Monday, January 30, 2012

IL MONDO PROFILES SOMALFRUIT

IL MONDO PROFILES SOMALFRUIT

Il Mondo, 30-P31

February 27, 1995



Somalfruit is a small Italian business that was recently in the news when an Italian television journalist was killed in an ambush in Somalia; the company had organised transport with an armed guard for him and a colleague.



The company's owner is Bianca De Nadai, daughter of the founder, born in Addis Ababa in 1941 and now living in Padua. She also owns a string of other very small firms, some of them jointly with her husband Roberto Conti. The parent company seems to be De Nadai, set up in 1977 at Romans d'Isonzo in Gorizia province. It has a staff of only four people, two of whom are members of De Nadai's family. Its foreign operations, including Somalfruit, are headed by Evergreen Trade, formed in 1992 in Padua, with authorised (but apparently not paid up) capital of L99m, and a staff of three, one of them a member of the owner's family. Its stated objects are promotion, consultancy, marketing, wholesaling and brokering of agricultural products of all kinds and from any source, in Italy and abroad. In March 1993 it expanded its activities to include wholesaling of fruit and vegetables.



Tico Tropical Isles Company, formed in 1991, is registered at the same address in Padua and has practically the same objects and, again, authorised capital of L99m. It is different from the other two companies in that its board of directors includes two foreigners: Stuart Anderson of New Zealand, and Kevin Bragg of the USA.



While Bianca De Nadai is involved in the agricultural produce business, her husband is engaged in the property and transport sectors. As well as being a shareholder in some of his wife's companies, he is either chairman of or a shareholder in at least another five firms, one of them a Florence- based import-export company, Camar, which does business with Somalia.



Somalfruit operates a fleet of about 30 ships. It is 51% owned by the children and grandchildren of its founder, with the other 49% divided between a group of Italian business colleagues and a number of Somali operators. Management of the company's affairs in Somalia is in the hands of Vittorio Travaglini.



© 1995



An American goes fishing

The Indian Ocean Newsletter

June 25, 2005



Dan Simpson, who was American ambassador to Somalia a decade ago and is now associate editor of the Post-Gazette of Pittsburg (Pennsylvania), met one of his old acquaintances in the United States recently. This was Mehrdad Radseresht, the son of an Iranian diplomat who took American nationality and in the mid 1990s had been the representative for Dole Foods for the Middle East. The two men met in Somalia where Radseresht was trying to create the company Sombana (a subsidiary of Dole), in head on competition, sometimes violent, with its rival Somalfruit.In a recent article in Post-Gazette, Simpson retraces this common past as well as his friend's more recent attempt to get into the fishing industry in Somalia. This was through a company having fishing licences attributed by the government of Puntland and employing 80 to 100 fishers. Radseresht's new strategy is to sell fish and bananas to the American forces based in Djibouti, where he has a concession for the fishing port.



He has also had the idea of afterwards expanding this trade to other American contingents based in the region, whether Kuwait or Iraq.In Djibouti, Mehrdad Radseresht is the chairman of the Djibouti Maritime Management and Investment Company (DMMI) which obtained the concession for the new fishing port from President Isma�l Omar Guelleh (ION 1080). Within the DMMI, he is in partnership with an MP from the Djibouti governing party, Youssouf Moussa Dawaleh. Last year, DMMI hired the Frenchman Herv� Prat (ION 1088) as director to run the Djibouti fishing port.



� Copyrights 2005 Indigo Publications All Rights Reserved



Murder, slavery, beatings, theft in Somalia

Ali Musa Abdi

June 23, 1995



MOGADISHU, June 23 (AFP) - Farmers in Somalia's fertile lower Shabelle region came forward Thursday to tell stories of an area ostensibly at peace but where they say militiamen beat, murder, enslave, tax, steal and expropriate.



The farmers added that they ended up thanking the gunmen -- loyal to south Mogadishu warlord Mohamed Farah Aidid -- for not killing them.



Among the stories: one 29-year-old man killed because he ate two bananas as he worked as a virtual slave on a plantation, and a woman who gave birth after being forced to work all day.



The slave-workers are fed a meagre diet of beans boiled in unsalted water, the farmers say, but are forbidden to eat the fruit they pick.



