligerents are expected to begin soon." The violence has reportedly displaced hundreds of families, who have sought refuge in areas where "there is not a single well or water point", Sheko Harir said.


Hishiis kadhacay Magaalada Caabudwaaq iyo Arimaha Xeraale oo sii xumaanaysa. Dhuusamareeb Feb-19-04, Xeraale.com
Maanta oo ay Taariikhdu tahay 2-18-04 Ayaa Idaacada BBCda sheegtay " in heshiis wayn uu ka dhacay Magaalada Caabudwaaq, heshiiskaa oo dhexmaray Labo Beelood oo katirsan Beesha Mareexaan." Hadaba beelahaa hishiiyay ayaa Dagaalkoodii ahaa Midkii hakiyay Dagaalkii Beesha Mareexaan ay kula jirtay Beesha Faqi-Muxamed (Degaanka Xeraale).
Waxaan qadka Telefoonka kula hadalnay Odayaal waaweyn oo katirsan Beesha FaqiMuxamed oo jooga Magaalada Dhuusamareeb, waxayna inoo sheegeen in heshiiskaa uu ahaa mid ay Beesha Mareexaan ku heshiiyeen in ay midoobaan isla markaana ay howshoodii(Dagaalkoodii) meesha ay ka wataan.


Odayaashaasha waxay intaa ku dareen in Shalayto ay isku dhaceen ciidamo ilaalo ah kaasoo Qasaare iyo dhaawac u gaytay Beesha Mareexaan. Waxay kaloo intaas ku dareen in Ciidamada laba Beelood ay isku horfadhiyaan labo meelood oo isu muuqda, Waxayna yiraahdeen hadii aan lahelin cidkala dhexgala waxaa macquul ah in ay sifudud iskugu dhicaan ciidamada.


Ilaa iyo Iminka lama sheegin wax waan waan ah oo kadhexsocda labada beelood iyo wax hadal haya intaba. Inkastoo Beesha Mareexaan ay horey ugu gacan sayrtay Culumaa'udiinadii, Suldaamadii, Nabadoonadii, iyo waxgaradkii isugu Jiray Beelaha wada dega Gobolka Galguduud ayaa wax rajo waan waan ah aan wali laga heyn, Halka Beesha Faqi-Muxamed ay Diyaar u yihiin heshiisiin dhexmarta iyaga iyo Beesha Mareexaan.


Dadka Degan Dagaanka Xeraale iyo kuwii ka qaxay Dagaaladii Kadhacay Halkaa ayaa iyagu aad u dhibaataysan oo cabsi weyna kaqabo dagaalo kale oo halkaa kadhaca. Dad ka soo waramay Xaaladaha Dadkii ka qaxay Dagaaladaa ayaa aad aga deyriyay oo Sheegay Dadka qaarkood oo u badan Caruur iyo dumar ayaa Caafimaadkoodu aad u liitaa Waxayna yiraahdeen "hadii aan Hey'adaha Samafalka Aduunka soo gaarin Dadkaa Qatar weyn ayay ku sugan yihiin.

Maxamed Abdi. Xeraale.com/Dhuusamareeb Dad gaaraya ilaa iyo 3500 oo qof ayaa waxay ku dhibaataysan yihiin Degaanka Xeraale Iyo Degmooyinka Dariska La’ah. Muqdisho, Soomaaliya. Feb-4-04 Warar naga soo gaaray Degaanka Xeraale iyo Degmooyinka dariska la ah ayaa sheegaya in dad tiradooda ay gaareyso ilaa 3500 oo qof ay ku dhibaataysan yihiin Halkaas.

Dadkaas oo ka qaxay Dagaalo goos goos ah oo kadhacaya Degaankooda (Xeraale) ayaa ku kala daadsan Degmooyinka Boholo, Dhuusomareeb, Huurshe, Mayeeraan, Iyo Qod-qod.
Afhayeen u hadlay Dadkaasi ayaa waxa uu u sheegay qaarkamid ah warfidiyeenada in dadkan ay mudo Sedeed bilood ah qoxooti yihiin oo aanay jirin haba yaraatee wax hay’ad samofal Bini aadanimo ah u fidiyay dadkaasi. Waxaa uu Afhayeenka intaa ku daray in dadkaasi ay u badan yihiin Caruur iyo Dumar ay aad ugu baahan yihiin Daryeel Caafimaadka iyo Raashin ay cunaan.
Waxaa kalee uu afhayeenku u sheegay warfidiyeenada in hadii aanay Hay’adaha Samofalka Aduunka u soo Gurman dadkaan ay Halis ugu Jiraan Gaajo iyo Cuduro.


Dagaalladii kadhacay Deegaanka Xeraale ayaa ahaa mid aad iyo aad u foolxun oo sababay Dhimasho iyo Dhaawac aad u farabadan. Maxamed Ali oo ku magacdheer (Shabeel ) ayaa waxa uu warfidiyeenada u sheegay in Dagaalka kadhexeeya Beelahan uu sii daba dheeraanayo oo weliba Ciidamadooda ay weli is hor fadhiyaan jiida hore.


Wararka waxay intaasi ku darayaan in Waxgaradka iyo Ganacsatada kasoo jeeda Degaanada Dhuusamareeb, Cadaado, Guraceel iyo Ceeldheer oo isku dayeey inay soo Afjaraan coolaadaasi ay ku guuldareysteen oo sheegay in Beesha kasoo jeeda Caabudwaaq ay ka biyo diidsan yihiin Hishiisiin. Wax garadka iyo Ganacsatada ayaa sheegay in hadana ay ku rajo wayn yihiin inay soo Afjaraan dagaaladaasi. Cabdiraxmaan Abdi Muqdisho, Soomaliya





Nin S.Abdalle Ah Oo La dilay
Nin lagu dilay agagaarka Baar ubax Dagaalada Mudug Awgood Muqdisho, Somaliya. Waxaa maanta lagu dilay meel udhow baar ubax nin dhailnyaro ah oo lagu magacaabi jiray indhobohol Diiriye Faarax,dad ka agdhawaa meesha lagu dilay marxuumka waxay ii sheegeen in dhalinyaro hubaysane ay kala soo degeen baabuur uu saarnaa oo ahaa kuwa loo yaqaan BLka isla markiina waxay ku fureen rasaas ilaa ay naftu ka baxdo.
Waxaana la xaqiijiyay in arrintu tahay ninka ladilay beeshuu ka dhashay iyo kuwa wax dilay in dagaal kharaari ku dhexmaray Golol oo ka tirsan gobalka Mudug gaar ahaan degmada Jiriiban,taasoo dad badani maanta fajac ku noqotay in dagaalkii baadiyaha la keeno magaalada Muqdisho.waana markii u horaysay oo labadaa beelood ay dad isaga dilaan magaalada Xamar iyadoo dagaalkoodu usocday in ka badan afar sano. Odayaal iyo waxgarad kasoo jeeda degaanka Golol ayaa cambaareyey Dilkaas Foosha xun,waxayna codsadeen in si wadajira loo soo qabto kuwii gaystey dilkaas oo aan loo eegin haybtay yihiin lana horkeeno shareecada islaamka si loo yareeyo kuwa caadaystay in ay dadka walaalaha ah isku diraan oo dhibaato hor leh ka dhexabuuraan,iyadoo hore loogu guulaystay in xabadii ka dhexsocotay labada beelood la joojiyo wada hadalna uu uga socday magaalada Gaalkacyo ,Dhacdadaan oo aad mooddo inay dhabarjab ku tahay waxgaradkii waanwaanta ka waday gobalka Mudug. Xeraale.com




