Taariikh Nololeedka Madaxweyne Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud ”Siilaanyo”. ..
1-july- 2010 Cowslafil , Mogadishu, Somalia .
Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud oo ku magac dheer Siilaanyo wuxuu ku dhashayDegmada Burco sannadkii 1936kii.
Waxbarashadiisii dugsiyada Hoose .Dhexe. ilaa dugsiga sare wuxuu ku dhammaystay Dugsiyadii Sheekh iyo Cammuud mudadii u dhaxeysay 1946kii ilaa iyo 1960kii.
1960kii ilaa iyo 1965kii wuxuu Axmed Siilaanyo ku jiray jaamicadda Magaalada Manchester ee dalka Britain, halkaasoo uu ku qaatay shahaadooyinka Bachelar degree iyo Master ee cilmiga dhaqaalaha.
Intii u dhaxaysay 1965kii ilaa Oktoober 1969kii, wuxuu Axmed Siilaanyo ahaa sarkaal sare oo ka soo shaqeeyay Wasaaraddii qorsheynta ee dawladdii Soomaaliya ee rayidka ahayd, isagoo gaadhay darejada Agaasime Guud.
Markii militerigu taladii dalkii somaliya afgambi kula wareegeen 21kii Oktoober 1969kii, waxaa Axmed Siilaanyo loo magacaabay Wasiirka Wasaaradda Qorsheynta. Muddo kadib waxaa laga dhigay Wasiirka Wasaaradda Ganacsiga iyo Guddoomiyaha Guddiga dhaqaalaha qaranka ilaa 1982kii oo uu ka goostay dawladdii kacaanka.
1982kii, oo uu Axmed Siilaanyo tegay London wuxuu markiiba ku biiray jabhaddii dhaqdhaqaaqa waddaniga soomaaliyeed ee SNM , isagoo noqday wakiilka xafiiskii SNM ee London.
Muddadii u dhexeysay 1984 ilaa iyo 1990, wuxuu Axmed Siilaanyo ahaa guddoomiyaha ururka SNM. 18 May 1991kii shirweynihii Magaalada Burco ee beelaha Somaliland iyo ururkii SNM kaga dhawaaqeen goonni isutaaga Somaliland wuxuu Axmed Siilaanyo ka mid ahaa hogaamiyayaashii hormoodka ka ahaa nabadeynta iyo heshiisiinta beelaha Somaliland wada dega.
Axmed siilaanyo wuxuu xubin ka noqday baarlamaanka Somaliland 1993kii ilaa 1997kii. 1997kii ilaa sannaddii 2000 dawladdii Somaliland ee Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal, wuxuu Axmed Siilaanyo ka soo qabtay jagooyinka wasiirka wasaaradda Maaliyadda iyo wasiirka wasaaradda Qorsheynta, isagoo markii danbe iskii isu casilay.
Sannadkii 2002, wuxuu ku dhawaaqay Xisbiga Mucaaridka ee KULMIYE oo uu guddoomiyena ka noqday. Doorashadii Madaxtooyada Somaliland ee April 2003, tartankii Madaxweynaha waxaa Axmed Siilaanyo iyo ku xigeenkiisii Cabdiraxmaan Aw Cali Faarax lagaga helay 80 Cod, taasoo ay aqbaleen.
Mar kale ayaa Xisbiga Mucaaridka ee KULMIYE, uu hadda u soo Sharraxay Axmed Siilaanyo tartanka doorashada madaxtooyada Somaliland ee 2010, isagoo madaxweyne ku xigeenna u sharaxan yahay xisbigiisa Cabdiraxmaan Cabdillaahi Ismaaciil, oo loo yaqaanno Zeylici.
Axmed siilaanyo wuxuu leeyahay 5 caruur ahoo kala ah saddex wiil iyo laba gabdhood, oo ay u dhashay xaaskiisa Aamina-weris Sheekh Maxamed Jirdde.
Saturday, May 28, 2011
SOMALI BANTU Mzigua, Mzaramo, Magindo, Myao, Makua,Baidari group), Gaheyle and Galagale and Boni
According to their lineage, the minority groups are divided into two groups: A group, which has similar ethnic origin with the Samale group, but traditionally considered as cast people who have no equal rights with others. This group includes Midgan, Tumal and Yibir (collectively known as Baidari group), Gaheyle and Galagale and Boni. They are traditionally hunters, leather and metal workers, and craft makers living in some parts of north, central and southern Somalia. A second group, which is distinct from other Somalis in ethnic identity, cultural and tradition. They include Bantu, Benadiri and Eyle. The Bantu, who are refer to as "Jarer", which literally means thick hair are small scale farmers or labourers who live in the riverine areas in southern Somalia. They are also divided into various sub clans with different ethnic origin. Some for example the Mzigua, Mzaramo, Magindo, Myao, Makua, and Manyasa collectively known as Wa Gosha " forest people" or Oji are believed be descendents of Tanzanians, Mozambicans and Malawi's who were taken to Somalia in the 19th century by Arab slave traders (MRG, 1998). They live and practice some subsistence farming in the Gosha area in the Lower and Middle Juba regions. Second Bantu sub clans, which include Shidle, Shabelle, Makane and Kabole, are believed to have descended from early non-Somali agricultural communities. They are also small-scale farmers who predominantly live in the Middle Shabelle and Hiran regions. The third Bantu group lives in the Lower Shabelle region. Because of cultural genocide, and most importantly for protection reasons they have identified themselves with the other Somali communities in the region. These include Jarer-Hintire, Jarer-Wacdan, and Jarer-Biyamal. Except the
FAZIONI E GRUPPI ARMATI? Guida analitica della SOMALIA delle fazioni contrapposte.
FAZIONI E GRUPPI ARMATI? Guida analitica della SOMALIA delle fazioni contrapposte. http://www.italosomali.org/Fact.htm *USP - Partito Unito Somalo, si sta cercando di radicare nel Puntland, composto da clan Daarood/Dulbahante e Warsangeli appoggiato dalle caste dei Midgan e dei Tumal; leader MOhamed Abdi Hashi e Ahmed Gure Aden opera nel Somaliland orientale fra Las Anod e Las Koreh. *Calan Gaduud (Bandiera Rossa) gruppo opposto al SNM. *FLCS - composto dai clan Dir, Isse e Gadabuursi, opera nelle regioni di Zeilah e di Gibuti. *SNM - Movimento Nazionale Somalo - composto dal clan dir, Isaq, Habar Yunis, il gruppo è condotto da Abdurahman Ahmed Ali "Tur", 1° presidente della repubblica de facto del Somaliland dal 91 al 93. Ovviamente è riconducibile nella zona centrale e Nord della Somalia (Somaliland). *SDA - Alleanza Democratica Somala, del clan Dir/Gadabuursi, stanno nel distretto di Borama in Somalia del Nord, lo stato attuale del SDA è poco chiaro, leader della formazione è Mohamed Farah A.
MADHXINTA AFSOOMAALIGA Maxamed Bashe X. Xasan
MADHXINTA AFSOOMAALIGA
Maxamed Bashe X. Xasan
1 Oct 2005
Waxa la tilmaamaa in afafka ama luqaduhu aanay waxba ka duwanayn ilmo yar oo la gardaadinayo, loona korinayo si uu u hanaqaado. Tisqaadka afku haddaba waa arrin si adag uga xidhnaan karta hadba sida afkaas loo daryeelo ee loo ilaaliyo. Soomaalidii hore afka oo aan weli qoraal gelin ayay haddana dhaqaalayn jirtey oo aanay waxba ka tasoobi jirin, kana lumi jirin.
Gabayga, geeraarka, guuxa, saarka, guurowga, buraanburka, maahmaahda, ciyaaraha kala duwan ee dhaqanka iyo hiddaha, hal-ku-dhigyada ama hal-haysyada murtiyeed, hal-xidhaalaha, googaaleysiga iwm. ayaana ahaa kayd hodan ah oo ka qayb-qaata ilaalinta iyo madhxinta afsoomaaliga, waxana kaydkaasi suugaantu uu soomaalida uga dhignaa oo ugu jirey halka ay dadyowga kale ee dunida ay ugu jiraan Rugaha Kaydka Kutubka iyo Duug-yaalka taariikhda ee loo yaqaano Library-yada iyo Museum-ka.
Kaydkaas suugaanta ayaa haddaba waxa lagu tilmaami karaa hantida keliya ee soomaalida ay wax uga baxsadeen, ugana soo hadheen dagaaladdii iyo burburkii ka dhacay waddanka soomaaliya ee ilaa haatanna weli meelaha qaar ka sii dhisaalan. Suugaanta waxa kale oo lagu tilmaamaa in ay tahay il kale oo lagala soo bixi karo, lagana soo dheegan karo taariikhda iyo wacaasha waayihii ummadda ee sooyaalka ahaa, sidii loo noolaa, wixii dhibaatooyin soo jiitamayey iyo sidii xalka loo raad-goobi jirey ee wax loo furdaamin jirey iyo xitaa qalabyadii la adeegsan jireyba.
Soomaalida waxa lagu tilmaamaa ummaddii maansada ama gabayga, Waxana dhici jirtey in lagu wada xidhiidhi jirey mararka qaar marka geedka iyo tala-goynta la isugu yimaaddo, in kulanka oo dhan inta uu dhammaanayo lagu adeegsado oo lagu wada xidhiidho hadal tixaysan oo sidii maansada qaafiyad ku socda. Waxa la yidhaahdaa Af-soomaaligu waa Tix iyo Tiraab (Hadal iyo Hawraar).
Tixdu haddaba waa hadalka intiisa geedaysan ama maansaysan. Tiraabtuna waa intiisa caadiga ah ee maalin walba loo adeegsado wada xidhiidhka.
Haddaba waxa ay tixdu kaga duwan tahay tiraabta, tixdu waa hadal kasta oo leh dhacdo iyo higgaad ama qaafiyad. Dhacdadu waa miisaanka ereyga oo la raacinayo khad jeexan oo aan laga duwi karin; haddii jidkaasi laga baxana waxa la yidhaahdaa waxa yimaadda Deelqaaf. Higgaadda ama qaafiyadduna waa adeegsiga xaraf isku mid ah, iyada oo aan laga leexan fikraddii loo dan lahaa in la soo gudbiyo. Haddii higgaaddaasi laga baxana waxa yimaadda baa la yidhaahdaa Laaxin. Miisaanka maansada soomaalida waxa asteeyey abwaanka aqoonyahanka ah ee Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac Gaarriye iyo Qoraaga weyn C/laahi Diiriye Guuleed (Carraale). Isaga oo Gaarriye haddaba ka hadlaya miisaankaas maansada soomaalida waa kii lahaa; Dhegtaa diidda; meeshay xarfuhu dalab ku yeeshaane. Dhacdada uu miisaankeedu jaban yahay, waxa ka soo boodda dhegta oo dhegaysigeedu ma dhadhan samaado, si fudud ayaana loo soo saaraa meesha uu laaxinku ku jiro.
Xeel-dheeraanta suugaanta iyo afka soomaaliga waxa ka mid ah in nolosha oo dhan lagu also, laguna asteeyo ama lagu sargooyo hab suugaanaysan. Dhinacyo iska dhan oo nolosha soomaalida ka mid ah ereyo afeedka lagu isticmaali jirey waxa ay raacayaan habkaas higgaadaysan ee qaafiyadda ku socda. Tusaale ahaan marka la is qabto ee laba dhinac ama laba qof ay wax dhex maraan, waxa loo kala bixi jirey mudduc iyo maddaacaley oo ah dhinac wax sheeganaya oo dacwad ku soo oogaya dhinaca kale iyo dhinaca labaad oo dacwaddaasi iska deedafaynaya oo iska difaacaya. Waxa markaas la tegi jirey geedka oo gar-naqsi laga furi jirey sida maxkamadaha casriga ah oo kale.
Waxa haddaba guurtida xeer-beegtida ah ee geedku ay arrinta u qaybin jireen laba qaybood oo waxa ay odhan jireen waxa la isku hayo ee meeshaa yaallaa: Ma dhur baa mise waa dhaqan.
Dhurka waxa looga jeedaa wixii dhiig ama gacan-ka-hadal ku saabsan ee madasha geedka la keenay ee la xukumayo, dhaqankana waxa looga jeedaa wixii ku saabsan hanti ama dad la kala haysto ee ku kala maqan labada dhinac ee wax kala tirsanaya.
Haddaba haddii uu Dhur yimaaddo waxa dhibaabaha kiiskaasi loo kala saaraa isna laba qaybood, waxana laga soo qaadaa Qudh ama Qoon.
Qudh waxa looga jeedaa wixii dil ah ee gaadhsiisan naf la jaray oo qudh-gooyo ah, Qoontuna waa wixii nabaro la is gaadhsiiyey iyo dhaawacyo la xidhiidha.
Dhibaabaha qaybtiisa labaad ee dhaqanka loo yaqaan oo ku saabsan hantida ama dadka la kala haysto ayaa isna waxa loo kala qaybiyaa xilo iyo xoolo.
Xilaha waxa looga jeedaa dumar la kala qaaday ama la kala haysto iyo wixii la mid ah, xooluhuna waa wixii hanti ku arooraa ee ku kala maqan labada dhinac.
Marka ay arrintu haddaba xoolo timaaddo ayaa waxa la odhan jirey: ma bar xoolaad baa mise waa beer, dadka qaarna waxa ay odhan jireen ma maal baa mise waa mood.
Barta xoolaad amaba maalka waxa looga jeedaa xoolaha la dhaqdo ee la isu sheeganayo, sida geela iwm. Beerta ama moodkana waxa looga jeedaa wixii dhul ama wax la mid ah la xidhiidha ee aan noolayn ee la isu sheeganayo, geedkana la keenay ee la xukumayo.
Barta xoolaad ayaa haddaba waxa iyana loo sii kala qaybiyaa magan iyo mooro.
Maganta waxa looga jeedaa wixii xoolo ah ee baadi ahaan ama dhac ahaan ama xatooyo ahaan beesha ku soo galay ee lagu haysto iwm. Mooradu laba macne ayay af-soomaaliga ku leedahay, waxase halkan looga jeedaa wixii xoolo ah ee xerada ku jira ee ku saabsan dhaxal iwm. Macnaha labaad ee Mooradu waxa uu la xidhiidhaa faalka iyo maluugta.
Dhinaca kale marka neefka xoolaha ah la shidaysanayo ee la qalanayo amaba martida loo loogayo, ayaa waxa hilibkiisa loo qaybiyaa abla ablayn ku sar-jaran habkaas maansaysan ee soomaalidu ay u adeegsato nolosha caadiga ah, waxana neefka shidhada ah loo qaybiyaa hilibkiisa: So’ iyo Saan.
So’du waxa ay yeelataa af-soomaaliga macneyaal badan. Mar waxa ay noqon kartaa meel cayiman oo ka mid ah darka ceelka ama inta uu degaanka reerku yahay ee uu ku fadhiyo, halkanse waxa ay ugu jirtaa oo looga dan leeyahay inta haragga ama maqaarka neefka ka hoosaysa ee hilibka, lafaha, xumaysta, uuska iwm. ee neefkaasi loo qalanayo shido-ahaanta.
So’da lafteeda ayaa waxa iyana loo sii kala qaybiyaa laba qaybood oo loo kala yaqaanno: Laf iyo Lud.
Waxa uu Ludka mancihiisu yahay oo looga jeedaa wixii ka soo baxsan ee aan ahayn lafaha neefka, waana hilibka oo dhan ludku.
Ludkaas ayaa isna waxa loo sii kala qaybiyaa Jiidh iyo Jibaad. Hilibka intiisa aan jiidhka ahayn ee baruurta iwm ayaana jibaadha loo yaqaan.
Haddaba quruxda iyo farshaxannimada af-soomaaligu leeyahay ee uu ku dhaadan karaa, loona baahan yahay in la soo bandhigaa, waa habkaas higgaadda ama qaafiyadda leh ee geedaysan, kuna taxmaya ee xitaa ku milmaya noloshii caadiga ahayd ee soomaalida. Si loo xusuunaado, loona haysto oo aan loo iloobin, ayaa waxa la adeegsanayaa ereyo sidii gabayga xaraf keliya ku wada socda oo maansaysan.
Waxa kale oo halkan soo gelaya ereyo badan oo kale oo ay ka mid yihiin:
Shaqallada: a, e, i, o, u
Af iyo addin, if iyo aakhiro, arrin iyo adduun, arag iyo arrin, ajar iyo abaal, il iyo oof, uf iyo akh, ab iyo isir, ab iyo abti.
Shiibbanayaasha: btjx ilaa dhammaadka mnwhy iyo hamse (,)
B
Bad iyo berri, buur iyo bannaan, bur iyo bahal, bog iyo beer, biyo iyo baad, badhi iyo buuryo, bari iyo bogox, bash-bash iyo barwaaqo.
T
Tiro iyo tayo, togane iyo tabane, tix iyo tiraab, tuur iyo tirbiico, talo iyo tusmo.
J
Juuq iyo jaaqla’, jin iyo jaan, jiif iyo joog, jiidh iyo jibaad.
X
Xidid iyo xigaal, xoog iyo xawo, xeer iyo xaagaan, xin iyo xaasid, xilo iyo xoolo, xan iyo xamxam, xas iyo xajiin.
KH
Khaakh iyo khuukh, khaakh iyo khuuro.
D
Dad iyo duunyo, dab iyo duur, dufan iyo duugmo, dooc iyo dareen.
R
Rag iyo rabbi, raq iyo ruux, rays iyo ramaas.
S
Soon iyo salad, silic iyo saxariir, so’ iyo saan.
SH
Sheeko iyo shaahid, shib iyo shaamareer
DH
Dheg iyo dhaban, dhib iyo dheef, dhur iyo dhaqan.
C
Cidliyo ciirsila’, calaf iyo cawo, ciil iyo cadho, col iyo cadaawe, caano iyo cuud.
G
Garre iyo guntane, garab iyo gaashaan, gun iyo gob, gar iyo garowshiinyo, guul iyo gabanimo.
F
Faq iyo fagaare, ficil iyo falaad.
Q
Qoob iyo qaylo, qudhun iyo qashaabiir, qulub iyo qasaaweselel, qudh iyo qoon, qawed iyo quweyn, qadaf iyo qallooc.
K
Kaaf iyo kala dheeri, kor iyo kal, kun iyo kaakac, kur iyo kaafaan, kab iyo karin.
L
Laf iyo lud, lur iyo leeleel, lug iyo laan, lis iyo laga lulay.
M
Magac iyo muunad, magan iyo mooro, mug iyo maax, mudduc iyo maddaacaley, muruq iyo maal, magac iyo manfac, milge iyo maamuus.
N
Naq iyo negaadi, nabsi iyo nasiib.
W
Wadaad iyo waranle, wadaad iyo wabiin, war iyo wacaal, war iyo waayaale, werwer iyo walaac, wir iyo wiirsi, wahan iyo wareer, wiil iyo walaal.
H
Hiif iyo haaraan, habar iyo habeenkeed, haad iyo haanraawe, hoog iyo halaag, hiil iyo hoo, hadal iyo hawraar.
Y
Yuug iyo yamaanyuug, yur iyo yel, yaab iyo yaabkiis.
(,) = hakad ama hamse
Waxa jirta bad kale oo iyana tan la halmaasha, hase yeeshee ka yar duwan marka la eego dhanka qaafiyadda, waxana tusaale loo soo qaadan karaa:
Sal iyo baar, sir iyo caad, yar iyo weyn, kas iyo maag, bagiyo ula kac, masiyo kala maan, gar iyo xoog, ul iyo diir, hoodiyo ayaan, khayr iyo barako dameer iyo labadiisii daan, tin iyo cidhib iwm.
Haddaba ereyadaasi laba- labada isugu qodbani iyo qaar kale oo badaniba waxa ay ku aroorayaan oo ay beegsanayaan tubtii Higgaadda ama Qaafiyadda ee hadalka tixaysan. Sida muuqatana laba erey oo kastaba waxa ka dhexeeya xidhiidh iyo xadhko isku haya macnayaashooda oo isku mid noqon karaya amaba iska soo horjeedi karaya oo isku lid ah. Sababta haddaba keenaysa in uu afsoomaaligu awooddaasi yeesho, ayaa lagu tilmaami karaa arrin ka soo jeedi karta hodantinnimadiisa iyo saamaynta ay maansadiisu ku yeelan jirtey nolosha ummaddiisa, waana arrinta loo baahan yahay in maantana la sii ambaqaado, lagana sii shaqeeyo oo si cilmiyaysan boodhka iyo habaaska looga sii jafo, iyada oo lagu simayo oo la gaadhsiinayo da’faceeddan jiilka cusub iyo kuwa laalan ee jiilasha dambe. Madhxinta Afsoomaaligu waa ma-guuraannimadii sooyaalka dhaqanka soomaalida.
Qalinkii
Maxamed Bashe X. Xasan
mohamedbashe@hotmail.com
Maxamed Bashe X. Xasan
1 Oct 2005
Waxa la tilmaamaa in afafka ama luqaduhu aanay waxba ka duwanayn ilmo yar oo la gardaadinayo, loona korinayo si uu u hanaqaado. Tisqaadka afku haddaba waa arrin si adag uga xidhnaan karta hadba sida afkaas loo daryeelo ee loo ilaaliyo. Soomaalidii hore afka oo aan weli qoraal gelin ayay haddana dhaqaalayn jirtey oo aanay waxba ka tasoobi jirin, kana lumi jirin.