Ironically, life was actually easier for them in the days of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, overthrown in January 1991, since harvesters then could eat as many bananas as they wanted so long as they did not take any home.



The farmers say that two big banana companies, Sombana, a subsidiary of the US-based Dole corporation, and Somalfruit, which has Italian backing, use militiamen aboard dozens of "technicals" -- pickup trucks with heavy weapons mounted -- to force men, women and children to work on the plantations for more than 11 hours a day for little or no pay.



Roadside sellers said they would give terrified nods of appreciation as passing militiamen helped themselves to cigarettes, coconuts, and fruit juices.



Sombana head Ahmed Duale Gelle "Haaf" denied the charge. "We haven't seen human rights violations in the region so far," he said.



Somalfruit refused to comment.



Local faction leader Ibrahim Mohamed Dirie said at least 10 farmers had been killed after resisting militiamen who tried to take over their farms.



He accused the companies of instigating the farm take-overs, and called for a withdrawal of all militias and a boycott of exported bananas.



The farmers say some militias are employed directly by the companies, and that the others are loyal to General Aidid, who they say is supported financially by both Sombana and Somalfruit despite his ouster as chairman of the Somali National Alliance on June 11 by his financier-turned-rival, Osman Hassan Ali "Atto."



Aidid's supporters elected the general as Somalia's "interim president" on June 15, a move unrecognised by his rivals or any government.



During the banana harvest, the farmers said, militiamen pay 50 Somali cents for each bunch of bananas. This means a strong man able to carry 400 bunches in a day can earn the equivalent of three US cents, enough to buy 100 grams (3.5 ounces) of bread.



But the militiamen sell untreated river water for drinking at 500 shillings per jerry can, the equivalent of nine US cents, and charge 150,000 shillings for enough canal water to irrigate a small farm once.



On top of that, the farmers say, they levy a "regional defence tax."



Moallim Mudey Hassan, 45, owner of a 100-hectare (250-acre) farm testified: "First I was refused water from the irrigation canal, then the militias said they would share my farm and give me protection. Finally, six technicals surrounded my farm, and I was ordered to leave. I obeyed the gunmen to save my life."



Hussein Osman Moallim, 55, said 13 Somalfruit gunmen told him they had helped liberate the area during the overthrow of Siad Barre, and that they therefore deserved his 400-hectare (1,000-acre) farm.



"I tried to negotiate, and offered them half the farm, but they rejected the deal. After I heard that one of my colleagues had been killed in his home after trying to resist orders to abandon his farm, I fled to north Mogadishu (under the control of Aidid rival Ali Mahdi Mohamed)."



Abdurahmin Malaq Abdi, 60, was abducted from a bus on his way to Mogadishu and taken with 15 others to work on a farm taken over by militiamen.



He said he was too weak to work in the fields, so was put on garbage collection while the others were forced to clear a canal.



"We worked all day long without payment, but we finally thanked them for allowing us to leave unhurt," he said.



A university graduate who gave his name only as Dr. Musa said he saw a 32-year-old man "tortured, then shot in the head and thrown on a garbage pile, where his body was set ablaze."



Musa, showing his cracked hands, said he did receive payment for his forced labour -- 14 bananas.



� (Copyright 1995)



Somali companies go to war over banana exports

By Aidan Hartley

February 17, 1995



SHALAMBOT, Somalia, Feb 17 (Reuter) - In a bloody feud that gives new meaning to the term "banana republic", two private companies with their own armies are fighting for control over Somalia's banana exports to Europe.



Up to eight people, including an Italian journalist, have been killed this month as a result of the struggle which pits the Italian-backed Somalfruit company against Sombana, agents for the U.S. fruit giant Dole.



Business in the Horn of Africa state has revived since United Nations troops stormed ashore in 1993 to end famine and persuade warring clan militias to establish a new government.



They failed to do that and the U.N. is withdrawing this month under the protection of U.S. and Italian forces.



U.N. special envoy Victor Gbeho said this week the banana feud: "gives an indication of what will happen in the future if you have no government".



Carloads of Somali militiamen wielding AK-47s and rocket- propelled grenades patrol the banana plantations in Shalambot, about 90 km (55 miles) south of the capital Mogadishu along a bandit-infested dirt road.



"We are not people of war. We came here to start a business," said Asale Muhammad Abdi, an official of Somalfruit.