Faahfaahin ku saabsan dagaalkii lagu hoobtay ee Xeraale MOGADISHU, 16 Dec 2003 (MOL) -
Wararka naga soo gaaraya magaalada xeraale ee gobalka galgaduud waxay shegayaan in saakay saacaddu markay ahayd 6-dii subaxnimo waqtiga geeska afrika uu halkaas dagaal aad culusi ku dhexmaray labada beelood ee mareexaan iyo Fiqimuxumd(Dir), ka gadaal markii beeli soo qaaday duulaanka ayadoo aan ku qanacsanayn waan waan ay ka dhexwadeen masuuliyiin iyo waxgarad kale oo la degan degaanka .
Wararka lagu helayo fooniyaha waxay sheegayaan in ugu yaraan 45 qof ay ku dhinteen dagaalkaas, in ka badan 75 kalena ku dhaawacmeen, waxay kaloo sheegayaan wararku in dagaalka loo adeegsay hubkii dowladii hore oo ay kamid yihiin beebayaal iyo gawaarida gaashaaman, ayadoo mid ka mid ah beelaha halkaas ku dagalmaya ay maanta saxaafadda usheegtay inay ka qabsadeen waxay ugu yeereen kuwii soo duulay 4 beebe iyo hal dhesheeke, iyo ugu yaraan 20 qoryaha fududa.
Sida laga warqabo dagaal dad badani ku riiqdeen ayaa labadaas beelood ku dhexmarayay aagaas, kaasoo markiisii hore ka bilowday aano qabiil oo nin ganacsada ah lagu dilay magaalada Caabudwaaq, taasoo waxba kasuuroobi wayday dhexdhexaadin ay isku xilsaareen culumaaudiin iyo waxgarad isxilqaamay, dagaalka maanta ayaa lagu tilmaamay kii ugu kharasaaraha badnaa tan iyo intii ay beelahaasi coloobeen horaantii sanadkan.
Cabdi Xasan Mudugonline.com/Muqdisho



Xalad xeerale Conditions in Xeerale.
3/4/2004 2:38 PM UTC Massive Displacement in Central Region
NAIROBI, 24 Nov 2003 (IRIN) - Hundreds of families who were driven out of their homes by recent fighting in the Galgudud Region, central Somalia, are said to be living in "destitute" conditions. Local elders told IRIN the exodus was due to heavy fighting two weeks ago between the Darod subclan of the Marehan and the Dir subclan of Fiqi Mahmud. The clashes were concentrated in and around the village of Herale, some 80 km northwest of Dhusa-Marreb, the regional capital. Many of these 2,000 or so families were now living in the open, with little or no food, Abdiqani Shaykh Yusuf, a Dir elder said. "Many of them have lost all their livestock and now depend on the goodwill of the people of Dhusa-Marreb." The plight of the displaced is compounded by the prevailing drought in the area. "There have been no rains this year in Dhusa-Marreb and the surrounding areas," Yusuf Hasan Iyow, the governor of Galgudud, told IRIN on Monday. "The residents are hardly better off than the displaced," he added. "Most people here depend on livestock, which is dying now, because of the drought. Even business people are being affected." He said there was no aid agencies in the area helping either the displaced or the residents affected by the drought. Moreover, due to their weakened state, many of the displaced, particularly the young and elderly, were succumbing to disease, Abdirahman Ali, a health worker in Dhusa-Marreb, told IRIN. "Diarrhoea, malaria and respiratory infections are the most common diseases, and we are also seeing cases of very severely malnourished children," he said. "If they don't get help very soon, it may be too late." Meanwhile, mediation efforts are under way to resolve the conflict, Iyow told IRIN. "We have asked prominent elders and intellectuals from both sides to come from Mogadishu to help in the mediation," he said. He was hopeful that "this time round we will succeed, but it has been a very difficult meditation up to now." Posted on Monday 24th November at 11:59:55 Somali Puts Faith in High Court





WAR-SAXAAFADEED ANNAGA oo ah aqoonyahanno iyo indheergarad ka tirsan beelaha Sacad (Habargidir) iyo Surre (Dir Koonfurreed) oo ku kalsoon in aanu ka tarjumayno rabitaanka xubnaha beelaha aanu ka soo jeedno ee ku sugan dalka Canada; dareensan burburkii iyo dhibaatooyinkii ay ummadda Soomaaliyeed ka dhaxashay dagaal beeleedyadii ka dhacayey deegaanada dalkeenna; qadarinayna cawaaqib-xumada ka dhalan karta colaad baahda oo aan degdeg loo soo afjarin; xusuusan waajibka Islaamiga ah ee naga saaran ka qayb qaadashada xalinta khilaafaadka dadkeenna; dhowrayna duruufaha adag ee uu dalkeennu guud ahaan ku sugan yahay:
WAXAAN si buuxda u cadaynaynaa in aanu ka soo horjeedno dagaalka ka dhacay degmada Gaalkacyo, dagaalkaas oo laga dhaxlay dhimasho, dhaawac, barakac iyo burbur saameeyey dad iyo duunyaba; WAXAAN tacsi u diraynaa qoysaskii walaalaha ahaa ee waxyeeladu ka soo gaartay dhibaatadaasi; WAXAAN ugu baaqaynaa shacbiga deegaankaas wada deggen ee colaadu dhex martay xabad joojin, deegaankana laga saaro hubka waaweyn, isla markaasna si degdeg ah xal dhab ah looga gaaro khilaafka; WAXAAN ku dhiirigalinaynaa oday-dhaqameedyada, indheergaradka,aqoonyahanada, iyo culima’udiinka ka soo jeeda deegaankaasi in ay dardar galiyaan soo afjarida khilaafkan waxyeelada farabadan gaarsiiyey shacbi danyar ah duruuftii dowlad la’aanta iyo abaartu ugu darsantay colaadan sokeeye.
WAXAAN ugu baaqaynaa in ay hay’adaha caalamiga ah gargaar degdeg ah ugu fidiyaan shacbiga deegaankaas ka soo baro-kacay iyo kuwa biyo la’aanta u liita.
BEESHA SACAD (HABARGIDIR) BEESHA SURRE (DIR KOONFUREED) Mahad Cali Xaashi Nasir Cabdi Baalle Nuuradiin Maxamed Maxamuud Maxamed Cali Aadan Cusmaan Ducale Kaahiye Saciid Axmed (Siciid Soona) Diini Nuur Shaadali (Jucufo) Abshir Diini Xassan Abshir Xildhibaan Mahad Cabdalle Cawad Dr. Cabduqaadir Maxamuud Guuleed Dr. Cismaan Yuusuf Maxamed (Jirfe) Eng. Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Cilmi Sh. Mahad Max’ed Cali Wardheere Sh. Maxamed Sh. Cabdulaahi Maxbuub Cabdulaahi Xasan Aadan Jibriil Maxamed Siciid Dr. Axmed Xuseen Gurey