Gabayga, geeraarka, guuxa, saarka, guurowga, buraanburka, maahmaahda, ciyaaraha kala duwan ee dhaqanka iyo hiddaha, hal-ku-dhigyada ama hal-haysyada murtiyeed, hal-xidhaalaha, googaaleysiga iwm. ayaana ahaa kayd hodan ah oo ka qayb-qaata ilaalinta iyo madhxinta afsoomaaliga, waxana kaydkaasi suugaantu uu soomaalida uga dhignaa oo ugu jirey halka ay dadyowga kale ee dunida ay ugu jiraan Rugaha Kaydka Kutubka iyo Duug-yaalka taariikhda ee loo yaqaano Library-yada iyo Museum-ka.
Kaydkaas suugaanta ayaa haddaba waxa lagu tilmaami karaa hantida keliya ee soomaalida ay wax uga baxsadeen, ugana soo hadheen dagaaladdii iyo burburkii ka dhacay waddanka soomaaliya ee ilaa haatanna weli meelaha qaar ka sii dhisaalan. Suugaanta waxa kale oo lagu tilmaamaa in ay tahay il kale oo lagala soo bixi karo, lagana soo dheegan karo taariikhda iyo wacaasha waayihii ummadda ee sooyaalka ahaa, sidii loo noolaa, wixii dhibaatooyin soo jiitamayey iyo sidii xalka loo raad-goobi jirey ee wax loo furdaamin jirey iyo xitaa qalabyadii la adeegsan jireyba.
Soomaalida waxa lagu tilmaamaa ummaddii maansada ama gabayga, Waxana dhici jirtey in lagu wada xidhiidhi jirey mararka qaar marka geedka iyo tala-goynta la isugu yimaaddo, in kulanka oo dhan inta uu dhammaanayo lagu adeegsado oo lagu wada xidhiidho hadal tixaysan oo sidii maansada qaafiyad ku socda. Waxa la yidhaahdaa Af-soomaaligu waa Tix iyo Tiraab (Hadal iyo Hawraar).
Tixdu haddaba waa hadalka intiisa geedaysan ama maansaysan. Tiraabtuna waa intiisa caadiga ah ee maalin walba loo adeegsado wada xidhiidhka.
Haddaba waxa ay tixdu kaga duwan tahay tiraabta, tixdu waa hadal kasta oo leh dhacdo iyo higgaad ama qaafiyad. Dhacdadu waa miisaanka ereyga oo la raacinayo khad jeexan oo aan laga duwi karin; haddii jidkaasi laga baxana waxa la yidhaahdaa waxa yimaadda Deelqaaf. Higgaadda ama qaafiyadduna waa adeegsiga xaraf isku mid ah, iyada oo aan laga leexan fikraddii loo dan lahaa in la soo gudbiyo. Haddii higgaaddaasi laga baxana waxa yimaadda baa la yidhaahdaa Laaxin. Miisaanka maansada soomaalida waxa asteeyey abwaanka aqoonyahanka ah ee Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac Gaarriye iyo Qoraaga weyn C/laahi Diiriye Guuleed (Carraale). Isaga oo Gaarriye haddaba ka hadlaya miisaankaas maansada soomaalida waa kii lahaa; Dhegtaa diidda; meeshay xarfuhu dalab ku yeeshaane. Dhacdada uu miisaankeedu jaban yahay, waxa ka soo boodda dhegta oo dhegaysigeedu ma dhadhan samaado, si fudud ayaana loo soo saaraa meesha uu laaxinku ku jiro.
Xeel-dheeraanta suugaanta iyo afka soomaaliga waxa ka mid ah in nolosha oo dhan lagu also, laguna asteeyo ama lagu sargooyo hab suugaanaysan. Dhinacyo iska dhan oo nolosha soomaalida ka mid ah ereyo afeedka lagu isticmaali jirey waxa ay raacayaan habkaas higgaadaysan ee qaafiyadda ku socda. Tusaale ahaan marka la is qabto ee laba dhinac ama laba qof ay wax dhex maraan, waxa loo kala bixi jirey mudduc iyo maddaacaley oo ah dhinac wax sheeganaya oo dacwad ku soo oogaya dhinaca kale iyo dhinaca labaad oo dacwaddaasi iska deedafaynaya oo iska difaacaya. Waxa markaas la tegi jirey geedka oo gar-naqsi laga furi jirey sida maxkamadaha casriga ah oo kale.
Waxa haddaba guurtida xeer-beegtida ah ee geedku ay arrinta u qaybin jireen laba qaybood oo waxa ay odhan jireen waxa la isku hayo ee meeshaa yaallaa: Ma dhur baa mise waa dhaqan.
Dhurka waxa looga jeedaa wixii dhiig ama gacan-ka-hadal ku saabsan ee madasha geedka la keenay ee la xukumayo, dhaqankana waxa looga jeedaa wixii ku saabsan hanti ama dad la kala haysto ee ku kala maqan labada dhinac ee wax kala tirsanaya.
Haddaba haddii uu Dhur yimaaddo waxa dhibaabaha kiiskaasi loo kala saaraa isna laba qaybood, waxana laga soo qaadaa Qudh ama Qoon.
Qudh waxa looga jeedaa wixii dil ah ee gaadhsiisan naf la jaray oo qudh-gooyo ah, Qoontuna waa wixii nabaro la is gaadhsiiyey iyo dhaawacyo la xidhiidha.
Dhibaabaha qaybtiisa labaad ee dhaqanka loo yaqaan oo ku saabsan hantida ama dadka la kala haysto ayaa isna waxa loo kala qaybiyaa xilo iyo xoolo.
Xilaha waxa looga jeedaa dumar la kala qaaday ama la kala haysto iyo wixii la mid ah, xooluhuna waa wixii hanti ku arooraa ee ku kala maqan labada dhinac.
Marka ay arrintu haddaba xoolo timaaddo ayaa waxa la odhan jirey: ma bar xoolaad baa mise waa beer, dadka qaarna waxa ay odhan jireen ma maal baa mise waa mood.
Barta xoolaad amaba maalka waxa looga jeedaa xoolaha la dhaqdo ee la isu sheeganayo, sida geela iwm. Beerta ama moodkana waxa looga jeedaa wixii dhul ama wax la mid ah la xidhiidha ee aan noolayn ee la isu sheeganayo, geedkana la keenay ee la xukumayo.
Barta xoolaad ayaa haddaba waxa iyana loo sii kala qaybiyaa magan iyo mooro.
Maganta waxa looga jeedaa wixii xoolo ah ee baadi ahaan ama dhac ahaan ama xatooyo ahaan beesha ku soo galay ee lagu haysto iwm. Mooradu laba macne ayay af-soomaaliga ku leedahay, waxase halkan looga jeedaa wixii xoolo ah ee xerada ku jira ee ku saabsan dhaxal iwm. Macnaha labaad ee Mooradu waxa uu la xidhiidhaa faalka iyo maluugta.
Dhinaca kale marka neefka xoolaha ah la shidaysanayo ee la qalanayo amaba martida loo loogayo, ayaa waxa hilibkiisa loo qaybiyaa abla ablayn ku sar-jaran habkaas maansaysan ee soomaalidu ay u adeegsato nolosha caadiga ah, waxana neefka shidhada ah loo qaybiyaa hilibkiisa: So’ iyo Saan.
So’du waxa ay yeelataa af-soomaaliga macneyaal badan. Mar waxa ay noqon kartaa meel cayiman oo ka mid ah darka ceelka ama inta uu degaanka reerku yahay ee uu ku fadhiyo, halkanse waxa ay ugu jirtaa oo looga dan leeyahay inta haragga ama maqaarka neefka ka hoosaysa ee hilibka, lafaha, xumaysta, uuska iwm. ee neefkaasi loo qalanayo shido-ahaanta.
So’da lafteeda ayaa waxa iyana loo sii kala qaybiyaa laba qaybood oo loo kala yaqaanno: Laf iyo Lud.
Waxa uu Ludka mancihiisu yahay oo looga jeedaa wixii ka soo baxsan ee aan ahayn lafaha neefka, waana hilibka oo dhan ludku.
Ludkaas ayaa isna waxa loo sii kala qaybiyaa Jiidh iyo Jibaad. Hilibka intiisa aan jiidhka ahayn ee baruurta iwm ayaana jibaadha loo yaqaan.
Haddaba quruxda iyo farshaxannimada af-soomaaligu leeyahay ee uu ku dhaadan karaa, loona baahan yahay in la soo bandhigaa, waa habkaas higgaadda ama qaafiyadda leh ee geedaysan, kuna taxmaya ee xitaa ku milmaya noloshii caadiga ahayd ee soomaalida. Si loo xusuunaado, loona haysto oo aan loo iloobin, ayaa waxa la adeegsanayaa ereyo sidii gabayga xaraf keliya ku wada socda oo maansaysan.
Waxa kale oo halkan soo gelaya ereyo badan oo kale oo ay ka mid yihiin:
Shaqallada: a, e, i, o, u
Af iyo addin, if iyo aakhiro, arrin iyo adduun, arag iyo arrin, ajar iyo abaal, il iyo oof, uf iyo akh, ab iyo isir, ab iyo abti.
Shiibbanayaasha: btjx ilaa dhammaadka mnwhy iyo hamse (,)
B
Bad iyo berri, buur iyo bannaan, bur iyo bahal, bog iyo beer, biyo iyo baad, badhi iyo buuryo, bari iyo bogox, bash-bash iyo barwaaqo.
T
Tiro iyo tayo, togane iyo tabane, tix iyo tiraab, tuur iyo tirbiico, talo iyo tusmo.
J
Juuq iyo jaaqla’, jin iyo jaan, jiif iyo joog, jiidh iyo jibaad.
X
Xidid iyo xigaal, xoog iyo xawo, xeer iyo xaagaan, xin iyo xaasid, xilo iyo xoolo, xan iyo xamxam, xas iyo xajiin.
KH
Khaakh iyo khuukh, khaakh iyo khuuro.
D
Dad iyo duunyo, dab iyo duur, dufan iyo duugmo, dooc iyo dareen.
R
Rag iyo rabbi, raq iyo ruux, rays iyo ramaas.
S
Soon iyo salad, silic iyo saxariir, so’ iyo saan.
SH
Sheeko iyo shaahid, shib iyo shaamareer
DH
Dheg iyo dhaban, dhib iyo dheef, dhur iyo dhaqan.
C
Cidliyo ciirsila’, calaf iyo cawo, ciil iyo cadho, col iyo cadaawe, caano iyo cuud.
G
Garre iyo guntane, garab iyo gaashaan, gun iyo gob, gar iyo garowshiinyo, guul iyo gabanimo.
F
Faq iyo fagaare, ficil iyo falaad.
Q
Qoob iyo qaylo, qudhun iyo qashaabiir, qulub iyo qasaaweselel, qudh iyo qoon, qawed iyo quweyn, qadaf iyo qallooc.
K
Kaaf iyo kala dheeri, kor iyo kal, kun iyo kaakac, kur iyo kaafaan, kab iyo karin.
L
Laf iyo lud, lur iyo leeleel, lug iyo laan, lis iyo laga lulay.
M
Magac iyo muunad, magan iyo mooro, mug iyo maax, mudduc iyo maddaacaley, muruq iyo maal, magac iyo manfac, milge iyo maamuus.
N
Naq iyo negaadi, nabsi iyo nasiib.
W
Wadaad iyo waranle, wadaad iyo wabiin, war iyo wacaal, war iyo waayaale, werwer iyo walaac, wir iyo wiirsi, wahan iyo wareer, wiil iyo walaal.
H
Hiif iyo haaraan, habar iyo habeenkeed, haad iyo haanraawe, hoog iyo halaag, hiil iyo hoo, hadal iyo hawraar.
Y
Yuug iyo yamaanyuug, yur iyo yel, yaab iyo yaabkiis.
(,) = hakad ama hamse
Waxa jirta bad kale oo iyana tan la halmaasha, hase yeeshee ka yar duwan marka la eego dhanka qaafiyadda, waxana tusaale loo soo qaadan karaa:
Sal iyo baar, sir iyo caad, yar iyo weyn, kas iyo maag, bagiyo ula kac, masiyo kala maan, gar iyo xoog, ul iyo diir, hoodiyo ayaan, khayr iyo barako dameer iyo labadiisii daan, tin iyo cidhib iwm.
Haddaba ereyadaasi laba- labada isugu qodbani iyo qaar kale oo badaniba waxa ay ku aroorayaan oo ay beegsanayaan tubtii Higgaadda ama Qaafiyadda ee hadalka tixaysan. Sida muuqatana laba erey oo kastaba waxa ka dhexeeya xidhiidh iyo xadhko isku haya macnayaashooda oo isku mid noqon karaya amaba iska soo horjeedi karaya oo isku lid ah. Sababta haddaba keenaysa in uu afsoomaaligu awooddaasi yeesho, ayaa lagu tilmaami karaa arrin ka soo jeedi karta hodantinnimadiisa iyo saamaynta ay maansadiisu ku yeelan jirtey nolosha ummaddiisa, waana arrinta loo baahan yahay in maantana la sii ambaqaado, lagana sii shaqeeyo oo si cilmiyaysan boodhka iyo habaaska looga sii jafo, iyada oo lagu simayo oo la gaadhsiinayo da’faceeddan jiilka cusub iyo kuwa laalan ee jiilasha dambe. Madhxinta Afsoomaaligu waa ma-guuraannimadii sooyaalka dhaqanka soomaalida.
Qalinkii
Maxamed Bashe X. Xasan
mohamedbashe@hotmail.com
The Suure and first hijira AQIIL IBNU ABI TAALIB ? SAMAALE DIR HAWIYE IYO RAXAN WEYN ABTIRSINYO
The Dir Suure clans claim Dir was the Son of Aji Aqiil ibnu Abi Taalib
The Suure Dir who have well respected Fiqis Islamic jurisprudence scholars and who have been instrumental in religious studies in many part of Somalia claim descent from Aqiil Ibnu abi Taalib(first cousin of the prophet SAW) and the Suure claim in the first Hijra many As-haab of the prophet well know figures come to Somalia through Djibouti like :
84 males and children and women including-- Uthman ibnu Affan 3rd Caliph and SAW's son in law Ruquyya daughter SAW Abdul Rahman Bin Awf Zubeyr Bin Al awwam and Gafar Bin Abi Talib(read suratal Maryam 19 and his wife sahla Amar and khalid sons of said bin al As Abu Hudayfa b Uthman mazum his wife sahla wife Umm Salama bint Abi Umaayya all three amoung ten who were promised heaven.
The Suure claim this is in the: biographer Ibnu Hisham .while others claim only 33 come
AFAR OF ERITREA AND DJIBOUTI ALSO (ODA ALI OF ZAILA)
The ruling house of the Afar Assayo Marre and their king Ali Mirre (of fertail areas Ausa nad Beadu and Gewani Area) claim the Madoobe Dir Issas are cousins to Afar because the Afar claim direct descent from One Har al Mahis the son of Jacfar ibnu Abi Taalib a cousin of the prophet SAW.Many Samaale clans claimed as an ancestor Aqiil ibnu abi Taalib. (Adventures in Bone Trade mentions fact)
Jacfar Ibnu Abi Taalib was the head of the As-haab who came to the Horn of Africa and he represented them and spoke at the court of the Christian King at the first hijra when anti-Muslim Quraish sent a delegation after the Muhajirs.
The Suure Dir claim Abdumatalib had 10 sons :
* Abu lahab
* Hamza
* Al Abas
* Safar
* Azzubair
* Al Harith
* Maqwan
* Abdalla (SAW's Father)
* Abu Talib who had 3 sons Jacfar, Aqiil and Ali
* Ghidaq
Qabiilada Samaale oo Aqiil ku wada abtirsada isda Dir
Magacaasi waa odeyga la yiraahdo Hiil, kaas oo aanan la haynin wax magaciisa dhaafsiisan, markii laga reebo laba wiil ee uu dhalay oo lakala yiraahdo Sab iyo Samaale, kuwaas oo waalid u noqday dadka soomaalida ah intooda badan. Waxaa la sheegaa in Hiil uu yahay nin ka soo farcamay Cuqayl binu Abii Taalib oo ahaa suubanihii Maxamad ahaa (s. c. w.) ina adeerkiis. Xiriirka abtirsiinyo ee ka dhaxeeya Hiil iyo Cuqayl lama hayo, markiise sawir laga bixiyo silsiladda faceed oo ay leeyihiin durriyaddii Hiil waa sidatan :
Hiil wuxu dhalay Sab iyo Samaale
Sab wuxuu dhalay
1. Digil : (Jiiddo, Tunni, Gelledi, Dabarre Garre)
2. Mirifle : Siyeed (Elaay. Leysaan, Eemid, Diisow, Maallan, Wiin) iyo Sagaal (Luwey, Gellidle, Yantaar, Jilible, Hbeer).
Samaale wuxuu dhaley Irir
Irir wuxuu dhalay :
1. Hawiye.
2. Aji.
3. Mayle (Xawaadle).
4. Yaabur (Gaaljecel iyo Dagoodiye).
5. Maqaarre.
6. Gariire.
7. Xamarre.
8. Xariire.
Hawiye wuxuu dhalay : Karanle (Murursade), Gorgaate (hiraab), Gugundhabe (Baadi-cadde). Jambeelle (Ajuraan).
Aji wuxuu dhalay :Dir, Dangolo.
Dir wuxuu dhalay : Madaxweyne (Akishe), Mandaluug (Gadabiirsay), Madoobe (Ciise), Mahe (Isaaq, Biyamaal iyo Surre).
.
The Suure Dir who have well respected Fiqis Islamic jurisprudence scholars and who have been instrumental in religious studies in many part of Somalia claim descent from Aqiil Ibnu abi Taalib(first cousin of the prophet SAW) and the Suure claim in the first Hijra many As-haab of the prophet well know figures come to Somalia through Djibouti like :
84 males and children and women including-- Uthman ibnu Affan 3rd Caliph and SAW's son in law Ruquyya daughter SAW Abdul Rahman Bin Awf Zubeyr Bin Al awwam and Gafar Bin Abi Talib(read suratal Maryam 19 and his wife sahla Amar and khalid sons of said bin al As Abu Hudayfa b Uthman mazum his wife sahla wife Umm Salama bint Abi Umaayya all three amoung ten who were promised heaven.
The Suure claim this is in the: biographer Ibnu Hisham .while others claim only 33 come
AFAR OF ERITREA AND DJIBOUTI ALSO (ODA ALI OF ZAILA)
The ruling house of the Afar Assayo Marre and their king Ali Mirre (of fertail areas Ausa nad Beadu and Gewani Area) claim the Madoobe Dir Issas are cousins to Afar because the Afar claim direct descent from One Har al Mahis the son of Jacfar ibnu Abi Taalib a cousin of the prophet SAW.Many Samaale clans claimed as an ancestor Aqiil ibnu abi Taalib. (Adventures in Bone Trade mentions fact)
Jacfar Ibnu Abi Taalib was the head of the As-haab who came to the Horn of Africa and he represented them and spoke at the court of the Christian King at the first hijra when anti-Muslim Quraish sent a delegation after the Muhajirs.
The Suure Dir claim Abdumatalib had 10 sons :
* Abu lahab
* Hamza
* Al Abas
* Safar
* Azzubair
* Al Harith
* Maqwan
* Abdalla (SAW's Father)
* Abu Talib who had 3 sons Jacfar, Aqiil and Ali
* Ghidaq
Qabiilada Samaale oo Aqiil ku wada abtirsada isda Dir
Magacaasi waa odeyga la yiraahdo Hiil, kaas oo aanan la haynin wax magaciisa dhaafsiisan, markii laga reebo laba wiil ee uu dhalay oo lakala yiraahdo Sab iyo Samaale, kuwaas oo waalid u noqday dadka soomaalida ah intooda badan. Waxaa la sheegaa in Hiil uu yahay nin ka soo farcamay Cuqayl binu Abii Taalib oo ahaa suubanihii Maxamad ahaa (s. c. w.) ina adeerkiis. Xiriirka abtirsiinyo ee ka dhaxeeya Hiil iyo Cuqayl lama hayo, markiise sawir laga bixiyo silsiladda faceed oo ay leeyihiin durriyaddii Hiil waa sidatan :
Hiil wuxu dhalay Sab iyo Samaale
Sab wuxuu dhalay
1. Digil : (Jiiddo, Tunni, Gelledi, Dabarre Garre)
2. Mirifle : Siyeed (Elaay. Leysaan, Eemid, Diisow, Maallan, Wiin) iyo Sagaal (Luwey, Gellidle, Yantaar, Jilible, Hbeer).
Samaale wuxuu dhaley Irir
Irir wuxuu dhalay :
1. Hawiye.
2. Aji.
3. Mayle (Xawaadle).
4. Yaabur (Gaaljecel iyo Dagoodiye).
5. Maqaarre.
6. Gariire.
7. Xamarre.
8. Xariire.
Hawiye wuxuu dhalay : Karanle (Murursade), Gorgaate (hiraab), Gugundhabe (Baadi-cadde). Jambeelle (Ajuraan).
Aji wuxuu dhalay :Dir, Dangolo.
Dir wuxuu dhalay : Madaxweyne (Akishe), Mandaluug (Gadabiirsay), Madoobe (Ciise), Mahe (Isaaq, Biyamaal iyo Surre).
.
Falsafadda FADHI KU DIRIR
Falsafadda FADHI KU DIRIR
Alleylehe siday aniga ila tahay, Falsafadda Fadhi ku dirir waa ninka “Dhiigga Habartii an Dhiig kale Ku Darin”. Fadhi ku dirirkuba marbuu Faa’iido leeyahayoo, waana Ficil Diimuqraadiye, Maxay nagu Faduulliyeen?. Waxan uga dan leehay Ninka reer Caddooshe ah ee magaciisa la yiraahdo McGILL (The Coffee Shop Warriors By Doug McGill, The McGill Report Harowo.com).