Ahmed Duale Haf of Sombana, sitting in his office as teams of gunmen lounged in the shade, said the same: "We are ready to do business but we are not ready to shoot."



Reporters saw a convoy of empty Somalfruit trucks driving to Shalambot protected by "technicals", vehicles mounted with machine guns and in one case, by a 37 mm anti-aircraft gun.



Somalia's banana industry dates back to Italian colonial rule, when fascist dictator Benito Mussolini encouraged the first plantations.



After independence, military ruler Mohamed Siad Barre gave a monopoly to Somalfruit which was jointly-owned by Italian interests, the state and local farmers. But militias which overthrew Siad Barre in 1991 turned the plantations into battlefields and the industry all but collapsed.



As Somalfruit struggled, Sombana began exporting from Mogadishu's Indian Ocean port last year, backed by Dole.



Dole's presence in Somalia was publicised by the U.S. ambassador Daniel Simpson and the U.N. Operation in Somalia.



"Competition is good. It's democratic," said Gbeho in defence of this. "But then both companies sought political bases -- and that's why the problems started."



The Somalis in control of both companies have close ethnic links with Aideed's militia, but the Somali leader's efforts to get them to agree to share the monthly export of up to 200,000 12.5 kg (27.50 lb) cartons failed to resolve the quarrel.



Mohamoud Dirshe, a senior official in Somalfruit, said that on February 1 Sombana technicals prevented his company from getting 30 truckloads of bananas into Mogadishu port.



The next day, the convoy tried to enter the port again and a gunfight broke out. Witnesses said two militiamen and a woman bystander were shot dead.



That night, two mortar bombs slammed into the port area. Dirshe claims they were aimed at the Somalfruit ship.



Ahmed Duale, the chief of Sombana, denies this and says his rivals were attacked by truckers over a contract dispute.



On February 9, Somalfruit cars were ambushed near the U.N.-controlled airport in Mogadishu by "technicals".



Marcello Palmisano, a cameraman for Italian RAI television, was shot dead while his female colleague escaped. The team was apparently attempting to cover the story of the "banana war".



A senior Somalfruit official and three others were also killed in the attack. Duale denies his company was involved.



Both companies say they have invested large amounts of money in the banana planatations, providing fertilisers and chemicals.



The prize in the dispute is access to the European market under the Lome Convention trade agreement which ensures Somalia a quota for its bananas. Water melons and grape fruit are also exported to Europe and the Middle East.



� 1995 Reuters Limited



Aidid paid by banana firms to capture Kismayo port: rival

August 21, 1996



MOGADISHU, Aug 21 (AFP) - Banana exporters have paid Somali warlord Hussein Mohamed Aidid 100,000 dollars to capture a strategic port in a bid to resume exports of the lucrative cash crop, a rival faction leader charged Wednesday.



Major-General Aden Abdullahi Nur Babyow, nominal chairman of the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM) faction, told journalists that militiamen from Aidid's United Somali Congress/Somali National Alliance (USC/SNA) faction were planning to attack Kismayo, 500 kilometres (312 miles) south of the Somali capital.



Dozens of heavily armed wagons (technicals) belonging Aidid's USC/SNA were heading toward Kismayo and the Lower Jubba region, he said.



Gabyow accused two Somali banana exporting companies -- Sombana and Somali Fruit -- of financing the impending attack by giving Aidid's faction 100,000 dollars.



SPM deputy chairman General Mohamed Said Hirsi Morgan , whose SPM faction controls the southern Somali port, to the impending attack on the port city.



The former defence minister under dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, who was ousted in January 1991, said Aidid aimed to capture the port to allow a resumption of banana exports.



The operation was being mounted to compensate for the closure of Mogadishu airport last October by the Somali Salvation Alliance (SSA) faction of Ali Mahdi Mohamed and the USC/SNA faction loyal to Osman Hassan Ali Atto, Aidid's former financier-turned bitter political rivals.



Gayow said the banana exporting companies wanted the port to be captured by Aidid's militiamen before September 1.



The SPM chairman also accused the American Dole Company and Italian firms of supporting the illegal export of bananas harvested from farms confiscated from the unarmed farmers in Jubba Valley.