Dagaal culus oo subaxnimadii maanta ka bilowday tuulada Xeraale oo ka tirsan degmada Cabuud Waaq ee gobolka Galgaduud ayaa sababay dhimashada dad tiradooda lagu qiyaasay 45 qofood, iyadoo ay ku dhaawacmeen tiro kale oo aan la sheegin.
Dagaalladaan oo u dhaxeeya labo beelood oo halkaasi wada degan ayaa ka bilowday barkad biyaha laga cabo, iyadoo ay ka qeyb qaateen baabuurta dagaalka oo ay ku jiraan kuwo gaashaaman Afhayeen u hadlay beesha Mareexaan oo ay soo xiganeysay idaacadda Jubba ee magaalada Kismaayo ayaa sheegay in ay gacanta ku dhigeen degmada Cabuud Waaq, balse dagaallo teel teel ah ay ka soconayaan daafaha degmadaas, haseyeeshee ma jiraan warar caddeynaya hadalka sheegashada ah ee ka soo yeeray af-hayeenkaas. Wararkii ugu dambeeyay ayaa sheegaya in culumaa’udiin iyo odayaal ka kala tirsan labada beelood ay ku baaqeen in ay labada dhinac joojiyaan xabadda oo ay wada hadal ku dhameystaan khilaafaadkooda. Ugaaska Beesha Sade Ugaas Maxamed Weli Axmed Nuur oo ka mid ah waxgaradkaas ayaa isaga oo ku sugan Buulo Xaawo waxaa uu labada dhinacba ugu baaqay in ay joojiyaan dagaallada iyaga oo ixtiraamaya bisha barakeysan ee Ramadaan oo ay muslimiintu sooman yihiin.


Welcome To HornAfrik Online
Inter-Clan Clashes In Central Somalia.
At least 12 people were killed and 29 were wounded in the fighting. March 01, 2004 HornAfrik. Mogadishu Somalia At least 12 people were killed and 29 were wounded after fighting erupted between militias from rival clans in the village of Herale in central Somalia on Sunday, elders said. Village elder Ahmed Osman, contacted by radio on Sunday, described the fighting as "intense" and said that residents had fled Herale by the time the violence subsided in the afternoon, but with no ceasefire agreement.

The fighting pitted the Marehan against the Dir clans, who have previously lived side by side peacefully in Abudwaaq, a district in Somalia's Galgudud region. The latest clashes are part of tit-for-tat confrontations resulting from the April 2003 murder of a Marehan elder, allegedly by Dir clansmen.
The Dir are affiliated with the Southern Somalia National Movement (SSNM) of several sub-clan factions, while the Marehan belong to another factional grouping, the Somalia National Front (SNF). Both were among 27 factions that signed a ceasefire agreement in Kenya on October 27, 2002, to stop all hostilities in the war-torn Horn of Africa nation. Somalia plunged into clan warfare and has not had a recognized government since 1991 when the dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was toppled. Peace talks are continuing in Kenya
Afhayeenka ururka SSNM Md.Awliyo oo faahfaahin ka bixiyay dagaalkii Xeraale. Afhayeenka ururka SSNM Cabdullaahi Xuseen Aybakar kuna magacdheer AWLIYO ayaa ka waramay siduu udhacay dagaalkii dhexmaray beelaha Mareexaan iyo Fiqi Muxumed waxuuna yiri isagoo u waramayay saxaafadda: Goor hore oo ah subaxnimadii taariikhdu ahayd Febraayo 29,ayaa maleeshiyada beesha Mareexaan waxay sidii caadadu uahayd duulaan gardarao ah ku soo ekeeyeen dhammmaan wadooyinka laga galo magaalda xeraale,duulaankaas oo sida laga warqabo ujeedadiisu ahayd sidii loo baro kicin lahaa loona xasuuqi lahaa beesha Reer Fiqi Muxumed oo ku caana dad ehlu diina oo waliggod cid ku gardaraysan.Haddaba siday qabto diinta Muqadaska ah waxay ku qasbanaadeen inay reer Xeraale Difacdaan Maatadooda,Maalkooda iyo xurmada ilaahay u abuuray adoonkiisa oo ah inuuna wax dulmin isna qaadan dulmi. Haddaba markii uu dagaalku socday uga yaraan 5 saac waxay dantu ku qasabtay kuwii soo duulay ee dulmi wadayaasha ahaa inay cagaha wax ka dayaan iyagoo ku hungoobay hamigoodii ahaa inay xasuuq gaystaan isla markaana deegaan hantiyaan,beesha mareexaan oo ku caan baxday inay isku raacaan gardarada iyo duulaan lagu qaado dad kale sida ay ka marqaati kacayso taariikhdu oo 21kii sano oo ay dalka hogaaminayaan waxay soomaali u gaystaan la wada ogyahay, Waxuu afhayeenku xaqiijiyay oo uu yiri.waxaa halgamayaashii xaq udirirka ka shahiiday hal mujaahid halka labo kale ay ka dhaawacmeen oo dhaawacoodu mid khafiif yahay halka daaquudyada waa siduu hadalka udhigaye ay ka dhinteen 12 nin ugu yaraana ka dhaawcmeen 19 daaquud labo baabuur oo ah kuwa dagaalkana looga gubay dulmiwadayaasha mareexaan,Md.Awliyo waxaa caalamka iyo inta jecel nabada ugu baaqay in si wadajir ah loogu guntado sidii loo joojin lahaa gardarada iyo gumaadka ay wadaan beesha Mareexaan oo xitaa markii looga soo baro kacay degaanada lala degi jiray ee ku teedsanaa balanabal iyo Caabudwaaq ina hadda wadaan Isir sifayn (ethnic cleansing) ku aadan reer Fiqi Muxumed ayuu yiri afhayeenku. Waxuu kaloo afhayeenka SSNM aduunka caalamka ka codsaday in si degdeg gurmad loola soo gaaro qoysas badan oo ku baro kacay duulaankaas,iyagoo dadkaasi ayna haysan biyo iyo baad oo degaankii laga cabi jiray ay saameeyeen degaalkaas joogtada ah oo ay soo qaadayaan beesha Mareexaan.
(Posted by guest: Boobe)



