Kadib markii an Ninkaasi magaciisa fiiro qoto dheer u yeeshay, een cilmi falagana ku eegay, filoosofiyiintana waraystay, waxan u fahmay inuu magacu yahay MiGILL oo magac reer Boon ah. Sidaasi daraadeedna, waxan is idhi, malaha ninka ‘Camalkiisaa Caddeeyaye’ waa Reer Boon ee bal waxba haku sii tiiqsanne, horta yara tilmaan uun.
“Ninka Dhiiga Habartii an Dhiig kale Ku darin”, waa halhays laga soo xigtay xigaalkeena beesha CIISE , oo ah Reer xaddaarad(Xeer Ciise) falsafadeed oo qaro weyn leh. Ujeedada guud ee halhayska iyo siduu ku soo baxayna waa mid aniga la iiga khibrad badan yahay oo wakhtigeeda iyo qofka ugu habboonina innoo soo jilcin karo. Balse sidaan u macnaystay waxay tahay in loo adeegsan karo qofka an waligii dhagaroobin/ waxba dilin/ dhiig ku faraxalanin/ iwm, gar iyo gardarraba.
Anigoo halkaas ku duullaya ayaanan dabadeed xogta halhayskaasi ku dabaqay Falsafadda Fadhi ku Dirir. Dhanka anigu an iska taagayna, waa nin fadhigiisa iskaga salliya, ku dooda, ku dacwiya, ku qora, ku qaylya, isagoon cidna dilin, cidna dhiig ka daadin, oo waa sheekh iska Diimuqraadiyaysan. Taasi oo macnaheedu tahay in fadhi ku hadalka, qofku wuxu doonaba ku yidhaahdo ahayd xaddaarad waligeedba iska Diimuqraadiyaysnayd xitaa Diimuqraadiguba hortii intuu dunida iman, ooy Soomaalidu caado iskaga lahaayeen. Odayada Soomaaliyeed intooy iyagoo fadhiya usha dhulka la dhacaan ayay odhan jireen ‘hadday sidaasi iyo sidaasi noqon waydo, wallee ta dhacda waa loo wada taagnaan’. Xaggaygana waa wax lagu faani karo ee ma aha wax faddeexad iyo foolxumo loo arki karo, oo suxufiyiin saan cad oo suuqa joogtana si xun loogu sheegi karo.
Waxan halkan ka biyo diidayaa, in Soomaalida qalad uun laga wado fahmo(illeeyn iyagaa iska fidiyaye) oo loo qaato dad goor iyo ayaan dagaal uun u heegan oo ‘Dil iyo Dilan’ mooyiye an dood iyo dacwad iyo daw kale oo waxa lagu doontaba aanan danayn. Marka qaarkood diidayaan in loogu yeedho Fadhi Ku Dirir iyagoo hadana ad arkyaso inay Makhaayadaha iyo Internetka iyo Marfishyada iyo Maqsinadoodaba dood iyo dacwad Af iyo Qoraalba ahba wadaan, ujeedadoodu maxay tahay?:
Ma waxay ka wadaan, waan dagaalanaa oo gacan ku dhiig layaal baan nahay?
Ma waxay ka wadaan socodkaan ku dirirnaa, waxbaan qabannaa, si kalaan wax uu dhiibnaa Iwm?
Ma waxay ka wadaan, Dood iyo Dacwad iyo Dirir midna ma wadno?
Ma waxay ka wadaan, mayee Kalmada Fadhi ku Dirir ayaa na dhibaysa oo in
Sara- joog ku Dirir ama si kalaba loo dhigo ayaa ka qurux badnaan lahayd?
Xaalad colaadeed iyo Xaalad Nabadeed labaduba waa tiirarka lagu taagay Adduunkan, Soomaaliduna labadaba way soo martay, waanay ku jirtaa wali. Xaalad kasta oo lagu jirana Fadhi Ku Dirir wuu jiray, Faa’iidana wuu lahaa. Imikana iyo dunidan cusubna, Fadhi ku dirirka ugu caansani waa kii oo la yara cusboonaysiiyay oo helay qalab casri ah, qurbahana jooga, qoxootina ah, qaaqdana haya, waana sida aynu u wada badanahaye beeni maxay qaban.
Marba haddii an ku sallaynay fadhi ku dirir inuu yahay Ninka Dhiigga Habartii Dhiig ku Darin, (A Peaceful Man), waa inaan markaa caddaaladna u sugnaa. Caddaaladaas oo ah, inaan Fadhi Ku Dirir ka reebno nin alla ninkii wax dilay, ninkii wax inuu dilo raba, iyo ninkii si kale u diriraba. Waxa jiri kara kuwan hoos ku qoran iyo wixii kalee lagu darsan karo:
1. Faro ku dirir (ficil, Dood, Dagaal, Deeq, Darajo, Duruus…iwm..iwm)
2. Farsamo ku( Dirir (Qalab/hub/xeelad/ iwm)
3. Farriin Ku Dirir(Amar suge)
4. Falaad Ku Dirir (Cadho badane, calooshiisana ku haysta)
5. Furaash ku Dirir(Raaxo ku dirir/Maba Dirire..iwm..)
Dabcan, waa Dood u furan dadweynaha. Fadhi Ku Dirir laftarkiisaa si kale ayaa loo macnayn karaa, sida dadka qoorkoodba ku sheegeen warbixintaas Migil(McGill Report) falsafad kalana waa lagu dabiqi karaa oo dhan kalana waa laga arki karaa. Aniguse halkaan miciinsaday murankaygu weeyaan oo marna lay durkin maayo, xoog laygu muquuniyo mooyiye.
Hadal iyo dhammaanna, Maqaalkii oo kooban, oo hadana kuusan, hadana kambadhuudha, waliba kadaloob ku diriraya. Waxad yeeshiin, “orddoo odayga ina McGill u tagoo waxad u sheegtiin inuu MiGill yahay magac reer Boon ah, hadduu Rumaysan waayana, Reer Odayo-Grarbis(reer Migill) u geeya.
Sidaa iyo Nabad Caano iyo Cimri Dheer Fadhi Ku Dirirka an Dhiigga ku Faraxalanoow
Alleylehe siday aniga ila tahay, Falsafadda Fadhi ku dirir waa ninka “Dhiigga Habartii an Dhiig kale Ku Darin”. Fadhi ku dirirkuba marbuu Faa’iido leeyahayoo, waana Ficil Diimuqraadiye, Maxay nagu Faduulliyeen?. Waxan uga dan leehay Ninka reer Caddooshe ah ee magaciisa la yiraahdo McGILL (The Coffee Shop Warriors By Doug McGill, The McGill Report Harowo.com).
Kadib markii an Ninkaasi magaciisa fiiro qoto dheer u yeeshay, een cilmi falagana ku eegay, filoosofiyiintana waraystay, waxan u fahmay inuu magacu yahay MiGILL oo magac reer Boon ah. Sidaasi daraadeedna, waxan is idhi, malaha ninka ‘Camalkiisaa Caddeeyaye’ waa Reer Boon ee bal waxba haku sii tiiqsanne, horta yara tilmaan uun.
“Ninka Dhiiga Habartii an Dhiig kale Ku darin”, waa halhays laga soo xigtay xigaalkeena beesha CIISE , oo ah Reer xaddaarad(Xeer Ciise) falsafadeed oo qaro weyn leh. Ujeedada guud ee halhayska iyo siduu ku soo baxayna waa mid aniga la iiga khibrad badan yahay oo wakhtigeeda iyo qofka ugu habboonina innoo soo jilcin karo. Balse sidaan u macnaystay waxay tahay in loo adeegsan karo qofka an waligii dhagaroobin/ waxba dilin/ dhiig ku faraxalanin/ iwm, gar iyo gardarraba.
Anigoo halkaas ku duullaya ayaanan dabadeed xogta halhayskaasi ku dabaqay Falsafadda Fadhi ku Dirir. Dhanka anigu an iska taagayna, waa nin fadhigiisa iskaga salliya, ku dooda, ku dacwiya, ku qora, ku qaylya, isagoon cidna dilin, cidna dhiig ka daadin, oo waa sheekh iska Diimuqraadiyaysan. Taasi oo macnaheedu tahay in fadhi ku hadalka, qofku wuxu doonaba ku yidhaahdo ahayd xaddaarad waligeedba iska Diimuqraadiyaysnayd xitaa Diimuqraadiguba hortii intuu dunida iman, ooy Soomaalidu caado iskaga lahaayeen. Odayada Soomaaliyeed intooy iyagoo fadhiya usha dhulka la dhacaan ayay odhan jireen ‘hadday sidaasi iyo sidaasi noqon waydo, wallee ta dhacda waa loo wada taagnaan’. Xaggaygana waa wax lagu faani karo ee ma aha wax faddeexad iyo foolxumo loo arki karo, oo suxufiyiin saan cad oo suuqa joogtana si xun loogu sheegi karo.
Waxan halkan ka biyo diidayaa, in Soomaalida qalad uun laga wado fahmo(illeeyn iyagaa iska fidiyaye) oo loo qaato dad goor iyo ayaan dagaal uun u heegan oo ‘Dil iyo Dilan’ mooyiye an dood iyo dacwad iyo daw kale oo waxa lagu doontaba aanan danayn. Marka qaarkood diidayaan in loogu yeedho Fadhi Ku Dirir iyagoo hadana ad arkyaso inay Makhaayadaha iyo Internetka iyo Marfishyada iyo Maqsinadoodaba dood iyo dacwad Af iyo Qoraalba ahba wadaan, ujeedadoodu maxay tahay?:
Ma waxay ka wadaan, waan dagaalanaa oo gacan ku dhiig layaal baan nahay?
Ma waxay ka wadaan socodkaan ku dirirnaa, waxbaan qabannaa, si kalaan wax uu dhiibnaa Iwm?
Ma waxay ka wadaan, Dood iyo Dacwad iyo Dirir midna ma wadno?
Ma waxay ka wadaan, mayee Kalmada Fadhi ku Dirir ayaa na dhibaysa oo in
Sara- joog ku Dirir ama si kalaba loo dhigo ayaa ka qurux badnaan lahayd?
Xaalad colaadeed iyo Xaalad Nabadeed labaduba waa tiirarka lagu taagay Adduunkan, Soomaaliduna labadaba way soo martay, waanay ku jirtaa wali. Xaalad kasta oo lagu jirana Fadhi Ku Dirir wuu jiray, Faa’iidana wuu lahaa. Imikana iyo dunidan cusubna, Fadhi ku dirirka ugu caansani waa kii oo la yara cusboonaysiiyay oo helay qalab casri ah, qurbahana jooga, qoxootina ah, qaaqdana haya, waana sida aynu u wada badanahaye beeni maxay qaban.
Marba haddii an ku sallaynay fadhi ku dirir inuu yahay Ninka Dhiigga Habartii Dhiig ku Darin, (A Peaceful Man), waa inaan markaa caddaaladna u sugnaa. Caddaaladaas oo ah, inaan Fadhi Ku Dirir ka reebno nin alla ninkii wax dilay, ninkii wax inuu dilo raba, iyo ninkii si kale u diriraba. Waxa jiri kara kuwan hoos ku qoran iyo wixii kalee lagu darsan karo:
1. Faro ku dirir (ficil, Dood, Dagaal, Deeq, Darajo, Duruus…iwm..iwm)
2. Farsamo ku( Dirir (Qalab/hub/xeelad/ iwm)
3. Farriin Ku Dirir(Amar suge)
4. Falaad Ku Dirir (Cadho badane, calooshiisana ku haysta)
5. Furaash ku Dirir(Raaxo ku dirir/Maba Dirire..iwm..)
Dabcan, waa Dood u furan dadweynaha. Fadhi Ku Dirir laftarkiisaa si kale ayaa loo macnayn karaa, sida dadka qoorkoodba ku sheegeen warbixintaas Migil(McGill Report) falsafad kalana waa lagu dabiqi karaa oo dhan kalana waa laga arki karaa. Aniguse halkaan miciinsaday murankaygu weeyaan oo marna lay durkin maayo, xoog laygu muquuniyo mooyiye.
Hadal iyo dhammaanna, Maqaalkii oo kooban, oo hadana kuusan, hadana kambadhuudha, waliba kadaloob ku diriraya. Waxad yeeshiin, “orddoo odayga ina McGill u tagoo waxad u sheegtiin inuu MiGill yahay magac reer Boon ah, hadduu Rumaysan waayana, Reer Odayo-Grarbis(reer Migill) u geeya.
Sidaa iyo Nabad Caano iyo Cimri Dheer Fadhi Ku Dirirka an Dhiigga ku Faraxalanoow
Garta Xeer-Beegti. Garta Dhaqanka. XEER BEEGTIDII HORE
Garta Xeer-Beegti. Garta Dhaqanka.
Marka laga hadlayo waxyaalaha ay dadku isku qaban-jireen ama isku qabtaan, waxa guud ahaan loo kala saaraa saddex qaybood oo waaweyn, waxayna kala yihiin.
Qadaf (Gef), Qabno (Adduun) iyo Qoomaal (Dhiig).
Saddexdan arrimood ayaa marka ay dhacaan laga gar-naqsadaan waxayse gartu u dhacdaa lab siyood ama ay noqotaa, waxayna kala yihiin: Garley ama Garowshiiyo-lay, markaa haddii ay garley noqoto waxa la furaa dood iyo dacawi ay wada galaan dhinacyada iska soo horjeeda, laakiin haddii ay noqoto garawshiiyaley waxa lagu saleeyaa ama loo maraa ama loogu magac-bixiyaa laba hal mid uun A) Curad ama Ugub, haddii ay arrintu la isku hayaa tahay wax hore u dhacay oo hore looga gar-naqay waxa la yidhaahdaa malaha arrintani wax ugub ah ee waa Curad, taas oo loola jeedo inay arrintan oo kale hore u dhacday, sidaa darteed waxa maaraynteeda loo eegaa wixii xeer ahaa ee dadka ama qabaa’ilka arrintu dhex-taal ammuurtan oo kale waxa lagu kala qaataa xeerkaa. Laakiin haddii ay arrinta dhacday ugub tahay, iyada oo ugub loo jeedo arrin aanu nooceeda oo kale hore uga dhicin, beesha ama beelaha dhexdooda, waxa xal u helideeda ka fekera, ka dib-na talo iyo go’aan ka gaadha ragga ay markaa dhextaal, ilayn waa tii hore loo yidhi: (Raq-ba waa ku rageed).
Ta kale marka aad garnaqsanayso ugu yaraan afar arrimood ayaad ku gar-waayi kartaa, kuwaas oo kala ah 1) Af-waa (hadal-garanwaa), 2) Hamrasho (dhiirasho la’aan), 3) cadayn la’aan iyo 4) iyada oo lagaa eexdo.
Cadaymuhu waa waxa ugu horeeya ee arrinta laga gar-qaadayo, rukunka koowaad u ah, laakiin haddii qiraale la helo, markaa looma baah-na wax cadayn ah, sida millad (Dhaar), markhaati iwm, isla markaana haddii la eego xiligan lagu jiro ee casriga loo yaqaan haddii arrinta loo helo cadaymo rasmi ah (Official Documents), markaa looma baahna markhaati iyo dhaartoona.
Hase yeeshee markhaatigu inta badan waa rug muduci, taas oo macnaheedu yahay inuu ninka muduciga ahi inta badan isagu xaq u leeyahay inuu keensado markhaatiyo, sidoo kale milladu inta badan waa rug madacaalay.
Ta kale qofka ama cidda muduciga ahi waxa uu dacwigiisa u qaybinaya laba qaybood (Two Chapters), waxayna labadaa qaybood kala yihiin A) Inuu hadalkaaga hore noqdo mid wax kuu qoda, taas oo ah inay iftiimiso ama bal-balaadhiso sida uu wax u leeyahay iyo qaybta labaad oo ah, inuu hadalku noqdo mid wax kaa gufeeya, taas oo ah sidii aad uga hortegi lahayd waxa uu ninka kaa soo horjeedaa damacsanyahay inuu kugu gar-waasiiyo.Garta Xeer-Beegti, Garta dhaqanka iyo xeerarka Somalida.
Madaacalaygu dacwadiisu waa mid uu isku difaacayo, wuxuuna ku sheeganayaa sida aan waxba loogu lahayn, isla markaana waxa uu ku dacwiyayaa in waxa lagu haysto uu isagu leeyahay, sidoo kale waxa uu dacwadiisa ka mid ah inuu duro oo uu gaashaanka u daruuro wixii uu muducigu ku hadlay, wuxuuna inta badan istcimaalaa ereyo ay ka mid yihiin, "Markhaatigii u fadhiyayow ka kac". , laakiin inay caynkaas iyo caynkaas tahay madacaalay baan ahay qordis iyo rugteedna waan ka fadhiyaa, "Hebel waxaa laguma qordiyo", taas oo uu ula jeedo marka ay gartu ambadeeda gaadho wixii uu madaacale jid u yeellan jiray ayaan diyaar u ahay. Tusaale ahaan nin baa nin kale saacad ka qaatay, iyadoo ay cidi la joogto (markhaati la joogo), ka dibna maalin dambe ayuu ninkii saacadda qaatay u celiyey ninkii saacadda lahaa, wuxuuna u dhiibay iyadoo aanay cidi la joogin oo ay labadooda oo qudha yihiin, dabadeedna ninkii saacadiisa loo celiyey ayaa yidhi ninkaa hebel saacad buu iga qaatay iimana soo celin, ka dibna gar baa loo qaaday, markaas ayuu ninkii muduciga ahaa yidhi "Inuu ninkaa hebel saacadaydii iga qaatay muduci baan ahay, markhaati iga furtana waan u haystaa, mar hadii ay caynkaa tahay ninkaa saacadaydii ayaan ka doonayaa rug muducina waan ka fadhiyaa", dabadeedna ninkii muducaalayga ahaa ayaa odhanaya "Inaan saacadaa qaatay markhaatigii u fadhiyayow ka kac, milladina iiguma timaado, inaanse u celiyey madaacalay baan ka ahay, qordi iyo rugteedana waan ka fadhiyaa", madacaaluhu waxa uu caynkaas u leeyahay hadii uu muduciga markhaatigu u furo, madaacalayguna markhaari waayo waxay noqonaysaa saacadii iska bixi oo milladi meesha iman mayso, markaa waa inuu xiribta (farsamadaa) sameeyaa madaacaluhu, hadii kale isagaa saacadii lagu leeyahay.
Hadaba waa maxay xiribi, ereyga xirib waxa laga soo dheegtay masalan hadii uu isha saxar kaaga dhaco waxa laga yaabaa inuu qarsoomo oo uu xiribta hoosteeda galo, halkaasna ku qarsoomo, taas darteed xiribtu waa tab qarsoon, laakiin xiribtu waxay noqotaa mid wanaagsan iyo mid dhinaca xun loo dhigo, tusaale ahaan marka xiribta wanaagsan laga hadlayo waxa ka mid ah, masalan nin baa waxa u soo hoyday 4 nin oo ay tol yihiin, abtirsiimo ahaan u siman, laakiin mid ka mid ah saddexdaa nin ayuu jecel yahay oo beerka kaga yaal, dabadeedna markii uu shaahii u soo kariyey ayaa ninkii uu jeclaa mooyee saddexdii kale waxa uu shaahii ugu soo shubay bakeeriyo, balse ninkii uu jeclaa intuu madiibad caano badan ku soo shubay ayuu yidhi waar reerku bakeeri afraad ma lahe madiibadaa adigu shaaha ku cab.
Waxa kale oo xiribta wanaagsan ka mid ah, masalan nin ay martiyi u soo hoyatay oo neef u qalay, dabadeedna isaga oo hilibkii googoynaya is yidhi xaasku yaanay kaa qadin, ka dibna intuu cad weyn gooyey oo uu ciidda ku riday yidhi naa kaa ciidda ku dhacay adigu qaado, laakiin nin gabadhu uu qabo laga fiican yahay oo ay yara doqontay ayaa beri odaygeedu markii uu sidaas oo kale ku yidhi naa cadkaa ciidda ku dhacay adigu qaado ay ku tidhi maxaan ku falaa cadka ciidda ku dhacay, dabadeedna wuxuu taa kaga jawaabay "Doqoni seeftii caro loogu riday sed-bursiinyo ma moodo".
GARTA XEER-BEEGTI.
Ninka garnaqasanayaa waa inuu hadalkiisa dhaabadeeyaa, waxna u cuskadaa ama si kale hadii aynu u nidhaahno ninku hadii aanu hadalkiisa lafayn (Rugayn) oo aanu markhaati ooggan ama odhan rugtaasaan arinta ka fadhiyaa ama aanu odhan weedho ay ka mid yihiin “garta hadii aanu waayo waan waayey, hadiise ay wax ii cadaadaan waan doonayaa (Waan u fadhiyaa) arintaasi waxa ay leedahay”, markaa hadii aanu ninka hadalkiisu siyaalahaa u dhicin waxa uu noqonayaa sheeko.
Ta kale marka la garamayo ama la dacwiyayo garta dhaqankeedu waxa weeye “Carrab eegato”, taas oo macneheedu yahay wixii uu ninku ku hadloodo ama afkiisa ka yidhaahdo ayuun baa wax loogu qabanayaa ama loogu gar-qaadayaa oo tusaale ahaan hadii aanad afkaaga ka odhan markhaati baan haystaa, guddidu markhaati kuma waydiin karto, isla markaana hadii adiga oo aan markhaati ooggan ay guddigu markhaati ku waydiiso taasi waxay noqonaysaa Eexasho. Sidoo kale xataa wallaha aan golihiisa joogin laguma gashi baxo oo masalan hadii uu nin kuu yimaaddo oo uu ku yidhaahdo walaahay hebel waxaas ayuu igu sameeyey , wallahaasi ma noqonayo mid lagu gashi baxo, ninka kalena kuma qaamoobo.