Jubba Valley, one of the war-torn country's richest areas for agriculture, livestock and fish industries, has been the scene of many battles since the overthrow of Barre.

http://www.biyokulule.com/February1990s(9).htm

� (Copyright 1996)

Friday, January 27, 2012

Starting from scratch Solar Power for sell

Starting from scratch

Jan 24th 2012, 14:05





..

SUNNY countries are often poor. A shame, then, that solar power is still quite expensive. But it is getting cheaper by the day, and is now cheap enough to be competitive with other forms of energy in places that are not attached to electricity grids. Since 1.6 billion people are still in that unfortunate position, a large potential market for solar energy now exists. The problem is that although sunlight is free, a lot of those 1.6 billion people still cannot afford the cost of the kit in one go, and no one will lend them the money to do so.

Eight19, a British company spun out of Cambridge University, has, however, devised a novel way to get round this. In return for a deposit of around $10 it is supplying poor Kenyan families with a solar cell able to generate 2.5 watts of electricity, a battery that can deliver a three amp current to store this electricity, and a lamp whose bulb is a light-emitting diode. The firm reckons that this system, once the battery is fully charged, is sufficient to light two small rooms and to power a mobile-phone charger for seven hours. Then, next day, it can be put outside and charged back up again.

The trick is that, to be able to use the electricity, the system’s keeper must buy a scratch card—for as little as a dollar—on which is printed a reference number. The keeper sends this reference, plus the serial number of the household solar unit, by SMS to Eight19. The company’s server will respond automatically with an access code to the unit.

Users may consider that they are paying an hourly rate for their electricity. In fact, they are paying off the cost of the unit. After buying around $80 worth of scratch cards—which Eight19 expects would take the average family around 18 months—the user will own it. He will then have the option of continuing to use it for nothing, or of trading it in for a bigger one, perhaps driven by a 10-watt solar cell.

In that case, he would go then through the same process again, paying off the additional cost of the upgraded kit at a slightly higher rate. Users would thereby increase their electricity supply—ascending the “energy escalator”, as Eight19 puts it—steadily and affordably. Simultaneously, the company would be able to build a payment record of its clients, sorting the unreliable from the rest.

According to Eight19’s figures, this looks like a good deal for customers. The firm reckons the average energy-starved Kenyan spends around $10 a month on paraffin—sufficient to fuel a couple of smoky lamps—plus $2 on charging his mobile phone in the market-place. Regular users of one of Eight19’s basic solar units will spend around half that, before owning it outright. Meanwhile, as the cost of solar technology falls, it should get even cheaper. The company hopes to be able to supply users with a new, low-cost and robust sort of solar cell, printed onto plastic strips, within two years.

The scheme has so far been tried out among a couple of hundred Kenyan families. With the aid of a charitable loan to accelerate its roll-out, Eight19 is planning to disperse 4,000 solar units in Kenya, Malawi and Zambia over the next two months. If the idea works, solar power will have a whole, new set of customers and the days of the paraffin lamp may be numbered.

BOQORTOOYADA AKISHO ALI MADAXWEYNE DIR

BOQORTOOYADA AKISHO ALI MADAXWEYNE DIR

Waa boqortooyo hore oo xoogaha aad moodo baryahan danbe in xoogeedi wiiqmay qaar badana ay konfurta, galbeedka, iyo waqooyiga Itoobiya ku kala firdhatay. Qaar kalen galbeedka Somaliya iyo waqooyiga ay u kala kaceen. Beelo fara badan ayaa Akisho ku abtirsada qaar badan xitaa aan Akisho la moodin sida Obo, Guure, iyo beelo kale.

Magaca Akisho waxaa lagu macneeyaa kii cayilnaa oo afka oromada lagu dhaho (Ayisho) waa naaneys, Sida Gurgurahaba uu magaciisu naaneys macnaheedu tahay (Ganacsade) oo af Somaligii hore la dhihi jiray Gurgure sida kalmada (Gorgortanba) ay halkaas ka soo jeedo. Itoobiyana Gurgure waxaa loo yaqaan ganacsatada afafka Harariga/Oromada.