Thursday, December 6, 2012

Two-thirds of bilateral aid to Somalia govt stolen, diverted

The East African
By RASNA WARAH Special Correspondent
rasna.warah@gmail.com
Wednesday, July 25, 2012


Successive Somali governments have not accounted for nearly $238 million, the bulk of which constituted bilateral assistance, according to an audit report made available exclusively to The EastAfrican
 The report shows that over the period 2000-2011, the first Somali Transitional National Government and the subsequent Transitional Federal Government received bilateral aid totalling $308 million, that was given mainly by Arab countries including Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Libya, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. (This figure does not include funds that came through the Arab League. It also does not cover multilateral assistance to Somalia, which is managed entirely by the United Nations Development Programme.)
Only $53 million was raised domestically during this period, mainly through the Mogadishu port and airport.
 However, successive governments have only been able to account for $124 million — or one-third — of the total bilateral and domestic funds they received.
 The author of the report, Abdirazak Fartaag, who was head of Somalia’s Public Finance Unit in prime minister Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke’s office from May 2009 to September 2010, and prime minister Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s office from December 2010 to May 2011, claims that various Somali administrations misappropriated and mismanaged millions of dollars in donor assistance and domestic revenue by under-reporting the amounts received and by utilising funds on personal and other non-government expenses.
 The Public Finance Unit was initiated by prime minister Sharmarke in 2009, in order to enhance the financial reporting of the Transitional Federal Government and to co-ordinate the central bank and the auditor general’s and accountant general’s offices. The unit was disbanded by prime minister Farmaajo in May 2011.
 Fartaag’s report (which has not yet been released, but was made available to The EastAfrican) comes in the wake of another damning report released by the World Bank in late May, that claims that the TFG did not account for $130 million in revenues and donations it received in 2009 and 2010.
The report’s author, Joakim Gundel, said auditors found that the government had collected at least $94 million in revenue in 2009, but only reported $11 million.
 The report states that in 2010, the government collected $70 million in revenues, but reported just $22 million.
 A leaked copy of the 2012 report of the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea — a group mandated by the UN Security Council to monitor arms embargo violations — shows similar gross under-reporting of finances by the Somali government. (The report is expected to be presented to the UN Security Council sometime this month.)
 The Group’s own investigations show that an additional $40 million of potential revenue may have gone uncollected or unaccounted for in 2011.
 President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed is quoted saying that the money may have never reached Somalia, and was “perhaps in the pockets of other people.”
 The report further states that one quarter of the funds that can be accounted for are channelled through the offices of the president, prime minister and speaker of parliament.
 In 2011, these three offices spent more than $12.6 million, representing almost 23 per cent of total government expenditure — almost as much as was spent on the TFG security forces ($13.4 million), or the expenditure of all the ministries combined ($15.4 million).
 The report further states that the TFG leaders have generally shunned a funding mechanism managed by PricewaterhouseCoopers, that was established with donor support as a confidence-building measure.
It says that the fundamental problem with the Transitional Federal Institutions is that “their leaders have successfully marketed the government’s weakness, fragility and possible collapse as a lure to attract more assistance.”
 As a result, “corruption, embezzlement and fraud are no longer symptoms of mismanagement, but have in fact become a system of management.”
 Fartaag compares the funds that Somalia’s various administrations and the auditor general’s office reported the country had received and spent between 2000 and 2011 with his own findings, which reveal huge discrepancies between money received and money declared.
 From 2000 to 2008, except 2007 when $32 million from Saudi Arabia was recorded by the Office of the Prime Minister, the Somali government did not account for any of the funds it received.
 The auditor general’s office, which was established in 2000, only started reporting revenue and expenditure in 2009. There are vast discrepancies between Fartaag’s findings and figures reported by the auditor general’s office.
 Fartaag alleges, for instance, that in 2011, more than $122 million of donor support was received by the government, but the auditor general’s office reported only $35 million; $87 million remains unaccounted for.
 The World Bank report says that not all revenues are deposited in the Central Bank of Somalia, and that there is a lack of proper accounting of how money is being spent.
 The report was released when Somalia’s top leadership and civil society representatives had gathered at the second conference on Somalia in Istanbul.
 This led to hasty denials by President Ahmed, who was quoted on the Somali website raxanreeb.com as saying: “It is simple to claim allegations, but you (the World Bank) must make it clear and tangible. Where the money has gone is what we want to know also.”
 Stem irregularities
 President Ahmed, along with the current Prime Minister Abdiweli Mohamed Ali and former prime minister Abdullahi Farmaajo are contending for the presidential nominations that will take place when a new parliament is constituted in Somalia later this month.
 The communiqué emanating from the Istanbul conference, like that of the London conference that preceded it, supported the establishment of a Joint Financial Management Board, comprising donors and the government, to stem irregularities.
 The Board, spearheaded by Britain and other European countries, along with the World Bank, aims to improve transparency and accountability in the use of public resources, and ensure that these funds go towards improved security and economic and social development.