Waxa kale oo jirta wax la yidhaahdo “Daawo loo aamusay”, taas oo tusaale ahaan hadii ay dhawr nin oo ilmaadeer ah ama saaxiib ah oo mid ka mid ahi qof kale iska maago oo ay ilma-adeeradii ama saaxiibadii la hadli waayaan oo odhan waayaan maxaad ninka u maagaysaa waxay loo qaadanayaa wada qabasho dad-ban, Somaliduna waxay tidhaahdaa “Hadal kun isku ogtahay kow ma odhan waydo.”
Waxa kale oo xikmadaha Somalidu ku maahmaahdo ka mid ah “Inta guudka lihi amaano dumar ma gasho”, taas oo macneheedu yahay ama sida dhaqanku yahay inta guudka leh xaaskaaga laguuguma dhiibi karo.
Inta guudka leh waxa ka mid ah Faraska, sidaa darteed Faraska dumarku ma layl-yaan, ma fuulaan, kuma dagaalamaan, sidaa darteedna farasku ma galo amaano dumar.
Qoriga ayaa isna ka mid ah inta guudka leh, sidaa darteed qorigu amaano dumar ma galo.
Marka Awrka Raray-ga ah laga reebo geela intiisa kale ayaa isna ka mid ah inta guudka leh, sidaa darteedna ma galo amaano dumar.
Sidoo kale gabadhaada (Xaaska) oo dud-mo laga soo celiyey laguuguma dhiibi karo gabadhaada kale ee aad qabto.
Waxa kale oo jirta wax la yidhaahdo Ergo, laakiin Ergadu waxay u qaybsantaa mid la ajiibo (La yeelo) iyo mid la diido oo la yidhaahdo”waxa aad wadataan gar iyo garow toona kama ogolin”, iyadoo ay Ergadu tahay dad si toos ah ugu taga cid ay wax u sheeganayaan oo yidhaahda waxaas iyo waxaas ayaa nagaga kiin maqan ee waxaanu ergo islaameed idiinka nahay inaad na siisaan ama waxa kale oo ay noqonaysaa qolo cid wax tirsanaysa ka socota oo qolada wax laga tirsanayo gaadhsiisa fariin ay leedahay waar waxaas ayaa la idinka tirsanayaaye maxaad ka leedihiin, ka dibna wixii ay ku yidhaahdaan soo celiya, waxaana loo kala ergeeyaa laba qolo oo aan isu tegi karin oo ay colaadi dhextaal.
Waxaa kale oo jira wax la yidhaahdo “Dhoweeye”, ereyga dhoweeye waxa weeye nin arinta wax ka qabashadeeda laga leeyahay, laakiin gud-binteeda leh, kaas oo gaadhsiiya cidda wax ka qabashadeeda leh. Sidoo kale waxa jira dhameeye, kaas oo ah ninka arinta wax ka qabashadeeda leh ee aanay jirin cid kale oo uu isaga riixaa ama cid arinta ka leh oo uu isu dhaafiyaa.
Somalidu ergada waxay ka bixisay maahmaamo iyo odhaaho badan, sida “Ergo wixii La farona way geysaa, wixii la siiyana way cuntaa”.
Glossary of Somali
Terms
Anno Revenge killing by one clan or sub-clan against another in the
absence of diya payment.
Barax Broadly translated into English as ‘mixing’, it is a practice not
accepted by Somali shari’a courts as the distortion of Islamic law
through mixing with other sources of law.
Dhig Aspects of xeer guud which apply to penal matters, including
murder (qudh), aggression (qoon), and thievery (tuugo).
Dhaqasho Aspects of xeer guud which apply to civil matters, including issues
of family (xilo), private property (xoolo), territory (deegan), and
hospitality (maamuus).
Diya A main principle of xeer, this is the ‘blood compensation’ paid by
one diya group to another, usually in the form of livestock.
Diya group Small social units that take collective responsibility for their own
security, as well as undertaking an obligation to compensate
other groups for any harm committed by one of its members.
Dumal The practice of forcing marriage between a widow and a male
relative of her deceased husband.
Gar dawe A xeer proceeding that strictly applies customary law in an
adversarial manner to determine guilt and innocence.
Godobtir The practice of forcing marriage between a young girl and an
aggrieved clan as part of a diya payment.
Higsian The practice of forcing marriage between the sister of a deceased
wife and the widower.
Madani Neighbourhood-based ‘vigilant groups’ which arm themselves to
provide for local security.
Masalaxo A xeer proceeding that focuses on mediation to identify a
solution that is acceptable to all parties.
Mooryaan A social category for bandits and uncontrolled militia.
Shahad Solicitation of financial and material support by Somali
traditional elders.
Suluh Broadly translated into English as ‘resolution’, it is a practice
applied by Somali shari’a courts to integrate Islamic, traditional
and statutory laws into a single workable decision for a case.
Xeer Somali customary law.
Xeer begti Respected and qualified elders who are entrusted to maintain
knowledge of applying xeer.
Xeer gaar Specific aspects of xeer that regulate localised economic
production relations for clans and sub-clans specifically
involved in pastoralism, fishing, frankincense harvesting, etc.
Xeer guud Generally applicable aspects of xeer which are generally
applicable across all Somali clans, and regulate day-to-day
social life, civil and penal matters, and dispute settlement.
Xissi The most fundamental stipulations of xeer for which
unquestioned historical
adkaaday precedent exists.
Marka laga hadlayo waxyaalaha ay dadku isku qaban-jireen ama isku qabtaan, waxa guud ahaan loo kala saaraa saddex qaybood oo waaweyn, waxayna kala yihiin.
Qadaf (Gef), Qabno (Adduun) iyo Qoomaal (Dhiig).
Saddexdan arrimood ayaa marka ay dhacaan laga gar-naqsadaan waxayse gartu u dhacdaa lab siyood ama ay noqotaa, waxayna kala yihiin: Garley ama Garowshiiyo-lay, markaa haddii ay garley noqoto waxa la furaa dood iyo dacawi ay wada galaan dhinacyada iska soo horjeeda, laakiin haddii ay noqoto garawshiiyaley waxa lagu saleeyaa ama loo maraa ama loogu magac-bixiyaa laba hal mid uun A) Curad ama Ugub, haddii ay arrintu la isku hayaa tahay wax hore u dhacay oo hore looga gar-naqay waxa la yidhaahdaa malaha arrintani wax ugub ah ee waa Curad, taas oo loola jeedo inay arrintan oo kale hore u dhacday, sidaa darteed waxa maaraynteeda loo eegaa wixii xeer ahaa ee dadka ama qabaa’ilka arrintu dhex-taal ammuurtan oo kale waxa lagu kala qaataa xeerkaa. Laakiin haddii ay arrinta dhacday ugub tahay, iyada oo ugub loo jeedo arrin aanu nooceeda oo kale hore uga dhicin, beesha ama beelaha dhexdooda, waxa xal u helideeda ka fekera, ka dib-na talo iyo go’aan ka gaadha ragga ay markaa dhextaal, ilayn waa tii hore loo yidhi: (Raq-ba waa ku rageed).
Ta kale marka aad garnaqsanayso ugu yaraan afar arrimood ayaad ku gar-waayi kartaa, kuwaas oo kala ah 1) Af-waa (hadal-garanwaa), 2) Hamrasho (dhiirasho la’aan), 3) cadayn la’aan iyo 4) iyada oo lagaa eexdo.
Cadaymuhu waa waxa ugu horeeya ee arrinta laga gar-qaadayo, rukunka koowaad u ah, laakiin haddii qiraale la helo, markaa looma baah-na wax cadayn ah, sida millad (Dhaar), markhaati iwm, isla markaana haddii la eego xiligan lagu jiro ee casriga loo yaqaan haddii arrinta loo helo cadaymo rasmi ah (Official Documents), markaa looma baahna markhaati iyo dhaartoona.
Hase yeeshee markhaatigu inta badan waa rug muduci, taas oo macnaheedu yahay inuu ninka muduciga ahi inta badan isagu xaq u leeyahay inuu keensado markhaatiyo, sidoo kale milladu inta badan waa rug madacaalay.
Ta kale qofka ama cidda muduciga ahi waxa uu dacwigiisa u qaybinaya laba qaybood (Two Chapters), waxayna labadaa qaybood kala yihiin A) Inuu hadalkaaga hore noqdo mid wax kuu qoda, taas oo ah inay iftiimiso ama bal-balaadhiso sida uu wax u leeyahay iyo qaybta labaad oo ah, inuu hadalku noqdo mid wax kaa gufeeya, taas oo ah sidii aad uga hortegi lahayd waxa uu ninka kaa soo horjeedaa damacsanyahay inuu kugu gar-waasiiyo.Garta Xeer-Beegti, Garta dhaqanka iyo xeerarka Somalida.
Madaacalaygu dacwadiisu waa mid uu isku difaacayo, wuxuuna ku sheeganayaa sida aan waxba loogu lahayn, isla markaana waxa uu ku dacwiyayaa in waxa lagu haysto uu isagu leeyahay, sidoo kale waxa uu dacwadiisa ka mid ah inuu duro oo uu gaashaanka u daruuro wixii uu muducigu ku hadlay, wuxuuna inta badan istcimaalaa ereyo ay ka mid yihiin, "Markhaatigii u fadhiyayow ka kac". , laakiin inay caynkaas iyo caynkaas tahay madacaalay baan ahay qordis iyo rugteedna waan ka fadhiyaa, "Hebel waxaa laguma qordiyo", taas oo uu ula jeedo marka ay gartu ambadeeda gaadho wixii uu madaacale jid u yeellan jiray ayaan diyaar u ahay. Tusaale ahaan nin baa nin kale saacad ka qaatay, iyadoo ay cidi la joogto (markhaati la joogo), ka dibna maalin dambe ayuu ninkii saacadda qaatay u celiyey ninkii saacadda lahaa, wuxuuna u dhiibay iyadoo aanay cidi la joogin oo ay labadooda oo qudha yihiin, dabadeedna ninkii saacadiisa loo celiyey ayaa yidhi ninkaa hebel saacad buu iga qaatay iimana soo celin, ka dibna gar baa loo qaaday, markaas ayuu ninkii muduciga ahaa yidhi "Inuu ninkaa hebel saacadaydii iga qaatay muduci baan ahay, markhaati iga furtana waan u haystaa, mar hadii ay caynkaa tahay ninkaa saacadaydii ayaan ka doonayaa rug muducina waan ka fadhiyaa", dabadeedna ninkii muducaalayga ahaa ayaa odhanaya "Inaan saacadaa qaatay markhaatigii u fadhiyayow ka kac, milladina iiguma timaado, inaanse u celiyey madaacalay baan ka ahay, qordi iyo rugteedana waan ka fadhiyaa", madacaaluhu waxa uu caynkaas u leeyahay hadii uu muduciga markhaatigu u furo, madaacalayguna markhaari waayo waxay noqonaysaa saacadii iska bixi oo milladi meesha iman mayso, markaa waa inuu xiribta (farsamadaa) sameeyaa madaacaluhu, hadii kale isagaa saacadii lagu leeyahay.
Hadaba waa maxay xiribi, ereyga xirib waxa laga soo dheegtay masalan hadii uu isha saxar kaaga dhaco waxa laga yaabaa inuu qarsoomo oo uu xiribta hoosteeda galo, halkaasna ku qarsoomo, taas darteed xiribtu waa tab qarsoon, laakiin xiribtu waxay noqotaa mid wanaagsan iyo mid dhinaca xun loo dhigo, tusaale ahaan marka xiribta wanaagsan laga hadlayo waxa ka mid ah, masalan nin baa waxa u soo hoyday 4 nin oo ay tol yihiin, abtirsiimo ahaan u siman, laakiin mid ka mid ah saddexdaa nin ayuu jecel yahay oo beerka kaga yaal, dabadeedna markii uu shaahii u soo kariyey ayaa ninkii uu jeclaa mooyee saddexdii kale waxa uu shaahii ugu soo shubay bakeeriyo, balse ninkii uu jeclaa intuu madiibad caano badan ku soo shubay ayuu yidhi waar reerku bakeeri afraad ma lahe madiibadaa adigu shaaha ku cab.
Waxa kale oo xiribta wanaagsan ka mid ah, masalan nin ay martiyi u soo hoyatay oo neef u qalay, dabadeedna isaga oo hilibkii googoynaya is yidhi xaasku yaanay kaa qadin, ka dibna intuu cad weyn gooyey oo uu ciidda ku riday yidhi naa kaa ciidda ku dhacay adigu qaado, laakiin nin gabadhu uu qabo laga fiican yahay oo ay yara doqontay ayaa beri odaygeedu markii uu sidaas oo kale ku yidhi naa cadkaa ciidda ku dhacay adigu qaado ay ku tidhi maxaan ku falaa cadka ciidda ku dhacay, dabadeedna wuxuu taa kaga jawaabay "Doqoni seeftii caro loogu riday sed-bursiinyo ma moodo".
GARTA XEER-BEEGTI.
Ninka garnaqasanayaa waa inuu hadalkiisa dhaabadeeyaa, waxna u cuskadaa ama si kale hadii aynu u nidhaahno ninku hadii aanu hadalkiisa lafayn (Rugayn) oo aanu markhaati ooggan ama odhan rugtaasaan arinta ka fadhiyaa ama aanu odhan weedho ay ka mid yihiin “garta hadii aanu waayo waan waayey, hadiise ay wax ii cadaadaan waan doonayaa (Waan u fadhiyaa) arintaasi waxa ay leedahay”, markaa hadii aanu ninka hadalkiisu siyaalahaa u dhicin waxa uu noqonayaa sheeko.
Ta kale marka la garamayo ama la dacwiyayo garta dhaqankeedu waxa weeye “Carrab eegato”, taas oo macneheedu yahay wixii uu ninku ku hadloodo ama afkiisa ka yidhaahdo ayuun baa wax loogu qabanayaa ama loogu gar-qaadayaa oo tusaale ahaan hadii aanad afkaaga ka odhan markhaati baan haystaa, guddidu markhaati kuma waydiin karto, isla markaana hadii adiga oo aan markhaati ooggan ay guddigu markhaati ku waydiiso taasi waxay noqonaysaa Eexasho. Sidoo kale xataa wallaha aan golihiisa joogin laguma gashi baxo oo masalan hadii uu nin kuu yimaaddo oo uu ku yidhaahdo walaahay hebel waxaas ayuu igu sameeyey , wallahaasi ma noqonayo mid lagu gashi baxo, ninka kalena kuma qaamoobo.
Waxa kale oo jirta wax la yidhaahdo “Daawo loo aamusay”, taas oo tusaale ahaan hadii ay dhawr nin oo ilmaadeer ah ama saaxiib ah oo mid ka mid ahi qof kale iska maago oo ay ilma-adeeradii ama saaxiibadii la hadli waayaan oo odhan waayaan maxaad ninka u maagaysaa waxay loo qaadanayaa wada qabasho dad-ban, Somaliduna waxay tidhaahdaa “Hadal kun isku ogtahay kow ma odhan waydo.”
Waxa kale oo xikmadaha Somalidu ku maahmaahdo ka mid ah “Inta guudka lihi amaano dumar ma gasho”, taas oo macneheedu yahay ama sida dhaqanku yahay inta guudka leh xaaskaaga laguuguma dhiibi karo.
Inta guudka leh waxa ka mid ah Faraska, sidaa darteed Faraska dumarku ma layl-yaan, ma fuulaan, kuma dagaalamaan, sidaa darteedna farasku ma galo amaano dumar.
Qoriga ayaa isna ka mid ah inta guudka leh, sidaa darteed qorigu amaano dumar ma galo.
Marka Awrka Raray-ga ah laga reebo geela intiisa kale ayaa isna ka mid ah inta guudka leh, sidaa darteedna ma galo amaano dumar.
Sidoo kale gabadhaada (Xaaska) oo dud-mo laga soo celiyey laguuguma dhiibi karo gabadhaada kale ee aad qabto.
Waxa kale oo jirta wax la yidhaahdo Ergo, laakiin Ergadu waxay u qaybsantaa mid la ajiibo (La yeelo) iyo mid la diido oo la yidhaahdo”waxa aad wadataan gar iyo garow toona kama ogolin”, iyadoo ay Ergadu tahay dad si toos ah ugu taga cid ay wax u sheeganayaan oo yidhaahda waxaas iyo waxaas ayaa nagaga kiin maqan ee waxaanu ergo islaameed idiinka nahay inaad na siisaan ama waxa kale oo ay noqonaysaa qolo cid wax tirsanaysa ka socota oo qolada wax laga tirsanayo gaadhsiisa fariin ay leedahay waar waxaas ayaa la idinka tirsanayaaye maxaad ka leedihiin, ka dibna wixii ay ku yidhaahdaan soo celiya, waxaana loo kala ergeeyaa laba qolo oo aan isu tegi karin oo ay colaadi dhextaal.
Waxaa kale oo jira wax la yidhaahdo “Dhoweeye”, ereyga dhoweeye waxa weeye nin arinta wax ka qabashadeeda laga leeyahay, laakiin gud-binteeda leh, kaas oo gaadhsiiya cidda wax ka qabashadeeda leh. Sidoo kale waxa jira dhameeye, kaas oo ah ninka arinta wax ka qabashadeeda leh ee aanay jirin cid kale oo uu isaga riixaa ama cid arinta ka leh oo uu isu dhaafiyaa.
Somalidu ergada waxay ka bixisay maahmaamo iyo odhaaho badan, sida “Ergo wixii La farona way geysaa, wixii la siiyana way cuntaa”.
Glossary of Somali
Terms
Anno Revenge killing by one clan or sub-clan against another in the
absence of diya payment.
Barax Broadly translated into English as ‘mixing’, it is a practice not
accepted by Somali shari’a courts as the distortion of Islamic law
through mixing with other sources of law.
Dhig Aspects of xeer guud which apply to penal matters, including
murder (qudh), aggression (qoon), and thievery (tuugo).
Dhaqasho Aspects of xeer guud which apply to civil matters, including issues
of family (xilo), private property (xoolo), territory (deegan), and
hospitality (maamuus).
Diya A main principle of xeer, this is the ‘blood compensation’ paid by
one diya group to another, usually in the form of livestock.
Diya group Small social units that take collective responsibility for their own
security, as well as undertaking an obligation to compensate
other groups for any harm committed by one of its members.
Dumal The practice of forcing marriage between a widow and a male
relative of her deceased husband.
Gar dawe A xeer proceeding that strictly applies customary law in an
adversarial manner to determine guilt and innocence.
Godobtir The practice of forcing marriage between a young girl and an
aggrieved clan as part of a diya payment.
Higsian The practice of forcing marriage between the sister of a deceased
wife and the widower.
Madani Neighbourhood-based ‘vigilant groups’ which arm themselves to
provide for local security.
Masalaxo A xeer proceeding that focuses on mediation to identify a
solution that is acceptable to all parties.
Mooryaan A social category for bandits and uncontrolled militia.
Shahad Solicitation of financial and material support by Somali
traditional elders.
Suluh Broadly translated into English as ‘resolution’, it is a practice
applied by Somali shari’a courts to integrate Islamic, traditional
and statutory laws into a single workable decision for a case.
Xeer Somali customary law.
Xeer begti Respected and qualified elders who are entrusted to maintain
knowledge of applying xeer.
Xeer gaar Specific aspects of xeer that regulate localised economic
production relations for clans and sub-clans specifically
involved in pastoralism, fishing, frankincense harvesting, etc.
Xeer guud Generally applicable aspects of xeer which are generally
applicable across all Somali clans, and regulate day-to-day
social life, civil and penal matters, and dispute settlement.
Xissi The most fundamental stipulations of xeer for which
unquestioned historical
adkaaday precedent exists.
BIMAAL DIR REVOLT: Revolt Against Italian Imperialism The Wacdaan Gelledi
Giacomo Trevis
Giacomo Trevis (nato a Roma il 19 maggio1869 morto a Merka il 12 febbraio 1897) prestò il servizio militare come tenente di complemento. Congedatosi, andò a lavorare presso un istituto bancario romano. Nel 1893 Vincenzo Filonardi, che si trovava a Roma per la costituzione della Compagnia per la Somalia Italiana, lo assunse e lo inviò a Zanzibar per dirigere in sua vece la direzione dell’ufficio della Compagnia e il R. Consolato italiano. In questa sede strinse amicizia con Ugo Ferrandi, Francesco Querini, Vittorio Bottego, Antonio Cecchi e tanti altri connazionali con i quali si prodigò con passione. In seguito si trasferì a Mogadiscio, Gheledi (fu il primo italiano a mettere piede in questa località somala lontana dalla costa dove i bianchi non erano di solito graditi) e Brava. Qui dovette fare un po’ di tutto: “dunque, ricapitolando: statista, architetto, ingegnere, idraulico, stratega. Mi pare che basti!”, come scrisse scherzosamente alla famiglia. Nell’ottobre 1896 prese la direzione della città portuale di Merka. Un mese dopo avvenne a Lafolé la strage della spedizione diretta da Antonio Cecchi, dal quale in quel periodo dipendeva. Cecchi e i suoi compagni della nave Volturno subirono un mortale agguato. A Merka non vi era mai stato prima del Trevis un altro residente italiano, quindi questi si trovò in un ambiente ostile in quanto prevenuto sia contro chi si sapeva essere un nemico dei possessori di schiavi sia per essere un europeo. Il 9 febbraio 1897, subito dopo essere sceso dalla R. N. Staffetta, fu aggredito da un somalo Bimal e pugnalato al fianco destro. La scorta uccise il suo assassino. Trevis si spense dopo tre giorni di agonia. Il fratello Renato divenne tenutario dei suoi documenti, che utilizzò nell’articolo Sulle orme della seconda spedizione Bottego “Da Brava a Lugh” pubblicato nel giugno 1931 nella prestigiosa Rivista delle Colonie Italiane e che fornì allo studioso Eugenio G. Del Monte per il dettagliato saggio biografico Un pioniere africano “Giacomo Trevis” apparso nel 1930 in due puntate nella stessa rivista.