Boqortooyoyinkii hore ee Gurgure-Layiile-Akisho waxaa ay u bax sheen magalada Diraa Dhabe (ama meeshii uu Dir Waranka ku dhuftay(Dhabey) qarnigii 1400. Akishada iyo Gurgurah iyo beelah Madaxweyne Direed waxaa ka dhashay boqortooyoyinkii Ifat--Adulis iyo waliba halyeeygii weynaa ee Axmed Gurey.

Tarikho hore oo tilmamaya ayaa jira in Boqoradii Caraweelo ay aheyd naag Akhisho. Labadii boqol ee sano ee la soo dhafay hase ahaatee boqortoyadii akisho waxaa ku dhacay dib u dhac iyo burbur.


Akisho

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Akisho (var. Akisha, Akishe; also known as Gurre) is a Somali subclan, part of the larger Dir group whose members live in Ethiopia and northern Somalia. The Akisho are a subclan of the Ali Madaxweyn Dir, and they are reputed to be descendants of the eldest sons of the Madaxweyn Dir.

Akisho is one of the oldest clans in the Horn of Africa. According to Somali history, two of the oldest monarchies in the region, the Ifat and Adal Sultanates, were Akisho.[citation needed] However, the inhabitants of the Ethiopian province/kingdom of Ifat spoke a South Semitic language related to Amharic.[1]

The Akisho inhabit both Somaliland and Ethiopia. In Somaliland, Akisho members live in the southern Woqooyi Galbeed Province, Wajaale, Ala’ibaday, and Gabiley. In Ethiopia, where the Akisho are the most widespread Somali group, Akisho members inhabit Jijiga, Baale (Nagelle), Baabule, Fayaanbiiro, Qabri-Bayah, Fiq, Hara-Maaya, Harar, and Dadar.

Akisho members are predominantly adherents of Sunni Islam, though one might find a Christian Akisho in the Shewa area of Ethiopia. Other Akisho groups and their related clans are reputed to have migrated from Somali Ethiopian region all the way up North as far as the country Chad, the Sudan, and Northern Eritrea are said to be inhabited by these lost Dir groups.[citation needed]

The Akisho name is originally derived from "Cayisho" which means in old Somali the (Cayilsan) "Fat One", and in Oromo Akisho.[citation needed] Also the other nickname of the Akisho, Guure, is derived from one who doesn't "hear" because they did not speak the Oromo language when they settled among the Oromo of Bale and Arsi around 1600.[citation needed] Similarly, the Gurgure who are very closely related to the Akisho, use a nickname and were referred to the Oromo and Somalis as the traders or Gurgure from the old Somali and Oromo word "gorgortan" which means one who sales and trades.

According to the folklore historians of the Southern Suure Dir of the Mudug region, the Akisho and the Gurgure madahweyne Dir produced some of the most famous Somali folk heroes like the Somali queen Araweelo who was Warre Miyo. Also the Akisho and Gurgure clans were instrumental in spreading the Muslim faith in the hinterlands of Ethiopia. The Sheikh Abba Hussein in Southern Ethiopia is said to be of Dir, as well as Awbarkadleh and Awbuube who are two major saints of the Somalis.

The Warre prefix in front of many Akisho clans names means "the Clan of" or reer (WaaReer) in proper Somali. For example, the Warre Miyo are referred to Reer Miiyo in Somalia, but Warre Miyo in Ethiopian Somali and Oromo regions. Other clans related to the Aksiho are the Gariire, Warre Dayo,Gurgure, Layiile, and Aw Said's of Lower Jubba.

The Akisho (Gurre) clan consists of 12 major subclans:

Waro-Miyo
Waro-Bito
Waro-Dayo
Waro-Luujo
Waro-Ito
Waro-Kiyo
Waro-Heebaan
Waro-Kurto
Obo
Igo
Asaabo
Eejo



http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,IRBC,,SOM,,3ae6ab6760,0.html

Somaliland: The Akisho[Akesho]: whether they live in the town of Gebileh, their relationship with Isaaks and whether they have political representation in the current government

The information in contained in this Response was provided by Matt Bryden, a consultant and Somali specialist now working with the United Nations Institute for Research on Social Development (UNRISD) in Nairobi (16 June 1998). He stated that the Akisho "are related to (if not part of) the Dir clan family, and live mainly between Jigjiga [in Ethiopia] and Hargeysa, where they tend to live in a somewhat subordinate status to the majority clans, although in Somaliland they have been awarded a seat in the constituent assembly. They face no general threat of persecution in any of the areas in which they live." The Research Directorate was unable to corroborate the Akisho's participation in the constituent assembly nor whether they face "persecution."