 Britain’s ambassador to Somalia, Matt Baugh, has stated that the Board will provide a facility whereby the Somali government and its partners can demonstrate that the money it is receiving from a variety of sources is being put to good public use.
 However, the current government has resisted the idea of the Board. Former government spokesman Abdirahman Omar Osman Yarisow told the Somali website shabelle.net that the current government had rejected the idea of the board, adding that the government would not allow itself to be financially managed by outsiders, and that this suggestion needed to be revisited.
 Fartaag’s report paints a grim picture of Somalia’s financial management systems.
The report shows how large amounts of money intended for economic and social development were personalised by various top government officials, with the Central Bank of Somalia and the Mogadishu port often being used as personal ATM machines.
 He says misappropriation of donor funds by senior government officials was made easier by the fact that the biggest Arab donors usually paid their contributions in hard cash to individual politicians, rather than depositing it in national financial institutions.
 These politicians, in turn, often deposited a fraction of the donor funds into the Central Bank, and did not account for the rest.
 Also, the Mogadishu port is under the control of the president, who can decide how revenue raised from the port is to be allocated.
 This has created huge opportunities for corruption. In 2009, for instance, the port generated $24 million, according to Fartaag, but the office of the auditor general only registered $6.2 million of it.
 In 2010, the port generated $30 million but only $12 million was reported; of this, more than half went to the Office of the President for expenditures that have yet to be disclosed.
 In addition, blurred lines of authority and poor accounting practices have led to situations where decisions regarding how funds are to be spent are often made unilaterally by the president, the prime minister, the speaker and the minister of finance, without the consent of parliament and quite often without informing key ministries.
 “This informality in the management of public funds made it easy for past and present political leaders to personalise these funds, and has, unfortunately, become the model for future leaders,” says Fartaag.
 “Public funds often bypass financial institutions; even when they go through them, they are manipulated for personal gain.”
 Official documents seen by The EastAfrican show that one former warlord was paid a whopping $8 million for “reconciliation” in 2007 (during the administration of president Abdullahi Yussuf and prime minister Ali Ghedi), and one MP, who later become a minister, was paid $330,000, also for “reconciliation.” Thousands of dollars were also spent on hiring private jets.
 Unequal disbursement
 Skewed allocation of funding to some regions at the expense of others was also rampant during this period.
 Fartaag found that nearly 14 per cent of Somalia’s budget was allocated to Puntland, compared with 0.13 per cent to Lower Shebelle and 0.07 per cent to Lower Juba, with the Banadir region (where Mogadishu is located) getting less than 2 per cent.
 Some regions, such as Galgadud, South Mudug, Hiraan, Bay and Bakol, Gedo and Middle Juba did not receive a single cent, despite being the most conflict-ridden areas in the country.
 However, says Fartaag, it’s not clear whether the allocations were actually disbursed to any of the regions, including Puntland.
Fartaag says attempts to bring sanity and accountability into Somalia’s finances have been repeatedly thwarted by successive administrations.
 During his tenure in prime ministers Sharmake and Farmaajo’s offices, his attempts to rein in the finances and demand greater transparency led to his eventual (verbal) dismissal.
 He says that while corruption was widespread in the Somali administration during his tenure, successive administrations have continued with the trend.
 In 2011, when he was still the head of the Public Finance Unit, Fartaag alerted prime minister Farmaajo to gross irregularities, but he was discouraged from investigating them further.
 After his dismissal, he continued with his investigations, which were published in the media. The government dismissed them as a smear campaign.
 However, Fartaag was vindicated in May by the World Bank, which conducted its own preliminary investigations that also showed inconsistencies and irregularities in the financial affairs of the transitional federal institutions.
 Potential to earn money
 Fartaag says Somalia’s potential to generate domestic revenue remains underexploited, largely because the economy remains unregulated.
 His audit report for 2009/10 showed that Somalia could generate $48 million a year in taxes from the three largest telecommunications providers, whose annual turnover is conservatively estimated to be over $540 million.
 Remittances from Somalis abroad — estimated to be around $1.5 billion a year — could generate $45 million, while taxes from the Mogadishu port alone could bring in another $35 million a year.
 With more credible financial institutions in place and a better regulatory framework, the government would also be in a better position to earn revenue from other sources, such as VAT, income tax and licence fees, which are currently non-existent.
 This could also help make the country less reliant on external assistance, and ensure that revenue collected benefits the people of Somalia.
 When asked why he had chosen to release the findings of his audit report now, in light of a new (hopefully, more transparent) government set to be installed in Somalia in August, Fartaag said: “I am trying to show through my audit that every single government that Somalia has had since 2000 has consistently mismanaged public funds.
 "If the money that was mismanaged and misappropriated was used to build schools and hospitals and to rehabilitate government buildings, Somalia would not be in its current dire predicament. I did the report because I want the personalisation of public funds to stop.
 "I feel that the people of Somalia deserve a better government that uses public funds properly. But in order to do this, Somalia needs the help of the international community; we should not expect the future government to reverse the trend on its own and suddenly become more accountable to its citizens.
 "The establishment of the Joint Financial Management Board is therefore a step in the right direction. The politicians who are resisting the Board in the name of sovereignty are only playing to the domestic gallery.”
 