..
....
''Obituary: Antonio Cecchi
The Geographical Journal, Vol. 9, No. 2. (Feb., 1897), p. 230.
Jstor
Antonio Cecchi.
The well-known Italian explorer, Antonio Cecchi, has, together with various
officers and men of the Italian gunboats Volturno and Stafletta, lately fallen a
victim to the treachery of the Somalis of the Benadir coast, of which he was
administrator. During a trip towards the Webi Shebeli, the party was suddenly
attacked by night, and, after expending most of its ammunition, was obliged to beat
a retreat, amidst renewed attacks by the Somalis. All the officers lost their lives,
and only three men succeeded in reaching Mogdishu. Cecchi was best known
for his journey to Abyssinia and the Galla countries between the years 1877 and
1882. The expedition, as at first constituted, was nominally under the command
of the Marquis Antinori, Cecchi being entrusted with the astronomical and meteorological
observations ; but of the five Europeans who took part in it, only Cecchi
and Dr. Chiarini proceeded beyond Shoa, the latter subsequently dying of fever,
while the former spent several years as a prisoner in the southern Galla countries
before returning to the coast. The results of this journey were published in two
octavo volumes at Rome in 1886, followed in 1887 by a third dealing with the
topographical surveys. Cecchi was afterwards for some years Italian consul at
Aden, and since 1890 had held a similar post at Zanzibar, where he was universally
respected and beloved.''
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The Italian expansion which culminated in their first expedition into the interior of Benadir was succesfully halted a mere 12 miles out of the city and lead to the death of the man who spearheaded Italian expansion into Somalia.
In the coming installment I'll show how the Somali groups in Benadir first viewed the slow Italian encroachment on the Benadir coast and how the Lafole event sparked the fire of resistance in Benadir and Southern Somalia.
Read:
- Italian Colonialism in Somalia by Robert L. Hess. 1966
- The Shaping of Somali Society, Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People, 1600-1900 by Lee V Cassanelli. 1982
-Somali Sultanate, The Geledi City-State over 150 years by Virginia Luling. 2002
-journals about history on Jstor.
For the Murder of Italians at Magadoxo, Africa.
Rome, Dec. 3.—In the chamber of Deputies today the Marquis Visconti Venosti, Minister of Foreign Affaires, confirmed the reports from Zanzibar of the murder of the Italian Consul, Signor Cecchi, the Captains, and a number of officers of the Italian warships Volturno and Staffeta, and the wounding of 100 or more other Italians by Somalis at Magadoxo. The men had fallen into an ambuscade and were attacked without warning.
The Government , the Minister said, would take energetic measures to punish the Somalis who were guilty of the outrage.
The Marquis said that the confirmatory reports showed that fourteen Italians had been killed, together with a number of the escorts of the Italians whose caravan was attacked during the night. Twenty-seven bodies were recovered by a rescue party when hurried to the scene from Magadoxo when the news of fighting reached there. The rescuers arrested a number of the Somalis who participated in the massacre and punished them appropriately. Many of the Somalis tribesmen were also killed by the Italians in the fight that followed the attack on the caravan.
The New York Times
Published: December 4, 1986
In October 1923, De Vecchi di Val Cismon became the first fascist Governor of Somalia marking a change in Italian strategy in the Horn of Africa. De Vecchi set out to exterminate all who opposed his government’s desire for total control over what fascist propaganda called ‘La Grande Somalia’. However, the Somalis were heavily armed and led by men who had been given advanced training during the preparation for the First World War. An estimated 16,000 rifles were in Somali hands. The Governor’s first task, therefore, was to order the confiscation of arms and ammunition from the Somalis, particularly from the clans in the inter-riverine region. In March 1924, Sheikh Hassan Barsane, a leader of the Shabelle valley movement known as the Barsane Revolt, convoked a Shir (meeting of elders) where the participants, inflamed with millenarian zeal, denounced the Governor’s order. On behalf of the Shir, Barsane wrote the following to the Governor:
In the name of Allah, most gracious, most merciful ... I have received your letter and understood its contents, but must advise that we cannot obey your orders and join with you in a covenant . . . Your government has its laws, and we have ours. We accept no law other than ours. Our law is the law of Allah and his Prophet . . . We are not like other people, none of us has ever enrolled in the Zaptie (colonial forces), never! ... and if you come to our land to fight against us, we will fight you with all possible means ... The world is very close to its end, only 58 years remain. We don’t want to stay in this world. It is better to die while defending our laws.
After some initial success, the Somali resistance crumbled when Barsane was captured by the Italians on 4 April.
:The Storm of the Resistance gathers strength
As became clear from the NY times report (see page 3) on the ‘Lafole Massacre’, the Italian minister of Foreign Affaires commented on the ‘Lafole Massacre’ that the Italian government would take ‘energetic measures’ to punish the Somalis who were 'guilty of the outrage'.
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Now let us discuss these ‘energetic measures’ the Italian government wanted to take, and see whether they could stem the coming tide of the monsoon storm of resistance headed towards the Benadir coast region. As mentioned in part 4, the Italian foreign minister immediately appointed Commander Giorgio Sorrentino as royal commissioner extraordinary for the Benadir. His mission was as Robert L. Hess writes in his book ‘Italian colonialism in Somalia’:
''Sorentino was instructed 'above all to provide for the security and tranquillity of the region’ After a complete investigation of the causes of the attack at Lafolé, he was to take whatever steps should appear indispensable for our dignity and for the security of the colony’’
This investigation would be completed within ten days which was around February 1897 (see part 4). The conclusion Sorrentino drew from the investigation was as follows: ''Within ten days he had determined that Lafolé was neither the precursor of a general urprising against the Italians nor an Ethiopian ambush but an isolated case of action by Wadan tribesmen and the tribes of Geledi; who had been spurred to the act by two Arabs from Mogadishu’’ (Robert L. Hess)
The conclusion Sorrentino drew was that the guilty ones were Wacdaan tribesmen and the tribes of Geledi, which meant that these tribesmen would be punished as the Italian foreign minister said in the NY Times report. Also Sorrentino believed that these tribesmen have been spurred to the act by two Arabs from Mogadishu. These Arabs were Abu Bakr Bin Awod, Filonardi’s interpreter and a certain Islam bin Muhammed.
The first thing, Sorrentino did was arresting Abu Bakr, while Islam bin Muhammed disappeared from the Benadir coast. The second thing, Sorrentino did was to plan a punitive expedition against the Somalis who were 'guilty of the outrage'. For this he had ordered two companies of Eritrean askaris. In the meantime, Sorrentino, researched the conditions prevailing in the Benadir, where he discovered the widespread practice of slavery and domestic servitude. But he could not do something about it, since obviously this meant distrubting the whole plantation economy of the South.
''Under the circumstances-the already difficult relations with the interior tribes- Neither Dulio nor Sorrentino could act immediately against slavery. Such action would have committed the Italians to a costly undertaking of doubtful outcome, a risk that Sorrentino had been ordered not to take.’’ (Robert L. Hess)
Sorrentino and Dulio, the Benadir Company's commissioner, had to content themselves with the expected punitive expedition against the tribes in the interior. Sorrentino was pleased at the prospect of this punitive expedition as he thought of the Somalis as: ‘liars, thieves, and murderers’ A clear grudge from the ‘Lafole massacre’
He wrote in his book Ricordi del Benadir: ‘We’ve got a nasty cat to skin!, May God protect us!’
In March the reinforcements of the two companies of Eritrean askaris finally arrived, and the Italians completed their plans for the punitive expedition against the Wacdaan and Geledi.
On April 20, almost 5 months after the Lafole attack, Sorrentino led his expedition inland and burned first Lafole and then several other villages associated with the Geledi and Murusade clan. The religious settlement of Nimow from where Sheekh Axmed Xaaji preached his religious message, was also bombarded by an Italian warship.
''The Italian bombardment of the small coastal village of Nimow in retaliation for Cecchi’s death marked the first such colonial action against a Somali civilian population.’’( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians were joyful about these ‘energetic measures’ against the Somalis who were found guilty. Surprisingly, the Italians thought that these measures would solve everything and concluded that the Sorrentino expedition was a success:
''With Abu Bakr arrested, the Ethiopians in voluntary retreat, Lafole avenged, and leaders of Somali opposition deported, Sorrentino had virtually accomplished his mission by the end of April’’ (Robert L. Hess)
The deported leaders were Hussein Dera of Mogadishu and other Somalis for collaboration with the Ethiopians and instigation of Somali attacks on trading caravans between Lugh and the Coastal towns. Although these punitive expeditions looked impressive, they had no lasting effect, as it further antagonized the Wacdaan and Geledi clans. Also, it became clear that the two Arabs had no influence whatsoever on the clans of the interior, and thus were not the source of opposition to the Italian presence.
''The impression made by the punitive expedition after Lafolé could hardly have been called lasting'' (Robert L. Hess)
This seems to be the case, since the Italians retreated to the coastal cities after the expedition.
''In the decade following the Lafoole incident, the Italians remained at the coast, their colonial policy marked by uncertainty and indecision. Their only major venture into the interior was the establishment of a garrison of Arab soldiers at Baardheere in 1902’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
Also, in the book 'Italian colonialism in Somalia' of Robert L Hess, it becomes clear that the punitive expedition to avenge the Lafole attack was not followed by other expeditions into the interior.
''We make no expeditions against tribes guilty (of hostilities) but arrest individuals of that tribe who happen to be in town; (this policy) has persuaded the Bimal and the Somali of Mogadishu that we are not strong''
It thus becomes clear that the Italians retreated to the Coast, and only were visible in the cities of Merca, Mogadishu, Barawe and Warsheekh.
In Somali Sultanate, Virginia Luling also talks about the consequences of Lafole attack, in which she writes: ''On the Italian side, though the repercussions of the disaster delayed by three years the formation of the Benadir Company, in the long run it reinforced the conviction that it was necessary to take military control of the hinterland.’’
What made the punitive expedition not effective on the long run? Why did the Italians retreat to the Coast?
To answer these questions we need to know how the different Somali groups in Benadir responded to the Lafole attack.
''It is clear from colonial reports and from Somali oral recollections that Lafoole precipated a response from all the districts of the hinterland'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
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-To start with the Geledi Sultanate,
The Sultan of Geledi, Sultan Osman, as already discussed in the previous parts, wanted to accomodate the Italian presence on the Benadir coast. Cecchi apparently went to conclude a treaty with the Sultan, in order to penetrate the interior of the Benadir region. The Lafole episode came suddenly, and the Italians mounted their revenge expedition. As a consequence, Sultan Osman quickly succumbed to the Italian pressure and signed a treaty of peace with the Italians.
''The encounter with the Italians subdued the sultan of Geledi, who quickly signed a treaty of peace and pledged obedience to the Italian government'' (Robert L. Hess).
This however did not mean that the Geledi people supported the Italian penetration of the Benadir coast, or accepted the Sultan's treaty with the Italians.
The young people of Geledi were fiercely opposed to the Italians and also played a role in the Lafoole attack.
''Acting-Governor Dulio felt that the young men of Geledi were fiercely opposed to the Italian presence, whereas their elders wanted some sort of accommodation'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
Besides the young men, the uncle of Sultan Osman, and others felt that if the sultan wavered in his resistance, Gobroon authority would be weakened for good. This was true, since many from Adawiin lineage, whose religious prestige among the Geledi was second only to the Gobroon, preached a policy of non-accommodation.
The reasons why the Sultan of Geledi succumbed to the Italians were varied. One of them was that Sultan Osman himself considered the possibility of shoring up his waning power through an alliance with the Italians.
The only articulated fierce opposition to the Italians from the Geledi was from the leader of a jamaaca (religious settlement) of the Ahmediya. This leader was Shaykh Abiker Ali Jelle, a member of the sultan’s own Gobroon lineage.
''When Abiker began to preach outright opposition to the colonials sitting threateningly on the coast, he was forced by the Geledi elders to leave the district’’( Lee V. Cassanelli).
This shows on which side the elders stood, and how they along with the Sultan were hesitant to join the resistance and thought accommodation was the best option for the group’s interest. We will see in later installments whether this actually was the case.
-The Wacdaan response:
As already discussed in the previous parts, the Wacdaan were from the beginning fiercely opposed to the Italian penetration of the Benadir. This fierce opposition culminated in the attack of Lafole, in which mainly Wacdaan warriors along with a few Murusade and Geledi warriors, attacked the Cecchi expedition and killed all but three men.
The Italians directed their anger and revenge on mainly this group, by burning Lafole to the ground and bombarding the coastal village of Nimow from the sea. The Sorrentino expedition, with the Italian troops already based in Benadir port-cities and the reinforcements of the two Eritrean Askari companies, was also mainly directed at punishing the Wacdaan and their allies.
These punitive measures however did not subdue the Wacdaan. Instead the Wacdaan remained harassing Italian presence on the Benadir coast by attacking caravans to the Benadir port-cities, organising blockades of the caravan routes that went through their territory to Mogadishu.
''Now the Wacdaan were beginning to blockade the caravan routes that ran through their territory to the coast'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians sought to divide the Wacdaan and persuade sections of the group to submit peacefully. As said earlier the most numerous and militarily strongest section of Wacdaan, the Abubakar (Abukar?) Moldheere were lead by the famous Hassan Hussein, the fierce anti-‘infidel’ leader who along with Sheekh Axmed Xaaji articulated the opposition to the Italian penetration of the Benadir coast. This section of Wacdaan could not be persuaded, and continued to fight the Italians to the bitter end. The other section, the Mahad Moldheere, began slowly to depart from the rest of Wacdaan. They too participated in the Lafole attack, but started to move to the side of the Geledi. This was not suprising since they inhabited the territory contiguous to Afgooye and the fertile lands around Adadleh.
''Their interests coincided more with those of the agricultural Geledi. However, their smaller numbers gave them less influence in Wacdaan clan councils, which came to assume greater importance for policymakers as the Wacdaan began to act independently of the Geledi. While the Mahad Moldheere apparently cooperated in the Lafoole siege, their leader Abiker Ahmed Hassan subsequently struck an independent diplomatic stance.’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
When in 1899 the Italians demanded forty hostages to be surrendered to the authorities in Muqdisho as a sign of Wacdaan submission, only the Mahad Moldheere responded. Their leader Abiker became a stipended official, which enhanced his standing among those of pacific persuasion.
The Abubakar Moldheere refused to send the twenty representatives demanded of them and for some years remained openly defiant of Italian authority.
''They continued to attack caravans and occasionally to boycott the market of Muqdisho. There is some evidence to suggest that feuding within the Wacdaan increased after this rift between the two major lineages’( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Biyamaal response:
The Biyamaal were one of the first group to express their support for the Wacdaan in the lafole attack. They boycotted the markets of Merca, and the northern Biyamaal even collaborated with Hassan Husein of the Wacdaan. This collaboration led to the Biyamaal becoming also a target of punitive expeditions.
''After the Lafoole episode, several Biimaal sections boycotted the market of Marka to express their support for the Wacdaan action. The northern Biimaal collaborated with Hassan Hussein of Lafoole in cutting off land communications between Muqdisho and Marka.'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians also targeted the Biyamaal for their support to the Wacdaan. In this they seized Jeziira, 13 miles south of Mogadishu.
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These were the immediate responses of the Italian colonialists and the different Somali groups to the Lafole episode.
These actions and reactions would accelerate in the coming years, as the Italians were determined to colonize Benadir coast as the springboard for the eventual colonization of the rest of Southern Somalia. In this, the Italians would target the two most fiercest resistance groups in the Benadir: the Wacdaan and Biyamaal, who were already allied in their economic sanctions and operations to distrubt the lines of supplies and communication of the Italians in Mogadishu. As will become clear in the next installments the Italians would target the very foundation of the Wacdaan and Biyamaal power: their means of production and thus means of power-->the plantation economy of the Benadir coast.
In the next installment the plantation economy of the Benadir coast and Southern Somalia will be discussed and the Italian strategy to undermine this by their anti-slavery campaign.
This strategy of directly targeting the foundations of the Benadir agricultural society and thus the power of the two most fiercest resistance groups against Italian pentration of the Benadir coast would trigger the monsoon Storm of Resistance that struck the Benadir coast region.
''Southern Somali history is Ajuuraan and Silcis, then Geledi. Geledi are king of kings, every clan in the south knows.''
Here you discharge the centuries old alliance between Geledi and Wacdan by claiming all credit. Weren't Wacdan with you when the Silcis were defeated, the Wacdaan themselves claim to be the ones that defeated them while the Geledi also do the same.
Also, weren't Biyamaal powerful enough to never have submitted to the dominance of Geledi, and even killed Sultan Yusuf and his son at the zenith of Geledi power?
Anyways, never become like the one who is sweettalking to you, never monopolize history and run away with all the fame. If your people behaved in this way, there would not be an alliance that lasted centuries.
''The first thing, Sorrentino did was arresting Abu Bakr, while Islam bin Muhammed disappeared from the Benadir coast''
After that I discuss the socalled punitive actions the Italians took in which they thought they could destroy the Resistance since the ''Osama Binladen and Al-Zahawari'' were taken care of along with the burning of several villages and coastal towns.
''In March the reinforcements of the two companies of Eritrean askaris finally arrived, and the Italians completed their plans for the punitive expedition against the Wacdaan and Geledi.
On April 20, almost 5 months after the Lafole attack, Sorrentino led his expedition inland and burned first Lafole and then several other villages associated with the Geledi and Murusade clan. The religious settlement of Nimow from where Sheekh Axmed Xaaji preached his religious message, was also bombarded by an Italian warship.''
These actions along with the dealing of the two arab men would have stopped the Resistance if it was that simple as SB and co believe, but this is far from the truth. The Resistance was just sparked off, with the powerful Biyamaal been drawn in the Resistance alongside Wacdaan and allies.
As both Robert L Hess and Lee V. Cassanelli acknowledge, the ''punitive actions'' had nearly any effect on the morale of the Resistance, it only reinforced the groups involved and drew the powerful Biyamaal ever closer to the side of the Resistance.
''The impression made by the punitive expedition after Lafole could hardly have been called lasting'' (Robert L. Hess)
''In the decade following the Lafoole incident, the Italians remained at the coast, their colonial policy marked by uncertainty and indecision. Their only major venture into the interior was the establishment of a garrisson of Arab soldiers at Baardheere in 1902'' (Lee V. Cassanelli )
In another passage, Robert L. Hess writes about the Italian commanders remark:
''We make no expeditions against tribes guilty (of hostilities) but arrest individuals of that tribe who happen to be in town; (this policy) has persuaded the Bimal and the Somali of Mogadishu that we are not strong''
It thus becomes clear that the Italians retreated to the Coast, and only were visible in cities/towns like Mogadishu, Merca, Warsheekh and Baraawe.
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For more detailed picture just read Ch5 on page 5 and see who is distorting historical events by photo-copying some pieces as indha-sircaad without looking at the matter seriously and turning a couple of pages around to get a fuller picture. At least I discuss the Lafole event comprehensively.
PS:
One last comment,
On page 215 of the book written by Lee V. Cassanelli, we can see what the reasons were behind the Wacdaan decision to resist. SB and co have presented a silly argument that two arab men ''outsmarted'' the Wacdaan into fighting the Italians, this argument has already been shown to be silly and a blatant lie and distortion of events.
Lets see what Lee V. Cassanelli writes on page 215:
''Two factors bearing heavily on Wacdaan attidutes toward the colonial presence were the internal struggle for leadership, and the economic dislocation brought about by the abolition of the slavery and by the famine years of 1889-95''
It continues, on the same page:
''The dry years of the 1890s only exacerbated the economic situation: it was reported in 1898 that one-half of the Wacdaan population had been forced to abandon its home territory for pastures further inland. Apart from weakening their bonds with the Geledi, these developments, we can surmise, made the Wacdaan extremely fearful of any further threat to their land and well-being. They were, moreover, the first Somalis whose territory was actually invaded by colonial soldiers at the time of Cecchi expedition''
From the above pieces it becomes clear that Wacdaan had various reasons to resist, like their traditional fierce anti-infidel attidute, the hard economic situation around 1890s, combined with the famine years of 1889-95, the abolition of the slavery (the destruction of their means of production) etc etc. So to reduce all these factors into: ''two arab men tricked them and outsmarted them to fight the Italians'' is really chidlesh thinking. And I am not even surprised as the one who makes this argument. What actually surprises me is why I even take the time to respond. But its my duty to educate my fellow Somali people who are still reasoning like kids.
Last edited by Somaliweyn on Fri Mar 21, 2008 2:33 pm, edited
Like for example that the Sultan of Geledi started to accomodate the Italians and started to establish friendly relationshops with the Italian governors of Mogadishu.
Also, I discuss how this combined with the fierce anti-infidel mentality of Wacdaan lead to the alliance been cooled of.
Lee V. Cassanelli writes (for the owners of the book see page 209)
''In fact, the sultan was in a difficult position. Within his own Gobroon lineage, advisers were urging him to stand against the Italians and so restore his prestige among nearby clans who were fearful of the foreigners. Geledi's long-time allies the Wacdaan had apparently acted independently at Lafoole; and they had been assisted by a handful of warriors from the Murursade, also Geledi allies. Now the Wacdaan were beginning to blockade the caravan routes that ran through their territory to the coast. Osman's uncle and others felt that if the sultan wavered in his resistance, Gobroon authority would be weakened for good''
If we analyze this issue further (unlike the indha-sircaad of one page) and go to page 215, about Wacdaan we can see clearly that the alliance cooled off since the Wacdaan (the largest sections) were determined to resist, while the only section that followed Geledi were the Mahad Moldheere (smaller section) who shared more with Geledi since they were farmers etc.