According to the Ethiopian Review the Akisho may be more numerous in Ethiopia than they are in Somalia (30 Apr. 1996). For additional information on the Dir clan and the Akisho sub clan, please consult Patrick Gilkes' The Price of Peace: Somalia and the United Nations 1991-1994 pages 144-148, and the appendix of Somali clan families.

This Response was prepared after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the Research Directorate within time constraints. This Response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum.

Reference


Bryden, Matt. UNRISD, Nairobi. 16 June 1998. Letter received by electronic mail.

Gilkes, Patrick. September 1994. The Price of Peace: Somalia and the United Nations 1991-1994. Bedfordshire, UK: Save the Children Fund, UK.

Additional Sources Consulted


Africa Confidential [London]. January - May 1998. Vol. 39. Nos. 1-11.

Somali Galbeed mise Ogaadeeniya

Qabiilada Daga Dalka Somaali Galbeed iyo Cidey Kala Yihiin


Dhaq dhaqaaqa dib u xoreynta Somali galbeed waxaa baryahan danbe af gambi ku samayay beesha Ogaadeen oo dalkii Somali Galbeed u bixisay "Ogaadeenya" arrinkaan oo bilawday 1995 tii ayaa cajaaib ah in meel ay Somali weyn ku nooshahay loo baxsho magac beeled ma sax baa

Marka **** Salaan, salaan ka dib suáal aad u qiimo badan ayaad keentay. Dalkan Somali galbeed la yiraahdo waxaa daga dhamaan qabiilada Somaaliyeed oo dhan marka ma haboona in loogu yeero magac beel (Ogadeenya)ee waxaa haboon in loogu yeero Somali Galbeed. Saan ognahay cadoowga Somaalida wuxuu mar walba isku dayaa in la kala qaybiyo umada Somaaliyeed oo qas iyo casaabiyad qabiil lagu beero.

Anigoo sharaf weyn u haya beesha Ogaadeen ee Somaliyeed iyo doorka dheer ay ka cayarto xoreynta dalkaa Somali Galbeed hadana dadka ku nool dalkaa Ogadeenku kama badna boqolkiiba 20%.


Soomali galbeed waxaa ku nool:

1)Waqooyiga Somali galbeed Beesha Dir oo ay ka mid yihiin Ciise,Gurgure,Akisho,Isaaq,Barsuug,Gadabuursi,Jaarse,Gaadsan,Guure,Gariire,Fiqi Muxumad,Fiqi Khayre,Qubeys,Jiido,Obo,Mandaluug,Madigaan,Bajimaal iyo qaarkale oo badan.

2)Qaybaha Dhexe waxaa Dagan Daarood:
Abasguul, Bartire,Yabare, Ogadeen,Gilimeys,Dhulbahante,Mareexaan,Majeerteen(baciyahan),Harti gaab iyo beelo kale oo badan.

3)Waxaa daga dalkaa Gabooyo (Madiibaan-Midgaan)

4)Hawiye: Karanle Hawiye,Gaaljecel,Sheekhaal,Hiraab,Jajeele iyo beelo kale oo badan.

5)Beelaha /Samaale /Dir/Hawiye ayaa u badan Koonfurta iyo aaga Mooyaale oo ay ka mid yihiin: Gare, Dogoodi, Gadsan,Guure, Gariire,Bajimaal,Xawaadle,Ajuuran,Suure,Fiqi Muxumud.

6)Raxanweeyn fara badan oo ay ka mid yihiin Gasar guudo/Hadame iyo beelo kale oo badan ayaa dalkaa dagan.

7)Beelaha Shebeele,Reer baare, Kaboole,Duubo,iyo beeralay kale oo fara badan ayaa ku sii nool oo Ogaandeka barkii ka badan.

8)Ugu danbeen waxaa jira dad Muslimiina oo Somalida la dhaqan iyo af ah oo ka soo jeeda qowmiyada Oromada ayaa meel walba ku dhex baahsan oo dhex dagan Somalida oo ay ka mid yihiin Caruusada, Booranta,Gabrah, iyo Guuji.