It’s time to elect non-Daarood and non-Hawiye leaders in the interest of peace and unity in Somalia










Thegobannimoview, Part III


Abdirazak Haji Hussen, Fmr Prime Minister of the Somali Republic (hussen100@yahoo.com), & Dr Aweys O. Mohamoud (AWEYS6@AOL.COM), Founder of Gobannimo Institute,[1]


27thJuly 2012
We argue in this paper that the enduring conflict in Somalia has become so entrenched and zero-sum in nature that it is beyond outsider – or inside – management without first attenuating the continuing intra- and inter-Daarood-Hawiye factionalised struggles and rivalry outbidding. The issues at the heart of this rivalry are particularly difficult and intractable because they’re based on psychological factors, are more symbolic in nature and thus more complicated to manage. We, therefore, call upon the newly appointed members of the post-TFG parliament to elect competent and meritorious individuals from non-Daarood and non-Hawiye clans as President and Parliamentary Speaker to defeat the “wedge politics” of division and rivalry, and to usher in a new era of compromise, trust, and cooperation in the political process. We also call on the newly elected President of Somalia to appoint as Prime Minister an upright and competent Somali citizen from non-Daarood and non-Hawiye clan background to forge a sense of common purpose in the new administration and to deliver credible executive leadership to theSomali people.
This article represents an appeal to reason addressed to the members of the new parliament who will be electing Somalia’s post-TFG leaders in Mogadishu, next month. The abstract above relates the gist of our appeal to them. It is also an appeal for compassion, fellow-feeling and patriotism, addressed in particular to the elector members of the two clans who are the subject of this writing, Daarood and Hawiye. We are appealing to this latter group of MPs to help our people (D&H) transcend selfishness by dethroning ourselves from the centre of politics and placing in it competent political leaders from other clans who have never been given the chance to lead their country.Reconciliation will only be possible when power, rights and responsibility are no longer the privilege of the few, but shared by all.We define reconciliation here as a means of healing and uniting a wounded and divided people.
In a symbolic way, letting others have a turn will indicate that every clan or community is an equally valued member of our nation, which could lead to a new national collective consciousness about the meaning ofSoomaalinimoand the value of citizenship in post-conflict Somalia. On a human level, it signifies justice, peace, equity and respect for others, and the noble deed of treating all others as we wish to be treated ourselves. The first part of the article is a follow-up of the two pieces already published under the title, ‘thegobannimoview’, and will focus on the historical role of D&H in planting the seeds of extreme clan politics in Somalia, and the need for new leadership elected on merit. In the second part, we republish Somali elder statesman and fmr PM A. H. Hussen’s 2004 ‘Open Letter’ to the Somali people.
Whilst we do not speak for them, we both hail from the two clans we’re criticizing, Daarood and Hawiye respectively. As we shall elaborate below, our position is that it is time to elect or appoint to office non-D&H national leaders with the character, morals and qualifications necessary to run a government. We’re not acting out of prejudice against any group. The argument we’re putting forward is based on propositions of fact (historical and contemporaneous) and our own moral convictions that Somalia ought to have a post-TFG competent leadership from outside the traditional power groups. Such arrangement, we believe, stands a good chance of leading to win/win outcomes for all communities.
We are cognizant of the fact that there is a large group of estimable and upright Somali citizens from D&H clan background who’ve already put their name forward as candidates for these top offices of state. These individuals may be assured that we fully respect their right to elect or vote for others as they see fit, or be elected to office themselves. Our aim here is solely to advance the broader interest of peace and state-building in Somalia and that, in our view, is best served by the election of non D&H leaders who have credibility and legitimacy in the eyes of the Somali people, and are capable of mobilizing the population for peace and nation-building.
The premise of our argument is that rebuilding post-TFG institutions demands a reckoning with past history of clan power politics, domination and oppression, which led to conflict. In the twogobannimopieces already published, we notice that four D&H sub-clans [namely Habargidir, Majeerteen, Mariixaan, and Muddullood] have, relatively speaking, dominated or contested political power in the post-colonial Somali government, and that these samesub-clans are also without exception party to the conflict that led to the collapse of the central state. We also saw that the contentious politics between these pairs represent the putative Daarood-Hawiye rivalry and that, if anything, the lessons drawn by these sub-clans have been largely dysfunctional.
Whilst the actions of subgroups are very important, it is the political dynamics between these two clan families which was (and still remains) the fulcrum of clan-power politics in Somalia.More than any other group of people, D&H leaders established the political centrality of clan competition for power and supremacy. For example, between them, the Daarood and Hawiye produced twenty out of the twenty four (or 83% of the total) presidents and prime ministers (including those who claimed/contested these positions during the protracted civil wars in the 1990s) Somalia has ever had since executive authority was passed over to us by the Italian colonial administration in 1956.
A brief historical background is in order at this point. Somalia’s post-colonial constitutional framework provided for proportional representation in the electoral system. There were 47 electoral districts from which 123 deputies would be sent to the National Assembly. The number of aggregate votes in each district would determine the number of deputies. Each political party had a list of potential representatives. Parties, not candidates would be the recipients of votes. If the party earned one seat, the candidate at the top of the party list would go to the Assembly. If the party earned two seats, then the two top candidates would be sent. There was intense rivalry between all candidates to get to the top of the list. If a candidate could not get a top place, he would seek to get enough signatures (usually 500) from members of his clan to form his own party. In this way, the number of parties multiplied until the process was no longer viable.[2]
For instance, twenty-one clan-based parties vied for office in the first general election in South Somalia or former Italian territory held in 1956. In the general election of March 1969, a record number of 1002 candidates, representing 62 parties contested the 123 seats.[3]According to I. M. Lewis, as soon as the National Assembly opened, a large number of members crossed the floor of the house to join the government, hoping to share in the spoils of office. The unedifying stampede of deputies left Abdirazak Haji Hussen sitting alone as the sole opposition member of the assembly.[4]
Another British historian makes a similar observation of political opportunism, rivalry, and factionalism in post-independence Somalia. Somalis turned all politics into tribalism. Each big clan, small clan or sub-clan used the system of proportional representation so as to form its own ‘party’ and send its own man or men to parliament. A reckless competition for the fruits of power and privilege was soon underway. Having secured all the power and privilege, a small group at the top fought personal battles for their own interests. Whenever elections came, they went back to their clans and drummed up support against their rivals. Once back in power again, they returned to fighting their battles over sharing the spoils of office. This disunity and personal rivalry led directly to bad government and corruption.[5]
If the first elected, post-independence civilian governments proved to be inefficient, corrupt, and incapable of creating any kind of civic political culture, Siyad Barre’s twenty-one years of rule and misadventures destroyed any semblance of national governmental legitimacy. He promised an end to corruption, nepotism, and tribalism, but gave us more. According to Lewis, Siyad distributed arms and money to his friends, encouraging them to attack their common clan enemies who were accused of divisive “tribalism” by the master tribalist. His inner power circle consisted of members of three related clans, each critically significant in its own way – the President’s (Marrehaan), his mother’s brother’s (Ogaadeen), and his son-in-law’s (Dhulbahente). The magic letters MOD thus represented the inner circle of his power. Sadly, this legacy of misrule ensured a wide and persistent prevalence of extremely bloody clan conflict.[6]