''Apart from weakening their bonds with the Geledi, these developments, we can surmise, made the Wacdaan extremely fearful of any further threat to their land and well-being.'' Page 215, book of Lee V. Cassanelli.
So there goes silly argument nr1.
If we go further to argument nr2, we can see evidence that only reinforces what has been told in this topic.
For example, if we again go to page 5, chapter 5 we can see that the Italians sought to divide the Wacdaan and persuade sections of the group to submit peacefully. This is nothing new in Colonial warfare and strategy (divide and conquer strategy). They succeeded in luring one section which was called Mahad Moldheere. The most numerous and militarily strongest section of Wacdaan, the Abubakar Moldheere stood their ground and continued to resist. See page 5, chapter 5, the Response of Wacdaan.
Also, the reason why Mahad Moldheere was bribed was because they inhabited the territory contiguous to Afgooye and the fertile lands around Adadleh. They shared more with the Geledi (farmers) then with the fierce pastoralists of Benadir like Biyamaal and Wacdaan (Abubakar Moldheere).
''Their interests coincided more with those of the agricultural Geledi. However, their smaller numbers gave them less influence in Wacdaan clan councils, which came to assume greater importance for policymakers as the Wacdaan began to act independently of the Geledi. While the Mahad Moldheere apparently cooperated in the Lafoole siege, their leader Abiker Ahmed Hassan subsequently struck an independent diplomatic stance'' (Lee V. Cassanelli,page 216)
This quotation kills two birds with one stone.
ON the one hand it SHOWS that Wacdaan and Geledi alliance cooled off, and that the Wacdaan acted independently since they wanted to resist while the Sultan of Geledi wanted to accomodate and collaborate with the Italians.
ON the other hand it SHOWS that the Italians divided the Wacdaan, and that they could only bribe one calool-u-shaqeyste (opportunist) called Abiker Ahmed Hassan, and that they could convince Mahad Moldheere (minority section of Wacdan) using this opportunist that they should not resist. In this they succeed since the Mahad Moldheere shared more with the Geledi and saw the Geledi not resisting, hence they diverged from their Wacdaan brothers that went ahead in the Resistance.
After the Italians fully colonized Somalia and crushed all resistance coming from various Somali groups, the collaboreters (traitors) were treated good, while the brave ones who resisted were reduced in numbers and power. Hence why the minority section Mahad Moldheere in the 1960s (after a half century of Italian preferential treatment since they collaborated with the Italians) became powerfull and rose in status.
''In the early 1960s, a man of the Mahad Moldheere was recognized as titular head of all the Wacdaan'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli, page 217)
Doesn't this support all the other evidences presented so far in this topic? Isn't there so far consistency in the discussion of Axad Shiiki?
Now, who is distorting historical events by indha-sircaad (photo-copying) and by his biased (even envious and hateful) attidute?
LA COLONIA SOMALA
Dubat-i Bersaglieri neri
SOMALIA: UN PAESE INVENTATO.
Poche settimane dopo l'occupazione di Massaua, il Regio Avviso "Barbarigo" (nave) ebbe l'ordine di recarsi a Zanzibàr (isola), di visitare le coste di terraferma dipendenti dall'omonimo sultanato (protettorato inglese) e di esplorare le foci del Giuba (fiume). La missione: avviare col sultano negoziati per un trattato commerciale. L'incarico fu affidato al Cap. Antonio Cecchi e al comandante della nave. Nel maggio del 1885 veniva concluso il primo accordo commerciale col sultano. Ulteriori accordi portarono poi all'affitto del Benadir (la fascia di costa meridionale con le città di Mogadiscio e Brava) tramite le imprese private di Filonardi e la Società del Benadir creata appositamente. Ricordiamo che l'Italia aveva aiutato gli Inglesi in Sudan nella guerra contro il Mahdi ed era quindi in credito di favori. Le lotte intestine, gli sconfinamenti di bande dall'interno abissino spingono nel 1889 i sultani di Obbia, (Yusuf Ali) e Migiurtina (Osman Mahamud), due regioni confinanti a nord-est, a chiedere il nostro protettorato. Per conformazione geografica e climatica la Somalia vive dalla costa verso l'interno sui corsi d'acqua torrentizi e stagionali, ma non lungo il litorale collegato da porto a porto via mare. Nei successivi due anni sono colonizzate altre città minori della costa. Filonardi nominato console fonda nel villaggio El Ataleh la nuova colonia Itala.
12 Agosto 1892: preceduta dal protocollo anglo-italiano per determinare la sfera d'influenza delle due potenze nel Corno d'Africa viene firmata la convenzione italo-zanzibarese con la quale si stabilisce l'affitto all'Italia di Uarscéc, Mogadìscio, Mérca, Bràva e territori circostanti per 25 anni. Scaduti i 25 anni l'Italia poteva rinnovare la convenzione per altri 25. Il canone annuo da corrispondere al sultano (Zanzibar) era di 160.000 rupie, ridotte poi a 120.000. L'affitto delle quattro stazioni costiere passò in subconcessione alla Società Filonardi. Dai punti della costa, come era già successo in Eritrea, seguendo i letti dei fiumi, partono le spedizioni scientifiche e geografiche per conoscere le potenzialità dell'interno (su queste coste era tuttora fiorente il commercio "illegale" degli schiavi neri da parte degli arabi).
11 Ottobre 1893: cade a Mérca, ucciso dai Bimàl, il ten. Maurizio Talmone.
26 Novembre 1896: il cap. Cecchi, divenuto console e impegnato per conto della Soc. Benàdir in una pacifica penetrazione a scopo di amicizia col sultano di Ghelédi, è massacrato nella boscaglia di Lafolé a soli 20 Km da Mogadiscio. Persero la vita, insieme a comandanti, ufficiali e alcuni marinai delle navi "Staffetta" e "Volturno", anche alcuni europei. A Lugh, Ugo Ferrandi è costretto a resistere da solo agli attacchi dei razziatori abissini, imbaldanziti dalle sconfitte italiane in Eritrea. La località si chiamerà poi Lugh Ferrandi. Il triangolo compreso fra il Somaliland britannico e la Somalia colonizzata si chiama Ogaden. Qui sorgeranno i primi problemi con i Ras Abissini, che sfoceranno in guerra aperta nel '36 e successivamente nella prima guerra africana fra la Somalia e L'Etiopia.
17 Marzo 1897: nello Scioà è decimata da un attacco etiope la carovana dell'esploratore Vittorio Bòttego che vi trova la morte.
Marzo 1902: la Soc. del Benàdir presenta al Parlamento un programma d'azione vasto e coordinato che porta poi all'occupazione di Bardéra e Lugh, l'istituzione di un servizio di trasporti di terra e di mare e un trattato col sultano di Ghelédi. Le forze militari italiane in quel paese sono veramente esigue e costituite solo da locali o yemeniti mercenari costituiti in bande comandate da Italiani e da eritrei. Due anni dopo, la crisi commerciale della Società del Benadir e la politica restrittiva italiana che prendeva provvedimenti contro la schiavitù delle tribù arabe della costa, portò al primo scontro con la fazione dei Bimal nella zona di Merca. Nostre accuse di schiavismo ritenute infondate e timori di invasione del Mùllah portano alla risoluzione della convenzione con la Soc. del Benàdir. Di fatto, però l'Italia si era sostituita alla Società già da alcuni mesi. Nei successivi quattro anni si conteranno altre due guerre contro questa Tribù.
13 Gennaio 1905: accordo tra Italia e Inghilterra (che rappresentava "tout court !!!" il sultano di Zanzibàr). L'Italia riscatta i quattro scali somali in cambio di un compenso forfettario di 144.000 sterline destinate al governo di Zanzibàr. Con un altro accordo, l'Inghilterra affitta all'Italia un appezzamento di terreno nella baia di Chisimàio. Il terreno è destinato alla costruzione di uno sbarcatoio e di magazzini merci. Nello stesso anno è proclamata la colonia italiana della Somalia (a nordest e sud).
26 Agosto 1905: vittoria italiana a Gilìb contro i ribelli Bimàl, contrari ad abolizione e repressione della schiavitù.
06 Febbraio 1907: sulla costa fra Mérca e Mogadìscio è previsto un concentramento di ribelli Bimàl; per impedirla, 2 colonne (600 ascari comandati dal Ten. Streva e 4 ufficiali) muovono dalle città e disperdono i ribelli ritirandosi poi a Danàne.
Settembre 1907: Menelik invia dall'Etiopia una spedizione per estorcere tributi. Dopo essere stata respinta una prima volta dagli uomini del Mullah, riesce a raggiungere i pozzi di Berdalè presso Lugh dando inizio ad una serie di razzie. I capitani Bongiovanni e Molinari con 300 uomini decidono di intervenire per ottenere pacificamente la restituzione del bottino. Raggiunta Bahallè sono costretti allo scontro dagli abissini e vi trovano la morte. Gli eccessi compiuti nelle razzie verranno puniti dallo stesso Menelik. In seguito a questi fatti si conclude ad Addis Abeba un trattato per la delimitazione dei confini tra Etiopia e Somalia italiana. In pratica però i confini furono fissati solo da Dòlo (a sud) a Lét. Il problema dei confini, che comprendeva anche l'Ogaden, sarà una palla al piede della diplomazia italiana e causa di guerra per noi e dopo di noi.
15 Dicembre 1907-02 Marzo 1908: il cap. Vitali alla testa di 500 ascari batte a Dongàb i ribelli Bimàl, tornati all'azione contro l'estendersi della occupazione italiana. L'azione è sostenuta dalla Regia Nave "Staffetta", con la cooperazione della R.N. "Volta, che dal mare disperdono a cannonate i ribelli presso Danàne.
11-12 Luglio 1908: la spedizione guidata dal magg. Antonino Di Giorgio libera Mérca, minacciata dai ribelli. Scontro a Merére tra i ribelli e gli uomini di Di Giorgio che sono costretti ad incendiare il villaggio ed in seguito ad occupare Afgòi. Il sultano di Ghelédi con 5000 armati si sottomette all'Italia.
01 Agosto 1912: gli italiani occupano Uànle Uén mentre gli inglesi combattono ferocemente contro gli uomini del Mullah che stanno dilagando nel Somaliland. Questi era un ribelle, che passerà alla storia col nome di Mad Mullah “Mullah Matto” noto ai somali come Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan. Tenne impegnate per oltre un trentennio (1889/1920) soprattutto le forze britanniche del Somaliland, ma diede molti fastidi militari, fino alla sua morte, anche alla colonia italiana. Gli strascichi della guerra Italo-Turca coinvolgono anche piccoli scontri a Balad (gennaio 1912) e Scidle (marzo 1912)
19 Giugno 1913: truppe italiane a Bur Acaba e ad Iscia Baidòa.
Febbraio 1920: la grand'offensiva inglese contro il Mullah termina con la fuga di quest'ultimo nel nostro territorio del Nogàl. Egli morirà presso Imi nell'alto Uébi nel 1921. In Italia intanto è costituita a Milano la Società Agricola Italo-Somala su iniziativa di S.A.R. il Duca degli Abruzzi.
15 Luglio 1924 Convenzione di Londra: l'Inghilterra cede il Jubaland all'Italia come compenso post-bellico (per non aver partecipato alla spartizione delle colonie tedesche ?). Nel luglio dell'anno successivo iniziano le operazioni per l'occupazione dello Jubaland sotto il Commissariato Generale dell'Oltregiuba. La Somalia non diventerà mai una colonia di popolamento, anzi la capitale Mogadiscio non arriverà certo alle dimensioni "italiane" di Asmara, arrivando a contare, al massimo dell'immigrazione italiana, non più di 10.000 italiani.
La regione OGADEN nella saga della Somalia. Pagina rielaborata dal sito http://www.italosomali.org/Ogaden.htm.
La provincia era parte integrante del territorio somalo, prima che fosse ceduta al re etiope Menelik II, che nel 1887 andò a Berlino a mendicare presso le grandi potenze uno sbocco verso il mare. I tre firmatari Italia, Gran Bretagna e Francia durante gli anni 1884-1886 cedettero l'Ogaden a titolo di gratificazione all’Etiopia per non aver ostacolato la ricerca delle concessioni territoriali nel corno d'Africa. L’impero Ottomano attraverso il Khedive d’Egitto (e per questo sotto l'ala degli Inglesi), esercitava una sorta di potere coloniale sul territorio, tra cui i tre sultanati di Obbia, Migiurtinia e Zanzibar. Nel 1882, lo Stato italiano decise di rilevare alcune aree per iniziare la sua conquista coloniale, cominciando dall’Eritrea (che sarà colonia l'1/1/1890). Giuseppe Candeo (è a lui che si deve la conoscenza dell'Ogaden e la compilazione della grande carta della stessa regione) fece un viaggio di esplorazione nel 1891 con Baudi di Vesme nella Somalia centrale. Giunti ad Harar, il 22 maggio, furono imprigionati per ordine di Ras Makonnen poi espulsi. L'Italia, dopo la pace dell'ottobre del 1896 stipulò, il 10 luglio del 1900, il trattato relativo alla frontiera. Con questo si cancellava per sempre il Trattato di Uccialli (protettorato italiano sull'Etiopia). Più tardi, vennero due convenzioni: una il 15 maggio del 1902, per la delimitazione del confine tra l'Eritrea, il Sudan e l'Etiopia verso il Setit e, l'altra il 16 maggio del 1908 per il confine tra l'Abissinia e la Somalia italiana e tra l'Abissinia e l'Eritrea verso la Dancalia. Un ribelle, che passerà alla storia col nome di Mad Mullah “Mullah il Matto” (noto ai somali come Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan), tenne impegnate per oltre un trentennio (1889/1920) le forze britanniche del Somaliland, dando, fino alla sua morte, molti fastidi militari anche alla colonia italiana.
1 Giugno 1936: con la costituzione dell'impero, l'Ogaden ex-etiope, è inserito nuovamente nel territorio somalo. Scoppiata la seconda guerra mondiale, la Somalia fu occupata dalle truppe britanniche che, passato il confine dell’Oltregiuba dal Kenya, il 27 febbraio 1941 entravano a Mogadiscio, assumendone l’amministrazione e costituendo il territorio separato dell’Ogaden. L'Ogaden veniva così reso definitivamente all’Etiopia. Nel sud gli inglesi facevano analogo regalo al Kenya della regione somala NFD (North Front District). L’occupazione inglese del Somaliland durò fino al 31 marzo 1950, quando questo divenne indipendente. La Somalia, ad amministrazione italiana, divenne a sua volta indipendente il 1 luglio 1960. A questo punto ci fu l’unione delle due ex colonie. L’Ogaden nell’ambito della storia somala è la regione dove si sono combattute battaglie epiche. Correvano i lontani anni 1541/1543 quando le truppe imperiali etiopi furono salvate da un tracollo militare contro i somali da 400 cattolici portoghesi che aiutarono il negus, cristiano-copto, usando per la prima volta in Africa Orientale i fucili. I rapporti tra i due imperi (Portoghese ed Etiope) erano cominciati nel 1502 e dureranno fino al 1769. Nel 1520 c’era già una Ambasciata portoghese in Etiopia. Ma torniamo agli anni 60, con l’indipendenza della Somalia, che non ha mai cessato di rivendicare la regione dell’Ogaden come entità geografica e politica somala. Con l'allora Capo di Stato Maggiore somalo Daud Mohamed Hersi, ci fu una breve scaramuccia di confine, che gli americani nel periodo protettori di Haile Selassie, circoscrissero immediatamente prima che sfociasse in guerra. Oggi si ricorda invece Giggiga come una delle più ardite operazioni aeromobili condotte dai sovietici in appoggio agli etiopi. Chi ricorda ancora che nell'Ogaden fu combattuta (1977) una delle più sanguinose guerre convenzionali della storia?. Quando la Somalia sotto la guida del dittatore Siad Barre tentò di strappare l'arida regione all'Etiopia, i sovietici comandati dal Generale dell'esercito Vasily Petrov e il Tenente Generale dell'Aviazione G. Dolnikov congiuntamente ai cubani guidati dal Generale di Divisione Arnaldo Ochoa (fucilato poi da Castro per traffico di droga), stabilirono uno stato maggiore congiunto di cui Menghistu fu il leader politico. La forza armata era formata da 5 Generali etiopi, 8 cubani, 5 sovietici 2 yemeniti (lo Yemen inviò 2000 soldati), 50.000 soldati etiopici aiutati da 18.000 cubani, piloti israeliani sugli F5, piloti cubani e yemeniti sui Mig. Ricorrendo ad un imponente ponte aereo in aggiunta alle informazioni militari dei cubani e dei sovietici che avevano armato fino a quel momento il regime di Mohamed Siad Barre, nel giro di un anno ricacciarono i Somali dalle posizioni conquistate, sconfiggendoli nelle battaglie di Diredaua e Giggiga. Restò famosa l'operazione con cui I russi scavalcarono la linea somala trasbordando su una imponente massa di elicotteri un'intera divisione motorizzata. Questa in sintesi la storia dell’Ogaden, terra somala, abitata dagli Ogaden, etnia somala dei Darod. La Somalia attuale conta circa 6.450.000 abitanti su un territorio di 637.650 kmq densità 10 abitanti per kmq. Chi spadroneggia sono ancora i vecchi clan, o signori della guerra come è sempre stato.
DUBAT - I Bersaglieri Neri
Il Governatore De Vecchi diede vita nel 1924 ad una specialità denominata "Bande Armate di Confine" meglio conosciuta con il nome di "Dubat" (Dub=turbanti AT=bianchi). I Dubat erano una truppa intermedia fra regolari e irregolari. La loro principale caratteristica consisteva nell'estrema leggerezza di armamento e di equipaggiamento che permetteva spostamenti rapidissimi. I «dubat» sono snelli e scattanti, dal passo lungo, nerissimi di pelle ma bianchissimi nei turbanti e nell'abbigliamento molto leggero per potersi muovere con agilità a guardia delle frontiere. Sono scelti fra gli uomini più dotati fisicamente e intellettualmente. Vigili e fedeli furono impareggiabili cavalcatori del Generale Graziani, divisi in bande comandate da ufficiali italiani, cui venne affidato il compito di vigilare sul confine. Sempre pronti a reagire contro le incursioni dei razziatori abissini entro i nostri confini, si spostavano attraverso la pianura allagata per raggiungere gli obbiettivi (Ogaden conteso), con zattere abilmente improvvisate, oppure a nuoto, sfidando il pericolo dei coccodrilli. Gli africani, e soltanto loro, possono confrontarsi con i coccodrilli a nuoto. Il più famoso fu Ali Ualie, che comandava il posto di frontiera di Ual-Ual al momento del proditorio attacco del capo predone Omar Sammantar. Questi in precedenza aveva assassinato a pugnalate un nostro ufficiale e con i suoi uomini massacrato i difensori di un nostro presidio. Con la ritirata degli aggressori (sostenuti dal maggiore inglese Chifford del «Camel's Corp» della vicina Somalia britannica) si accese il conflitto italo-etiopico del 1935. Se gli Ascari, come diceva Montanelli, spesso tagliavano la corda col bottino, i Dubat erano gente orgogliosa che andava trattata con gentilezza. Gli dicevi di dare una occhiata alla boscaglia e quelli sparivano. Sparivano per poi ritornare e sapevi vita morte e miracoli in un raggio di 5 km. Il loro addestramento era affidato a graduati indigeni provenienti dai battaglioni coloniali. La gerarchia comprendeva 4 gradi: gregario, sotto capo, capobanda e comandante.
A curiosity: During "Ibis" mission in 1993, a former Somali Dubat sergeant, something like 80 years old, presented himself to the italian parachutists (Folgore) at the embassy in Mogadiscio, speaking perfect italian, holding his M91 musket... he leaved and was treated as an "irregular" for all the period of the mission. Certo la sorpresa fu tanta quando, nei primi giorni del 1993 nel corso dell'operazione RESTORE HOPE (Ibis per noi) lanciata dall'Onu per riportare il Paese fuori dalla guerra intestina, i comandanti si videro comparire davanti un Dubat, di una certa età, che disse " Sono Scirè*, sono stato in servizio (nei "servizi") delle Vostre unità coloniali e voglio riprendere il mio posto" !!!!. A chi pensava fosse uno scherzo non occorse molto per accorgersi che era tutto vero. Fra le mani dello scalzo Scirè era comparso anche un fucile 91 perfettamente funzionante. Senza autorizzazioni particolari si schierò col picchetto e piantò la capanna nel cortile della caserma. Una divisa dovettero anche procurargliela e non c'era persona più ligia e impeccabile nell'eseguire ordini. Un certo imbarazzo sorgeva solo quando all'alzabandiera salutava con la formula "Viva il Re, Viva il Duce, Viva l'Italia". Che in Italia fosse cambiato qualcosa non era cosa che lo riguardava, per lui poi quelli venuti dopo non erano tanto migliori di quelli di prima. *nota: Scirè è una regione dell’Etiopia tra i fiumi Tacazzè e Mareb, teatro degli scontri del 1936 per la conquista dell’Etiopia.