Marka walaalo waa Khalad iyo gardaro in Ogaadeenya loo bixiyo dal loo wada dhan yahay. Beena ma fiicna Dir ayaa u qalanta in loo baxasho dalkaa intii Ogadeen la oron lahaa.


--- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- ---

Replying to:

Inta badan Saxaafadda Caalamka iyo Dadka ka warhaya Siyaasadda Soomaaliya waxaa ay ugu wacaan Gobolka Soomaalida ee dalkaasi Ethiopia (Soomali Galbeed ama Killilka 5aad) sababtoo ah waxaa ay ku dabaqayaan magaca Soomaalinimo iyo in dhamaan beelaha wada daga Gobolkaasi ay hal hadaf ah yeeshaan si looga gudbo dhibaatada gumaysiga ee Ethiopia.

Arinkaasi waxaa si wayan usoo dhoweeyay dhamaan soomaalida iyo inta jecel in laga ahortago kuwa wada qabiilka ee damiirkooda ku koobay in ay ku faanaan Beel ama waqtiga lagu lumiyo iyadoo aan la ixtiraamin dadka markaasi kula dagan oo iyagaba Beelo uun kasoo jeeda.
Dhulka Soomaalida ee Ethiopia waxaa dagan Beelo Soomaaliyeed oo ay kamid Yihiin Ogaadeen, Sheekhaal, Isaaq, Duubo, Dir, Karanle, dhulbahante, majeerteen iyo kuwo kale oo aad u fara abdaan oo ilaa 30 ka badan lagu qiyaaso oo dhamaantood ah Soomaali ka soo jeeda Beelaha Soomaalida oo dhan maadaama uu dhul soomaaliyeed yahay waana dhul aad u balaaran oo Malaayiin qof ay ku noolyihiin.

Hadaba Iyadoo taariikh ahaan la ogyahay dagaaladii ka dhashay Gobolkaasi ee dhexmaray Ethiopia iyo Soomaaliya si Gobolkaasi uu soomaali Weyn wax ula qaybsado ayaa waxaa hadana wax lala yaabo ah in Dhul Soomaali oo dhani ay dagantahay loogu magac daro Beel Magaceeda halkii magacii Soomaali uun la sii wadi lahaa.

Ururka ONLF ee uu Hogaamiye Maxamed Cusmaan ayaa waxaa ay dastuurkooda ku saleeyeen in ay Gobolkaasi ka badalaan Magaca Soomaalyeed loona bixiyo Magaca Ogadenia iyadoo Taliskii **** ee Ethiopia uu dhaqaale ku siiyay Ururkan in ay Magacaasi qaataan si uu ugu tuso dad qabiil ka doorbiday Soomaali.

Waxaana nasiib daro ah in ilaa hadda Ururka ONLF uu sheego in dhulkaasi ay Beeshooda leedahay isla markaana ay ka qaybgalayaan dagaal walba oo looga hortagyo cidii aan Magacaasi ka tirsanayan.

Mar aan la kulmay Maxamed Cusmaan waxaa aan waydiiyay maxaa idinku wata arinkaasi waxaana uu sheegay in ay ogyihiin in Qabiilo badan ay dagaan Gobolka hase yeeshee uu magacaasi hirgalay kuna dadaalayaan in ay ku badalaan mid aan ahayn Qabiilka.

hadaba waxaa Soomaalida lagu tiriyaa dadka ugu beenta badan aduunka maadaama Beel walba ay sheegato in ay xaq u leeyihiin waxyaabo xaq daro ah oo aan ku wanaagsnayn Islaamka

Waxaa kaloo aan la yaabaa sida Beelaha Soomaalidu ay ugu dhaqmaan qabiilka iyo in qof walba uu iska dhaadhiciyo waxyaabo aan jirin oo Jahli laga dhadhansanayo sida anagaa ugu badan iyo anagaa ugu xoog wayn.

Dhibaatada kale ee Soomaalida haysata ee jahligu uu kamid yahay waxaa iyana kamid ah in soomaalidu aanay waxba isku ogolayn isla markaana ay u fahmeen dagaalka iyo dhiiga la daadiyo mid sharaf lagu gaarayo , waxaana maanta la dhihi karaa waa Umadda ugu liidata caalamka marka la eego qaabka ay u fikirayaan.

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