Now think about these designations [they’re not listed in any particular order]: Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF); Somali National Movement (SNM); Somali National Alliance (SNA); Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM); Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM) (sna); United Somali Congress (USC); United Somali Congress (USC) (sna); United Somali Congress/Somali Salvation Alliance (USC – SSA); Somali National Front (SNF); Sodere Group; Somali Democratic Movement (SDM); Southern Somali National Movement (SSNM) (sna); Somali Democratic Alliance (SDA); United Somali Root (USR); United Somali Front (USF); United Somali Party (USP); Somali National Union (SNU); Somali National Democratic Union (SNDU); Somali Africans Muke Organization (SAMO); Somali Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC); Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism (ARPCT); Popular Resistance Movement in the Land of the Two Migrations (PRMLTM); Juba Valley Alliance (JVA); Al-Itihaad al-Islamiya (AIAI); Islamic Courts Union (ICU); Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS); Muqawama (meaning ‘the resistance’); Raskamboni; Aanoole (in Somali ‘Caanoole’ meaning ‘Milk Proprietor’); Jebiso (meaning ‘the breaker’; it is also the name of a type of Somali snake); Hisbul Islam (HI); Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujaahidiin, etc.
A few of these names belong to political associations or organizations representing the interest of minority victimised groups. A few more could also be described as armed resistance against foreign domination. Most of the rest were factions and clan militias led by competing warlords who have held de facto control over vast territory of the country over the course of the Somali civil war. The only common denominator between them was a struggle for power and supremacy, and most have used political violence to oppose or derail a political process. Since the collapse of the government in 1991, repeated attempts to create a centralised government has managed only to sever the state from the society that should have been its foundation – all thanks to the discord, strife, contention, dissension, conflict, clash, and variance of interests between Somali clans using the above designations and many more.
The problem is not competition per se. On the contrary, competition is central to the success of any enterprise because competitors are forced to do their best, as in sports. The necessity of competing to achieve wealth and excellence characterises the nations and societies that achieve progress and development anywhere in the world. Competition, in these contexts, is a public good essential for the functioning of society in sustaining the physical well-being of its members, ensuring their safety, and promoting opportunities for education, employment as well as civil and political rights for all citizens.
Where it is unhelpful, and deadly wrong, is when we engage in clan competition for raw power and supremacy to have control over the state. For goodness sake, the ‘State’ belongs to the Somali people, and not to a particular clan family, sub-clan, lineage, or any of its underlings, in genealogical terms. As we have seen time and again, such competition leads to violence and war. We’re fighting, not over some notion of the ‘public good’ but over whose clan members are going to dominate the state. We then engage in truly titanic struggles where what benefits (or is perceived to benefit) one set of interests harms another, forcing us to compete even harder in an effort to win the game against our adversary. Just that the game is not card games or video nasties full of blood and gore, it is the real thing.
The unrelenting and fierce competition for raw clan power and supremacy led us into an unending war which is nearing the end of its third decade. Close to a million Somali people have died and millions have become refugees and IDPs (internally displaced persons inside Somalia). The former include international migrants and stateless persons who fanned out into the four corners of the earth. Only enlightened cooperation between all our people will lead to a resolution of this conflict. For that genuine cooperation and effective human interaction between the Somali people to start, we commend the members of the new post-TFG parliament to accept our proposal.
The election of national leaders for the Somali Republic: an open letter by Abdirazak Haji Hussen, Fmr Prime Minister of the Somali Republic, March 9, 2004. [Translated by Aweys O. Mohamoud, Nov. 14, 2011]
Let me start with some questions to the (Somali) reader.
Question:(Somali) Reader, would you like to see your native land Somalia transformed into a peaceful, stable and united country?
Answer:I believe your answer will be YES (what else could it be!).
Question:How can we get there? And where shall we start?
Answer:Of course, people are bound to have different views when answering these two questions. Suppose someone comes up with the idea that we can get there if we had honest, capable leaders who are not only sufficiently qualified to do the job, but are able to gain public trust from a majority of the Somali people. If you have a more reasonable proposition, please put it forward! But if the idea of ‘electing honest leaders’ sounds plausible to you, you might think (in fact I do) the upcoming leadership elections at the ongoing Somali Reconciliation Conference in Kenya would be a good place to start. This open letter is an attempt to begin that discussion.
Let’s now assume, for the sake of the argument, that we are all agreed to the suggestion of electing honest and capable leaders at the ongoing conference in Kenya. Sounds reasonable to me! But can we agree on a definition for what we mean by ‘honest leaders’? The current state of feeling in Somali society or ‘the national mood’, if we can call it that way, would tend towards defining ‘an honest leader’ as someone who is from the same clan as the person who is making that statement. The person who is not from the same clan as them is not honest, in their view, and so they would not accept their authority. Yet if we agree that the country cannot have more than one president, one prime minister, and one parliamentary speaker, what is there to be done? In my view, we can take our pick from two options: let’s forget about unity and national government, and continue to exist in our current state of affairs and worse, or else we need to have a rethink about the wisdom of forming opinions and making decisions solely on the basis of clan motives or perspectives.
Although I can understand the climate of opinion that existed at the time, I still believe that it was a fundamental error of misjudgement when the clan-based formula known as 4.5 was adopted as a legally binding power-sharing agreement in the Somali National Reconciliation Conference at Arta, Djibouti (in the year 2000). Rather than condemn the clanism and clan chauvinism that caused so much collective violence, destruction and suffering in the (still ongoing) civil war, and instead of putting forward an idea aimed at raising Somali people’s political consciousness for unity, fraternity and solidarity, and for the good of their country, the participants of that conference (albeit indirectly) have declared that all that had happened were fully justified (Is the bloodbath caused by the devastating clan warfare in Somalia ever justifiable?). Thus in effect it was decided that clanism will be, henceforth, the sole basis upon which power sharing agreements and participation in the political process is measured. But have we carefully thought about how we can reconcile (dogmatic) clan agendas with the imperative needs of nation-building for the country?
I believe most people want to see the destruction, statelessness and division that grips our country come to an end. If that is the case, then isn’t it our responsibility to make as much effort as we can to work towards the realization of these goals (i.e., achieving the unity of our people, rebuilding the state, and putting a stop to the murderous atrocities being committed against our citizens)? The first step one has to take to achieve these goals is to elect the right leaders TODAY: honest and just leaders who will, for all time, be free from showing favouritism or granting patronage to relatives; leaders who will strictly observe and respect the rule of law; leaders who will use the powers and privileges of their office for the common good, and not to advance their private or family interests.
Granted that people are agreeable to these ideas, we will have (to move fast) to achieve these ends. This requires dedication, hard work, honest intentions, bravery and courage, especially on the part of young people whose (and whose children’s) future well-being rests on attaining these (nation-building) goals.
If we look back at the past 40 years, let’s say, we can learn something useful from our (often, unpleasant) experience. George Santayana, the Spanish American philosopher and essayist of the twentieth century, is reputed to have said: “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it”. An explanation of events of the past that is presented factually and not influenced by emotions or personal prejudices is very important for our historical record, and will help our people remember the past so that they won’t repeat it. But these explanations must be free from party affiliation or bias. We must also avoid reports based on rumours and innuendo. In sum, we ought “to learn our lesson”, but also we must be able to put past events aside to move on. Let bygones be bygones, as they say.
After some lengthy intros, may be these questions will capture the essence of it all. How can we start the engine? Where is the key? There is a stone wall between us and the keys (to the house):clanism and pride in numerical clan superiority.Forget about the long-gone past, what have been the consequences of‘clanism and pride in numerical clan superiority’for us in the past 14 years of civil war? Any upright person with genuine interest in the welfare of the Somali people would answer thus: the evils of war; harm; misfortune; utter destruction, and irrecoverable losses.