VIE E FERROVIE SOMALI
Le possibilità di sviluppo agricolo in Somalia si evidenziano ben presto ottime. Dopo le opportune bonifiche si possono impiantare, il banano (ancor oggi monopolio Usa), il cotone, l'arachide, il sesamo, il mais etc... Il Duca degli Abruzzi, Luigi di Savoia ottiene una concessione di 25.000 ettari che irriga con una grande diga costruita sullo Uebi Scebeli che col Giuba è il più grande e lungo dei fiumi del Sud (l'Oltregiuba come regione viene ceduta dagli inglesi nel 1924). Ulteriori piccole rettifiche di territorio acquisito si avranno fino al 1929. Durante la stagione delle piogge entrambi i fiumi sono navigabili per lunghi tratti. Per la movimentazione dei raccolti al nuovo porto di Mogadiscio viene costruita una piccola ferrovia, che si sviluppa poi per altri rami fino a raggiungere una lunghezza massima di 114 km. Diverso il discorso per le strade che vennero ritracciate e rinnovate togliendole dai pantani stagionali. La costruzione non può non tenere conto delle nuove aree produttive e commerciali sorte, oltre al Villaggio Duca degli Abruzzi già citato, e delle esigenze difensive sia a Nord che a Sud. Viene quindi tracciata una strada carrozzabile di 1484 km che da Mogadiscio per l'interno arriva a Bender Cassim nel Golfo di Aden (1929). Il problema principale è la massicciata che abbisogna di materiale di cava che non esiste nel piano. Con le diramazioni verso la costa e la prosecuzione verso il Kenya il totale delle rete stradale arriva a oltre 10.000 Km.
Così il giornalista Queirolo racconta il suo viaggio a Bender Cassim (Bosaso) sulla strada in via di ultime rifiniture (novembre 1929)"....da Ghersale le nostre auto scendono dal treno e si lanciano su Bulo Burti e Belet Uen.. A Belet Uen è un fervore di opere, sono appena trascorsi 13 mesi da quando l'arteria era stata concepita. Lungo la bella via costruita dalle Bande incontriamo di quando in quando i bianchi turbanti dei Dubat, rigidi nel presentat'arm. Ferfer è banda, in tutta la sua eccezione di provvisorietà, ... villaggio dei Dubat ammogliati, in regolari file di capanne e il campo cintato con la sede del comando di settore. Sono già 400 i km fatti e ci aspettano altri 386 km fino a Rocca Littorio fra incredibili termitai.. un poco ci illudiamo di correre sulla Appia Antica. Qualche posto di guardia, un ridottino di sassi e di solito un maestoso albero sul quale in alto si staglia la figura statuaria del Dubat. Le bianche tute, i bianchi turbanti, i torsi nudi scultorei attraversati dalla cartucciera e alla mano il fucile che non si lascia mai. Si lavora e si fa tutto con la mano libera dal fucile. A Garroe il governatore passa in rivista i Dubat che a sera ci allietano di una fantasia tribale... .. saliamo ai 900 metri di Gardò, e il nostro sguardo spazia su gazzelle, struzzi, licaoni, scimmie ma anche volatili e serpenti. La notte fredda ci ha ritemprato e l'alba tinge l'oriente per l'estrema tappa. ... di quando in quando vediamo alberelli di incenso che non si capisce da dove traggano la linfa aggrappati come sono alla nera roccia.......".
Lungo queste strade parte anche il servizio di autocorriera. (Mogadiscio -Bosaso bi e trimensile, Mogadiscio-Lugh km 425 bimensile etc). Bisogna considerare che per quei tragitti non occorrevano meno di 5/6 giorni di viaggio -quasi 1.500 km-, il tempo di ritornare per la nuova corsa. Anche in colonia si sperimentano i carboni alternativi che sono poi quelli di legna, per rendere nel tempo autonoma l'autotrazione. Si bruciano acacie di vario tipo, molto diffuse su arenili e dune, con rendimenti fino al 20% del peso iniziale. Un'altra risorsa somala del corno d'africa sono le saline il cui sale viene inviato al Porto di Hafun (Dante) con una teleferica.
http://digilander.libero.it/fiammecremisi/dopoguerra1/colonia.htm
La nefasta influenza della politica etiope nel Corno d’Africa.
L'Ogaden e la Somalia i veri obiettivi dell’egemonia etiope nel Corno d'Africa
Da sempre l’Etiopia si comporta e si muove come nemico della Somalia. L’Abissinia è un nemico spietato dell’unità dello stato Somalo, in quanto non accettando un ritorno alla normalità dello stato somalo, attua un passo fondamentale per la sua sicurezza interna. Contemporaneamente, però, ha libertà d’azione nella provincia dell’Ogaden. La politica etiope, in modo particolare in questo frangente, ma da sempre, punta sul “divide et impera” dei somali. Tale procedimento strategico nel passato aveva poche speranze di successo, ora questa tecnica paga; il vistoso risultato è visibile: sono dodici anni (si va per il tredicesimo) che lo stato somalo si è dissolto e, a breve non ci sono soluzioni di un ritorno alla normalità della Somalia. L'Etiopia, ha puntato vistosamente sull’alimentazione dell’odio facendo leva sull’animosità e incuneandosi abilmente fra le differenze dialettiche dei vari clan somali aizzandoli gli uni contro gli altri. Bisogna ammettere che, in questa debolezza caratteriale somala, gli abissini hanno colto l’arma vincente che tuttavia, almeno nel passato, trasformava le animosità interne, le quali erano superate nel momento in cui i somali prendevano coscienza delle minacce etiopi e miracolosamente facevano fronte comune contro il nemico di sempre: il “xabashi”, l'abissino. Era l'unico collante che univa i somali, pare però che anche questa prerogativa dei somali si sia dissolta assieme alle assurdità in atto nel paese. Una colpa da addossare ai "economics war lords" che hanno distrutto e continuano a distruggere la Somalia. La coscienza somala è anestetizzata totalmente.
Mogadiscio 1 Aprile 1951 Secondo lido, sfilata di truppe alla festa della polizia
L’Etiopia è uno dei principali animatori dell’Igad (Inter Governmental Authority on Development), che ha organizzato il Congresso di Riconciliazione in corso a Eldoret in Kenya. Chiaramente l’Etiopia, nel contesto del Congresso, adotta e applica le strategie della sua politica, cioè il suddetto, “divide et impera” ma, con un’aggravante, essa tiene a libro paga una buona fetta di “warlords” che partecipano al Congresso di Riappacificazione fornendo armi, contribuendo alla devastazione e alla destabilizzazione della Somalia. La guerra civile somala, ovviamente di suo, ha fornito alla controparte etiope un'occasione unica di rivincita per le cocenti umiliazioni e per le sconfitte subite sul campo da parte dell’esercito regolare somalo nelle plurime guerre tra Etiopia e Somalia. In questo caso l’occasione strategica della politica abissina è unica: è a costo irrisorio, non ha umiliazioni né perdite militari, ha libero accesso per massacrare la popolazione civile dell’Ogaden. Il sostenere sapientemente da parte del governo etiope il fertile terreno dell’avidità e della bramosia di potere dei fantocci denominati “signori della guerra” che sono sponsorizzati a dozzine è la carta vincente, tutto ciò ovviamente rende felice e trionfante il regime di Meles Zenawi. Incredibile ma vero, attualmente i primi nemici dell’Ogaden sono somali: Abdullahi Yusuf, Shatigaduud, Morgan, Yalahow, Aydid etc e con loro tutti coloro che usufruiscono degli aiuti di Addis Abeba. Costoro stanno aiutando a massacrare la popolazione della regione somala dell’Ogaden. Non sembra vero, ma si è materializzato l’obiettivo di smantellare il baluardo del pansomalismo e la posizione dello scomodo rivale e nello stesso momento l’Etiopia si sta assicurando e ha di fatto sotto controllo i futuri assetti politici della Somalia. Vediamo le contrapposizioni partendo da aspetti storici.
La regione OGADEN nella saga della Somalia.
La provincia era parte integrante del territorio somalo, prima che fosse ceduta al re etiope Menelik II, che nel 1887 andò a Berlino a mendicare presso le grandi potenze uno sbocco verso il mare. I tre firmatari Italia, Gran Bretagna e Francia durante gli anni 1884-1886 cedettero l'Ogaden a titolo di gratificazione all’Etiopia per non aver ostacolato la ricerca delle concessioni territoriali nel corno d'Africa. L’impero Ottomano attraverso il Khedive dell’Egitto esercitava una sorta di potere coloniale sul territorio, tra cui i tre sultanati di Obbia, della Migiurtinia e Zanzibar. Nel 1882, lo Stato italiano decise di rilevare alcune aree per iniziare la sua conquista coloniale, cominciando dall’Eritrea (che sarà colonia l'1/1/1890). In ordine temporale, Giuseppe Candeo- è a lui che si deve la conoscenza dell'Ogaden e la compilazione della grande carta della stessa regione - nel 1891 con Baudi di Vesme fece un viaggio di esplorazione nella Somalia centrale. Giunto a Harar, il 22 maggio fu imprigionato per ordine del Ras Makonnen e il giorno dopo Baudi di Vesme seguì la stessa sorte, in seguito ambedue furono espulsi. L'Italia, dopo la pace dell'ottobre del 1896, che cancellò per sempre il Trattato di Uccialli, che annullava ogni pretesa di protettorato italiano sull'Etiopia, stipulò, il 10 luglio del 1900, il trattato relativo alla frontiera e, più tardi, due convenzioni: una, il 15 maggio del 1902, per la delimitazione del confine tra l'Eritrea, il Sudan e l'Etiopia verso il Setit e, l'altra il 16 maggio del 1908 per il confine tra l'Abissinia e la Somalia italiana, e tra l'Abissinia e l'Eritrea verso la Dancalia. Fu più "tranquilla" la penetrazione italiana in Somalia, partita intorno al 1890 attraverso trattative con i potentati locali tra cui Yusuf Ali sultano di Obbia e Osman Mahamud sultano dei Migiurtini, poi con il Sultano di Zanzibar, che era nominalmente signore di gran parte della zona e quindi l’Italia prese accordi con l'Inghilterra, che aveva immensi interessi in quell'area, tra cui il protettorato su Zanzibar. Inizialmente viene preso in affitto il Benadir - la fascia di costa meridionale con Mogadiscio e Brava - tramite le imprese private di Filonardi e la Società del Benadir,quindi nel 1905 la proprietà è riscattata e nasce la nuova colonia che avrà qualche problema militare con l'Etiopia, per ragioni di confini e con un ribelle, che passerà alla storia col nome di Mad Mullah “Mullah Matto” noto ai somali come Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan, che ha tenuto impegnate per oltre un trentennio (1889/1920) soprattutto le forze britanniche del Somaliland, ma diede molti fastidi militari, fino alla sua morte, anche alla colonia italiana. Dopo la I Guerra Mondiale, l’Italia si arricchirà dell'Oltregiuba, ceduto dalla Gran Bretagna in ossequio ai patti di partecipazione italiana alla Grande Guerra. La Somalia non diventerà mai una colonia di popolamento, anzi la capitale Mogadiscio non arriverà certo alle dimensioni "italiane" di Asmara, arrivando a contare - al massimo dell'immigrazione italiana - non più di 10.000 italiani. 01 Giugno 1936: viene inserito nel territorio provinciale somalo, l'Ogaden ex-etiope. Scoppiata la seconda guerra mondiale, la Somalia venne occupata dalle truppe britanniche che, passato il confine dell’Oltregiuba, il 27 febbraio 1941 entravano nella capitale Mogadiscio, assumendone l’amministrazione e costituendo il territorio separato dell’Ogaden, che veniva incorporato nella Somalia Britannica ed infine reso definitivamente all’Etiopia, nel sud gli inglesi facevano analogo regalo della regione somala NFD (North Front District) con il Kenya. L’occupazione inglese durò fino al 31 marzo 1950. Il 26 Giugno il Somaliland era diventato indipendente, la Somalia italiana a sua volta divenne indipendente il 1 luglio 1960 e ci fu l’unione delle due ex colonie. L’Ogaden era stato cancellato dalla geografia somala e perso dalla Somalia per colpa dei colonialisti italiani (che hanno perso la guerra) e inglesi (che avevano vinto la guerra) a favore dell’Etiopia. L’Ogaden nell’ambito della storia somala è la regione dove si sono combattute battaglie epiche. Correvano i lontani anni 1541/1543, un passato remoto le truppe imperiali etiopi furono salvate da un tracollo militare contro i somali appunto dai cattolici portoghesi (i rapporti tra i due imperi cominciarono nel 1502 fino al 1769 e, nel 1520 c’era già l’Ambasciata portoghese in Etiopia), che aiutarono il negus, cristiano- copto, usando per la prima volta in Africa Orientale i fucili contro i bellicosi musulmani somali. Tuttavia la prima battaglia per importanza e imponenza fu combattuta dai valorosi “dubat”, gli ascari (truppa) e i buluq-bash (sottoufficiali) che erano truppe somale inquadrate nel Regio Esercito italiano.
Truppe etiopi in marcia nell'Ogaden
La regione dell'Ogaden (bbc © MMIII)
Mussolini, prendendo spunto da un incidente di frontiera ai pozzi di Ual-Ual, contesi e rivendicati da Etiopia e Somalia, avviò i preparativi per un attacco. L'invasione ebbe inizio senza formale dichiarazione di guerra, il 3/10/35 (10 mesi dopo dall’ incidente), sotto il comando del Generale De Bono, che muove dal Nord, mentre il fronte Sud della Somalia è affidato al Generale Graziani che doveva avere compiti esclusivamente difensivi ma non sarà così: anche Graziani prese l’iniziativa e partecipò all’invasione proveniente dal sud della Somalia. Il 28 aprile 1936 cadde Sassabane, quattro giorni dopo fu la volta di Dagahbur. Il 5 maggio gli italiani entrarono a Giggiga, città testimone di cento scontri; l'8 seguente capitolò Harar e ventiquattr'ore dopo le forze italiane entrarono a Dire Daua. L'aggressione italiana all’Etiopia costò la condanna della Società delle Nazioni, di cui anche l'Etiopia era membro, con “sanzioni", che però non comprendevano embargo di petrolio, carbone e ferro e soprattutto non venne chiuso il Canale di Suez. Cioè, non successe nulla agli italiani nonostante la condanna. In quella occasione si verificò l'impressionante forza d'urto della moderna tecnica militare contro le armate di Ras Makonen. Arrivando agli anni 60, con l’indipendenza della Somalia, che non ha mai cessato di rivendicare la regione dell’Ogaden come entità geografica e politica somala, Capo di Stato Maggiore somalo era Daud Mohamed Hersi, ci fu una breve scaramuccia di confine, che gli americani nel periodo protettori di Heile Selassie, circoscrissero immediatamente prima che sfociasse in guerra. Oggi, invece Giggiga é entrata nella storia militare come una delle più ardite operazioni aeromobili condotte dai sovietici. Chi ricorda ancora che nell'Ogaden fu combattuta (nel 1977) una delle più sanguinose guerre convenzionali della storia dei due paesi, quando la Somalia sotto la guida del dittatore Siad Barre tentò, rivendicando la sovranità somala sull’Ogaden, di strappare l'arida regione all'Etiopia. Fu allora che i sovietici con a comando il Generale dell'esercito Vasily Petrov e il Tenente Generale dell'Aviazione G. Dolnikov congiuntamente ai cubani guidati dal Generale di Divisione Arnaldo Ochoa (fucilato poi da Castro per traffico di droga), per dirigere le operazioni stabilirono uno stato maggiore congiunto di cui Menghistu fu il leader politico ed era formato da 5 Generali etiopi, 8 cubani, 5 sovietici 2 yemeniti (lo Yemen inviò 2000 soldati), 50.000 soldati etiopici aiutati da 18.000 cubani, piloti israeliani sugli F5, piloti cubani e yemeniti sui Mig e, ricorrendo ad un imponente ponte aereo in aggiunta alle informazioni militari dei cubani e dei sovietici che avevano armato il regime di Mohamed Siad Barre, nel giro di un anno ricacciarono i Somali dalle posizioni conquistate, sconfiggendoli nelle battaglie di Diredaua e Giggiga. Questa in sintesi la storia dell’Ogaden, terra somala, abitata dalli Ogaden, etnia somala dei Darod.
La disgregazione della Repubblica somala, le disgrazie dell’Ogaden e la politica repressiva etiope.
Nel Gennaio 1991, con la fuga di Siad Barre da Mogadiscio, implodeva lo Stato somalo. La liberazione dal regime dittatoriale ha portato disgregazione, distruzione e una maledizione che ha recato discordia nella pur litigiosa ma civile società somala. La guerra civile di liberazione da Siad Barre e la sua cricca ha avuto come conseguenza la dichiarazione d’indipendenza del Somaliland (riconosciuta solo dall’Etiopia), l’autoproclamata Repubblica del Puntland di Abdullahi Yusuf (aiutato dall’Etiopia) e di Jamà Ali Jama, la Repubblica del Sud Ovest di Shatiguddud (aiutato dall’Etiopia) e innumerevoli sventure, incluse repubbliche senza speranza ne d’indipendenza ne di riconoscimento internazionale che spudoratamente aiutano la divisione della Somalia e specialmente aiutano la repressione etiope in Ogaden. Il pansomalismo che puntava ad una situazione opposta a quella oggi drammaticamente in atto nel Corno d’Africa sembra morto. Il recente passato era incentrato nell’ardito sogno dell’unità della grande Somalia, le famose cinque punte della stella della bandiera somala: il Somaliland, la Somalia italiana, Jibuti, l’Ogaden e l’NFD (North Front Disctrict). In tutte le citate regioni l’etnia è prevalentemente somala se non l’unica. E’ chiaro che in questo contesto di disgregazione totale della Somalia, l’Ogaden è sostanzialmente la regione somala che soffre doppiamente in quanto la pressione militare etiope ha mano libera nella repressione del Fronte Nazionale di Liberazione dell’Ogaden ed è in corso una drammatica carestia nella regione. Secondo fattore: l’Etiopia gestisce a modo suo la mobilitazione internazionale della carestia nella regione dell’Ogaden e in altri territori etiopi densamente popolate. Jean Baptiste Nandet su Le Monde ha avanzato seri dubbi sulla reale consistenza della "catastrofe naturale" gridata dall’Etiopia. Non si nega in alcun modo che l’Ogaden, regione semidesertica e molto popolata, soffra di un’autentica carestia dopo due anni e mezzo di piogge insufficienti, ma è anche certo che il quadro dell’insieme del paese è stato dipinto a tinte più fosche di quelle reali dal regime di Zenawi. Tutto ciò non è forse finalizzato per ottenere un aiuto internazionale che non deve servire solo a soccorrere le popolazione dell’Ogaden, ma anche ad alimentare un’economia di guerra? Timori che appaiono oggi giustificati. Dopo aver speso milioni di dollari in armamenti, dopo aver ottenuto gratuitamente centinaia di migliaia di tonnellate di alimenti, l’Etiopia ha lanciato le sue truppe all’assalto delle trincee eritree. È in atto un "tranello umanitario"? Il regime etiopico si sarebbe servito dei buoni sentimenti, della "cattiva coscienza dell’uomo bianco", dell’emozione provocata dalle immagini di bambini denutriti per far tacere la ragione e il senso critico, e raggiungere finalmente i suoi scopi bellici. A ben guardare i mali di cui soffre il secondo paese più popolato dell’Africa subsahariana e uno dei più poveri del pianeta sono più politici che climatici." Le organizzazioni internazionali stanno denunciando e hanno cercato d’inviare aiuti umanitari che Addis Abeba, in quanto destinati per l’Ogaden rifiuta o denuncia che vanno ad alimentare gli uomini ONLF. L’Etiopia come entità nazionale è composta da differenti etnie, la parte predominante dai tempi del negus è prevalentemente abissina o amhara, poi ci sono ovviamente i Somali dell’Ogaden, i Gambella. i Dankali, i Sidama, gli Oromo, gli Afar, i Benshangul, i Tigrai, i Dinka. Ovvio che ci siano fronti interni di ribellione al governo centrale che a sua volta fronteggia le varie guerriglie in atto con l’esercito e con una dura repressione senza pari e, in modo speciale e particolare contro gli uomini del Fronte di Liberazione dell’Ogaden e degli Oromo, due spine nel fianco. Nell'ambito di questi ultimi due conflitti le organizzazioni internazionali hanno denunciato moltissime violazioni dei diritti umani, le truppe governative etiopi colpiscono senza distinzioni anche la popolazione civile in quanto sospettata di sostenere i ribelli. Il personale umanitario nazionale e internazionale che opera in Ogaden rischia aggressioni e minacce non tante velate da parte dell’esercito regolare. Di seguito va aggiunto ciò che politicamente l’Etiopia crea nella regione, comportandosi in modo ambiguo e paradossale.