Let me now relate the gist of my conversation to you. How can we find good leaders with honest convictions in advancing peace, reconciliation, forgiveness and healing between warring communities, and societal reconstruction through non-violence and social justice? How can we find leaders who are capable of constructing new political institutions that express a people’s shared sentiments for a reconstituted independent Somali state? How can we find leaders who are able to rescue the good name and reputation of the Somali people that was lost through the evils of war over the past two decades?
As a Somali proverb has it, “A man who says me, sets himself apart from others”(Nin yiri aniga, dad iska reeb). As with others, we Somalis have sayings embodying some commonplace fact or experience. This particular one expresses a basic truth about the concept of humility in old Somali lore. However good, smart or powerful in terms of position one may be, at least in the old days, the Somali people I knew, lived and worked with, preferred someone with a sense of modesty and humbleness in word or deed to the one that was being unduly vain and conceited.
With that in mind and having thought and thought about this over a considerable period of time, I propose that today we chart a new course for the debate. Let us also tryShabshable(“Bal Shabshablena ku day,”is a well-known Somali maxim. Shabshable is a type of Somali traditional dance. This maxim is about people trying new things or ideas when they see the old ways as not working or producing the required results). And what do I mean by a new course or (in the Somali version) ‘new path’? As we all know, there are tworeer(Somali clans) who exclusively begrudge each other. In alphabetical order, they are D (forDaarood) and H (forHawiye). These tworeerhave a deep sense of grievance towards each other. It is a story that has continued running for a long time, and still continues to run. But also the rest of the (Somali) people feel they have a legitimate grievance against both. One or the other, or both, of these tworeerholding the top offices of the state would be like putting on the fire a bundle of easily ignited firewood. Instead of placing emphasis on restoring civic politics, inclusive identities and institution building, they will waste their time (or rather focus their finest effort) on rivalry, power struggles and pride in numerical clan supremacy, and futile rhetoric that glorify the continuation or resumption of war and feuding. Whilst one cannot forecast precisely what might happen, the public record of the individuals from both D & H vying for ascendance in the upcoming elections can be seen as a measure of the difficult time ahead for efforts towards reconciliation and genuine cooperation between the Somali people to rebuild a functioning state.
People are fed up with war and feuding. They are also unwilling to put up with fanaticism and narrow mindedness, hate mongering, and propagandizing based on distorted clan histories any longer. After so much suffering and destruction for so long, they now understand why opportunistic politicians in the midst of power struggles would resort to such base appeals. And I believe, given the opportunity, they do not want to be part of it. Instead, the people of Somalia are yearning for peace, stability, reconciliation and reconstruction, and the rebuilding of a functioning state in their country.
Therefore, the right cure for Somalia today is for these tworeerto renounce vying for ascendance to the top three offices of the state, namely the President, the Prime Minister, and the Parliamentary Speaker, in the next 5 years of transitional government. Individuals from non D & H community background must be elected to these top three offices of state.
Non D & H communities have come to believe, and with good reason, that they are marginalized in Somali society. So many of them felt that they were alienated, disenfranchised and unjustly treated in the hands of these larger clans, and that has some merit. In my view, that is why some people have advocated secession from Somalia. What is needed now is a sense of justice and sympathy to address these grievances, and the course I am proposing is the first step towards that direction. It would be very unfortunate if we didn’t take it up.
My brothers of the D & H communities must think very carefully about my submission. It is of much greater value to think in terms of the public good and what enhances the well-being of our people than boosting the ego of one or two individual leaders by helping them come to power. I know some people will say that, by proffering this proposal, I am aiming at particular individuals. In my defence, I will say this: I have no one or more persons or a particular group of people in mind. The way I see it, this is an idea that can be a response or solution to the complex and insoluble issues that we face today. We are caught in a trap largely of our own making. This idea represents a way to release or set free ourselves from this trap. But also it is a temporary measure, and not a permanent one. It is meant for the five years of transitional administration. The president and prime minister, etc., are not the only top office holders of state to be hired. My brothers, from the D & H communities, can have the lion’s share of other top government positions, and can play a major role in the essential work of reconciliation and reconstruction which is a moral obligation on them. By acting in this way, they will be regarded as true leaders with a sense of honour and integrity, both by their own people and the rest of the world. Can the moral rectitude of this principle (i.e., Somali politicians, guided by their conscience, freely renouncing power for the sake of their country and their people) ever be contested?
President Aden Abdulle Othman (aka Aden Adde) was indeed wise to the politics of equality for all people, especially in their access to the rights and privileges of their society. One of his often repeated and familiar public expressions was thus: “Let the people get to know their men (their leaders)”. What did he mean by this? He was basically asserting the equality of all men when it comes to running for office or being elected or appointed to it. His philosophy of social equality was the opposite of a rule by an elite group or a particularreer. He wanted jobs, roles and responsibilities distributed more equitably in society so that people will see for themselves the absence of discrimination based on clan or other forms of favouritisms. If I put it differently, what the President meant was that the offering of employment or positions in government must be based not on “who is the person?” but “what is the person?” Perhaps, we can sum it up in this way. Rights, including fundamental freedoms and privileges, belong to a person by reason of citizenship as a Somali but when it comes to appointing someone for a job or to an office, what matters is his/her competence and capability.
We need to work out fully in our minds that ‘numerical clan order’ cannot be the measure we use for the accomplishment of our national objectives. The criterion on which our government is established must be based on personal qualities such as uprightness, justice and fairness, honesty, integrity, reputation, and piety as well as on personal achievement including education, skills, competence and capability. President Aden Adde himself amply demonstrated the truth or validity of the argument that what matters is not ‘who’ the person is, but ‘what’ the person is in terms of character or achievement. It was because of his honesty, even-handedness, and feats of strength (what the person is!) that he was called “the Father of the Nation” (Aabihii Qaranka).
If this idea gains favourable reception, then I believe what we need are the right leaders with the right personal characteristics and achievements. Given the opportunity, in my view, such leaders should be able to appeal to Somali people’s sense of justice, reason and sympathy in fairly short order, and hence prove that ‘what’ (personal qualities of leaders) is more important than ‘who’ (clan attributes) they are.
Eebbow(Almighty God), you know what is good for us and what is ahead of us, so please help us come to an agreement to resolve our difficulties. Amen.


[1]GobannimoInstitute is a trading name forGobannimoSomali Centre of Ideas Limited, registered in England with company number 7943558. GI aspires to become an educational, social, and political research institution that works towards improving the lives of the Somali people at home and abroad. We’ll be seeking funding from governments, and through charitable trusts and private donations. We’re in the process of launching GI in both the UK and Somalia, and welcome cooperation from educated and professional Somalis who share our objectives, wherever they may be.
[2]See Hashim, Alice Bettis (1997) The fallen state: dissonance, dictatorship, and death in Somalia. Lanham, New York & Oxford: University Press of America, Inc. p. 61.
[3]Lewis, I.M. (2002) A Modern History of the Somali: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa (Fourth Edition). Oxford: James Currey, p. 204.
[4]Ibid., p. 204.
[5]Davidson, Basil (1983) Modern Africa. Longman Group Ltd., p. 177-178.
[6][6]See Lewis, Ioan M. (1994) Blood and bone: the call of kinship in Somali society. Lawrenceville, NJ: The Red Sea Press, pp. 223-231.

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