• L’Etiopia sostiene e arma numerosi warlords somali, perché così facendo distoglie attenzione dalla regione dell’Ogaden e ha mano libera per colpire ONLF;
• L’Etiopia è la capofila nel contesto generale della caccia al terrorismo, a sbraitare presso l’Amministrazione Bush denunciando che la Somalia, Abdiqassim e l’ONLF sono collusi con i terroristi di Al Ittihad e di Al Qaeda, trovando purtroppo credito e appoggi in questa campagna denigratoria; Zenawi stesso ha ammesso con intervista alla BBC di aver infiltrato truppe al fine di prevenzione in territorio somalo. E’ grave che ci sia palese ammissione di violazioni dei confini somali;
• Nel Corno d’Africa, l’Etiopia è la nazione a più alta percentuale di spesa del PIL destinato per l’acquisto di armi;
• E’ il paese con la più alta percentuale di diatribe interne ed esterne: Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan, Kenya e finanche contenziosi con il lontano Egitto per via delle acque del Nilo;
• L’Etiopia ha fatto fallire tutti i precedenti tentativi di riconciliazione della Somalia avvenuti nel passato tra cui due iniziative del Kenya con Arap Moi, una nel 1996 e una avvenuta nel Novembre 2001. Nella prima l’Etiopia ha contro-convocato una sua riunione denominata “Processo di Sodere” ovviamente processo mai decollato e, nella successiva del 2001 contrappose una riunione dello SRRC di Aidid, Shatiguddud e company in Addis Abeba. Fece fallire la riunione del Cairo (Novembre e Dicembre del 97). Infine, tentò di boicottare anche il processo di Arta; l’intento fortunatamente non andò a buon fine nonostante Addis Abeba protestasse l’intransigenza dei delegati somali riuniti in Jibuti. Il GTN mando delegazioni ad alto livello in Addis Abeba ma incontrarono arroganza, ricatti e tentavi di umiliazione. Il governo di transizione di Mogadiscio ha più volte denunciato pubblicamente l’interferenza etiope nei affari interni somali. A questo punto una domanda sensata da porsi è: che risultati si possono avere dal Congresso IGAD di Eldoret?;
• L’Etiopia non è estranea alla nascita delle presunte autoproclamate repubbliche somale;
• L’esercito etiope è fortemente e direttamente impegnato nel territorio somalo, ha sconfinato innumerevoli volte, fa operazioni di intelligence, arma direttamente e indirettamente alcune fazioni, ha consiglieri militari impegnati in primis. Cosa significa la parola “ingerenza”? Se quello che esegue Addis Abeba in Somalia è tutto ciò, dobbiamo sostenere che allora esiste interferenza in affari interni e boicottaggio di tutti i processi somali;
• Addis Abeba è sede dell’OUA, cioè la sede per dirimere le controversie territoriali e quanto altro dei paesi africani. Dunque la nazione ospitante l’Organizzazione Africana è la nazione africana che sta violando l’Art. 2 della Costituzione dell’OUA, poiché è l’unica nazione che riconosce la Repubblica del Somaliland. Un paradosso giuridico;
• Il 3.02.2003 si è aperta la Conferenza dell’OUA in Addis Abeba, conferenza che disegnerà la nuova Unione Africana. Il nuovo statuto assegnerà un paese leader per area. L’Etiopia ha l’ambizione di essere il paese guida dell’East Africa e, guarda caso, Zenawi si ritrova a fare la corte a Abdulqassim, Presidente del GTN somalo che detiene il diritto di voto per la Somalia in seno dell’OUA. Il governo di transizione e Abdiqassim può mettere a repentaglio l’ambizione di leadership etiope. Dunque si consiglia Abdiqassim ad intraprendere una valida strategia diplomatica, bisogna e si deve giocare da parte della Somalia questo poker istituzionale per rendere inefficace la spinta centrifuga etiope. Zenawi, ha ricevuto in pompa magna all’aeroporto di Addis Abeba Abdiqassim nonostante il governo etiope abbia dichiarato fino il giorno prima che il GTN è una fazione.
La repubblica dell’Ogaden
Una “fondata speranza”, o un vero tentativo provocatorio istituzionale ed internazionale sarebbe quello di rendere all’Etiopia e alla sua sfrontatezza egemonica uno sgarbo: fare una dichiarazione di nascita della Repubblica somala dell’OGADEN, che al pari del Somaliland, abbia adesione e riconoscimento internazionale. La dura realtà, al di là della speranza, rimane il fatto che la popolazione somala dell’Ogaden abbia possibilità di autodeterminazione, sviluppo economico, sociale e un’autonomia di auto governo in quanto popolo, territorio, etnia d’estrazione unica confinato per motivi coloniali in terra straniera. Pensiamo con dolore alla sofferenza della popolo fratello dell’Ogaden per la carestia e per il subire quotidiano dell'oppressione, del dominio territoriale e delle torture coloniali etiopi.
•www.onlf.org
•http://www.ogaden.com
•http://www.ogadennews.com
•http://www.ogadentimes.com
•http://www.onwar.com/aced/data/oscar/ogaden1976.htm
•http://www.onlf.org/PRESS_RELEASE.htm
•http://www.acig.org/acreports/ogadan_Tom_Cooperv1.pdf
•http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/O/Ogaden.asp
•http://www.amnesty.org/ailib/aireport/ar99/afr25.htm
•http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord1999/vol2/ethiopiatr.htm
•Violazione dei diritti umani in Etiopia Orientale
''With government approval, Cecchi prepared for an expedition into the interior. By November 25, he was ready to move; his caravan consisted of seventy askaris, Commander Ferdinando Maffei of the Staffetta, Commander Franscesco Mongiardini of the Volturno, and fourteen other Italians, for the most part members of the crews of the two ships. That very night their encampment at Lafolé, some twelve miles inland, was attacked. In the early morning hours, as the caravan once more got under way, it was attacked again. By eight-thirty in the morning of November 26, all but three sailors were dead or dying.''
''First Adowa, then Lafolé; the future of Italian colonialism in the Horn of Africa looked very umpromising at the end of 1896''
Italian Colonialism in Somalia, Robert L. Hess 1966.
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This event sparked one of the longest resistance struggles in Southern Somalia (Benadir) against Italian penetration and occupation of Somalia. This long resistance is only second to the heroic great struggle of Sayyid Muhammed Abdulle Hassan and his darawish army.
What happened on that day of November 25-26th of 1896? Who was this Cecchi guy? Who were these mysterious warriors that swiftly defeated this first Italian colonial penetration of the hinterland of Benadir? Why is this event put in the same line as the humiliating defeat of the Italians by Ethiopians in Adowa? And last but not least, what were the consequences of this event in Lafole?
This episode in Somali history is perhaps the least known, although it had crucial impact on the future of Somalia. Instead, most Somalis are not aware of this event while the Italians had built a monument for Antonio Cecchi in Lafole which still stands in the bush unvisited, while throughout the Banaadir 1896 is remembered in the count of the years as Axad Shiiki, the ‘Sunday Year of Cecchi’.
To present an elaborate account of this event, we need to start with the context. Who were the main groups in the Benadir region? Who was Antonio Cecchi and what was his role in the Italian expansion into Somalia? And what were the consequences of this event both for Somali groups and Italy?
In a number of series I'll present the complete story, and show why this event and the shockwave it send throughout Benadir and Southern Somalia is still relevant to this day.
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1: Backrgound on Benadir region.
Benadir region constited of the four Benadir ports of: Warsheekh, Mogadishu, Merca and Baraawe. These four port-cities were inhabited by Somali groups along with arabs and people with mixed origins and traders from the Indian Ocean. The authority of Mogadishu for example was nominally under Omani rule, but the city had two real administrations, one in Xamarweyne and the other in Shangaani.
These four Benadir ports were the linkages between the hinterlands of Somalia and the Indian Ocean trade. Caravan trade flourished in these hinterlands, connecting trade centre’s of Harar and Ogadeniya to Benadir ports, through the trade towns of Lugh, Baardheere and Geledi.
In the hinterland of Benadir diverse groups existed, like Geledi, Hintire, Wacdaan, Biyamaal, Murusade, Shidle etc.
The relevant groups in this discussion of Axad Shiiki are: Geledi Sultanate, Wacdaan, Biyamaal and Murusade.
The Geledi Sultanate
The Geledi Sultanate was a sultanate that came into existence when the clans of Geledi and Wacdaan made an alliance against the Silcis group who then ruled the Shabelle Valley. After this successful revolt, the two clans lived together and linked their future which gradually led to the formation of the Geledi Sultanate.
For two centuries or so the Geledi and their Wacdaan allies had formed a small independent state, that prospered by trade, which they attempted to control, and had for a time held together a much wider clan ‘empire’.
In spite of the differences between them in way of life, language and traditions, Geledi and Wacdaan formed a close and lasting alliance. They were joined later - sometime early in the 19th century – by a section of another Hawiye clan, the Murursade. (Virginia Luling 2002)
The Wacdaan
The Wacdaan is a Mudulood group that settled in Lower Shabelle as early as the 18th century. They were allied with Geledi and Murursade, and lived between Afgoye and the coast region around Mogadishu.
The Biyamaal
The Biyamaal arrived in the Lower Shabelle around the end of 17th century and established control over Merca and the hinterlands. The Biyamaal were in constant war with the Geledi Sultanate, and even killed 2 Sultans of Geledi through out the war.
The Murursade
The Murursade joined the alliance between Wacdaan and Geledi and were granted land northeast of Geledi town, where they established four villages.
2: Italian expansion into Benadir/Somalia
The Italian expansion into Somalia.
Italy was eager to join the leagues of other European imperialist nations like Britain, France and Germany. To achieve this they set their eyes on East Africa, and made their first incursion into Eritrea in which they acquired Massawa port.
Italian expansion in Somalia began in 1885, when Antonio Cecchi, an explorer led an Italian. expedition into the lower Juba region and concluded a commercial treaty with the sultan of Zanzibar. In 1889, Italy established protectorates over the eastern territories then under the nominal rule of the sultans of Obbia and of Alula; and in 1892, the sultan of Zanzibar leased concessions along the Indian Ocean coast to Italy.
Antonio Cecchi's role:
As already becomes clear, Antonio Cecchi spearheaded the Italian expansion into Somalia. He was chosen to lead the mission because of his past and reputation of been a supporter of Italian expansion into East Africa.
''The choice of Cecchi to head the mission was logical, for he had been active in the exploration of northeast Africa. In 1876 he had led an expedition from Zeila to the frontiers of Kaffa in southern Ethiopia. From that time he was an ardent partisan of Italian expansion into the horn. Cecchi was probably the first to succeed in directing Italian attention toward the Somali coast’’ (Robert L Hess)
''In his speeches there was an optimistic ring: the Cecchi mission and others would surely discover vast fertile areas awaiting peaceful cultivation and commercial penetration’’ (Robert L Hess)
After he returned from the Lower Jubba region he became obsessed with Italian expansion into Somalia.
''On the basis of his explorations and his often unfounded enthusiasm for the area, he insisted on the importance of the Juba River as the key to a much larger colonial program:
..Once we acquire with certainty the knowledge that the Juba is navigable…then it is certain that it will become the most natural artery for the exportation of the abundant coffee harvest of Kaffa and the surrounding regions…Now that our Italy has established itself at Massawa…it is possible for Italy to extend its possessions toward the south…The Juba would thus mark the extreme southern boundary of our possessions.'' (Robert L.Hess)
Italy succeeded through negotiations with the Sultan of Zanzibar to sign commercial treaties with Zanzibar, which allowed Italy to trade with the Banadir region. This initial success was followed by long negotiations in which the Italians wanted to lease the Benadir region. After a while they succeeded in this too, and set up a commercial enterprise named after the Italian trader in East Africa Filonardi. Filonardi Company was lead by Filonardi himself and received some support from Italy in order to penetrate the Benadir and Somalia economically.
''From 1893 to 1896, the Italian presence was limited to a small garrison of soldiers at Luuq on the upper Jubba River, and a few traders along the coast. The Italian outpost at Luuq had been established in 1895 to gather information on Somali trade in the region and to protect Italian interests in the face of Ethiopian claims to the area.’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
This insignificant presence of Italian commercial interests in Benadir can hardly be called ‘colonization’. There were a few Italian residents, and the police (askaris) were still Arab who did not went further then their garrisons. Because of this situation, most Somali groups were not pressed to fight this initial penetration since the intentions of Italians were still vague.
''Perhaps because of the Filonardi Company’s limited intervention in Somali affaires, there was only one notable incident of Somali hostility between 1893 and 1896. That occurred on 11 October 1893, the day the Italian flag was first raised over the garesa in Marka. A Somali attacked and killed an Italian soldier; he in turn was killed with three shots from a ‘Wetterly’’ gun.’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
This was the setting in Somalia and Benadir, before Cecchi became dominant in convincing the Italian government to penetrate further into Somalia as he returned to Italy.
''On his return to Italy, however, Cecchi continued to pressure the government to tap the ‘’rich commercial resources’’ of Somalia (Cecchi, Pesaro, to foreign Minister C.F Nicolis di Robilant, August 27, 1886)
Antonio Cecchi was an ardent expansionist who for some time had been urging the Italian government to take over the Benaadir concessions. In seeking to promote his own version of Italian power in Somalia, Cecchi upset the fragile commercial arrangements that Filonardi had constructed. He replaced Filonardi’s influential Hadrami interpreter with Arabs of his own choosing, returned an unpopular Italian resident to Marka, and sent soldiers to the lower Jubba area to try to force Somali caravaneers to unload their wares at Baraawe rather than at the British-held ports of Kismaanyo and Goobweyn. (Lee V. Cassanelli)
Cecchi’s presence also resurrected Somali fears of territorial dispossession … Thus it did not escape public attention when a cousin of Cecchi visited the Benaadir in 1895 to investigate the possibilities for commercial agriculture. There soon followed talk of growing cotton on Italian plantations along the Shabeelle. This cousin was Giorgio Mylius, a wealty Milanese industrialist. The Industrialist was particularly interested in the possibility of growing cotton in Somalia.
Finally, Cecchi appeared to symbolize colonial aggressiveness in the distant interior
About Geledi Sultanate, The Wacdaan were from the beginning in the alliance, they even claim that Wacdaan pastoralists were the first to rise up against the tryants of Silcis, and Geledi too claim they were the first. But one thing is true: Both played a keyrole in this and both were from the beginning of this revolt allyied with each other.
3: The Somali response to Italian expansion
The Somali groups described in part 1 responded differently to the Italians who were expanding slowly but steadily into Benadir coast, and would inevitably venture into the hinterlands.
To start with the Geledi Sultanate,
The Geledi Sultanate was in decline throughout the 19th century. The Sultanate was in the shadow of its former splendid and power. The Geledi confederation headed by the Gobroon shaykhs of Afgooye had lost much of its cohesiveness as the nineteenth century drew to a close. The succession of Osman Ahmed in the 1880s brought to the Geledi sultanate a man of lesser ambitions and more political skills than his illustrious forebears. Osman, for example, did nothing to punish the Biyamaal when they blocked a branch of the Shabeelle River and thus caused severe hardship to Geledi´s agricultural allies downriver. ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
Despite these setbacks, Osman inherited baraka (grace) as a member of the Gobroon lineage was still respected by many ordinary Somalis in the region. In the mid 1890s Osman´s army had still been strong enough to defeat their traditional Hintire rivals down the river.
What was the view of the Sultan of the Italian expansion?
First of all what was the general mood in Geledi?
Most people were suspicious of the Italian encroachments and as described earlier people were whispering about Italians taking over the land and their farms. When the Italians came, The Geledi were divided on the issue to resist the penetration of Italians of Benadir coast or accommodate. While the people wanted to resist, the attitude of the Sultan and those in authority was cautiously accommodating the Italian presence in Benadir Coast. The Geledi-Wacdaan alliance came under strain at this time, for many of the Wacdaan were opposed to any compromise with the foreigners.
The Sultan started to accommodate the Italians and he started to establish friendly relationships with the Italian governors in Mogadishu. Cecchi apparently felt that Osman remained a force to be reckoned with, for the ill-fated Lafoole expedition had originated with Cecchi´s scheme for an Italian-Geledi alliance ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
The Wacdaan
The Wacdaan were mainly pastoralist, with a small group turning to farming throughout the centuries of their alliance with the Geledi clan who were mainly agriculturalists. As said above, the Wacdaan were opposed to any compromise with the foreigners. This fierce anti-foreign stance was persistent in the culture of Wacdaan and in the very place of Lafoole. The place has been called Lafoole because apparently the Wacdaan defeated the Gaalo Madoow when they migrated to the Lower Shabelle around the 18th century, hence the translation of Lafoole which is: Bones . ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
Because the Sultan of Geledi seemed hesitant to resist the Italian expansion into Benadir coast, the alliance was cooled off. Apart from the weakening of their bonds with the Geledi, the drought of the 1890s which lead to a large population of Wacdaan abandoning their homelands, the Italians posed the greatest threat to the group. They were, moreover, the first inland Somalis who’s territory was actually invaded by colonial soldiers at the time of the Cecchi expedition.
On of the most influential leaders among the Wacdaan was the leader Shaykh Ahmed Haji Mahhadi. He was not a Wacdaan but became the sheikh of the Wacdaan. He was born in Mogadishu and hailed from a lineage of Mogadishu (Abgal). He had lived there most of his life, teaching alongside such renowned Muslims scholars as Shaykh Sufi and Shaykh Mukhdaar. Like the latter, he found coexistence in a town which housed infidels intolerable, and he chose to retire to the small coastal enclave of Nimow, a little south of Mogadishu. There he set up a small jamaaca which attracted several of the local inhabitants. When Nimow was shelled by an Italian warship in retaliation for the Cecchi ambush, Ahmed Haji fled to Day Suufi (in the heart of Wacdaan territory) where he intensified his preaching against the infidels. As late as 1907, the acting Italian governor considered him ‘the most listened-to propagandist' in this area of the Shabeelle. Even the Geledi turn to him rather than to their own sultan for religious counsel. ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
One of the Wacdaan leaders apparently influenced by Ahmed Haji was Hassan Hussein, titular head of the largest subsection of the Wacdaan clan, the Abubakar Moldheere. The Abubakar Moldheere were the most numerous and hence the most militarily powerful section of the Wacdaan in the late nineteenth century. Hassan Hussein is remembered as one of the first Wacdaan to oppose the Italians: warriors from his lineage were prominent among the forces that attacked Cecchi at Lafoole. Likewise , his lineage was spokesmen for the Abubakar Moldheere who most strenuously urged the blockade of caravan routes to Mogadishu (economic sanctions).
The Biyamaal
This group is the best known group in the southern Somali resistance. Like the other groups in Benadir, the Biyamaal too were wary of Italian expansion into the Benadir coast. In the beginning the Biyamaal were following the actions of the Italians very carefully, while trying to accommodate them if they posed no threat. Yet there is little question that the resistance in Merca district was the fiercest and most prolonged in the Benadir. This is not surprising in light of the earlier history of the Biimaal: their continual struggle against many enemies had given them a cohesiveness and a military organization far tighter than that of most other southern Somali clans ( Lee V. Cassanelli).Throughout the nineteenth century the Biyamaal had stood together to defend their territory and their independence against encroachments by the powerful sultans of Geledi: both Yusuf Muhammad and his son Ahmed Yusuf lost their lives in battle against the Biyamaal. These proud nomads had also firmly resisted the sultan of Zanzibar´s growing influence in Marka by ambushing the governor of that town together with forty askaris in 1876 ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
Not only by sheer force were the Biyamaal able to resist the influence of the sultan of Zanzibar but they could also assure their influence on Marka by placing economic sanctions on the city. When occasional differences arose between the Biyamaal leadership in the interior and the old Arab and Somali families of Marka – who were always more interested than Biyamaal in establishing relations with foreign powers – the Biyamaal would hold up food supplies to the townsmen and divert their exports to smaller outlets along the coast. These boycotts proved extremely effective in assuring Biyamaal influence in urban politics, as the Italians would learn in 1904.
The Biyamaal consisted of four territorial sections spread along the coastal dunes between Jesiira and Mungiya and extending inland to the farmlands along the Shabelle. Each of these sections was represented by a number of religious authorities known generally as macaallimiin and by anumber of politico-military figures known as malaakhs and amaanduule. In times of crises, the leaders from all four sections would gather in shir to work out a common policy of action.
With the arrival of the Italians at the coast in 1890, Biyamaal leaders were almost in constant shir to coordinate their plans for the inevitable showdown between Italian expansion and their resistance. The Italian government always viewed them as its most determined opponent, colonial polcy was geared towards the dividing of Biyamaal leadership and thus divide the opposition. Remarkably the Biyamaal have presented a united front even when they were eventually defeated in 1908.
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The setting of 'Axad Shiiki' is completed, it is time to discuss that very day of 25th Novermber of 1896 and the morning of 26th Novermber of 1896.
What happened on those two days? Who attacked and annihilated the Italian expedition force? And how did this event spark the fire of resistance in the whole of Banadir which would last till 1908?
Italy was not an ''advanced'' and organized colonial power in the world as was Britain. So Italy wrote not as many papers on their colonies than say Britain which had a well-functioning colonial deparments, like the Colonial War Office, which has the most data about Sayyid Muhamed Abdulle Hassan and his darwish army.
And to make matters worse, all the colonial data about Southern Somalia is burried in Italian language. As most Somalis speak by now English, it is difficult to go for Italian account.
I have an Italian book, which takes alot of time to translate, and since it concerns history, one must be very carefull in translation and interpretation.
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Anyways, I will do my utmost best to present the resistance in Benadir-Southern Somalia against Italian expansion. Axad Shiiki (1896) is the sparking point, and I'll continue down to 1910, when Italy succeeded in their occupation of Southern Somalia.
The reasons for resurrecting this history has to do with the current situation in Benadir. The shamefull Ethiopian occupation is something all Somalis who are aware of our greatness strokes in their heart.
The spark that lit the Resistance: Lafoole 25-26th of November 1896
Lafoole as explained earlier was within Wacdaan territory. It lay in an area with thick brush and scrub grass, a suitable spot for a well-prepared ambush. The Wacdaan were waiting for this moment, as Cecchi was despised by all Somali groups in the Benadir, since he embodied colonial aggressiveness which became evident by his plans to ‘tap into the rich resources of Somalia’.
Also, the Wacdaan were from the beginning fiercely opposed to any compromise with the 'infidels'. This attitude was persisent in the culture of Wacdaan as explained earlier. Another impulse to this fierce anti-infidel attitude was the coming of Sheik Axmed Xaaji, the sheikh that found it intolerable to coexist with the 'infidels' in Mogadishu (see part 3). He lived among the Wacdaan, set up a jamaaca (religious school) and became the sheikh of the Wacdaan (religious leader). His ideas have apparently influenced the leader of the largest subgroup of Wacdaan (Abubakar Moldheere): Hassan Hussein.
Hassan Hussein, together with Sheikh Axmed Xaaji were instrumental in articulating the opposition to the Italian presence in Benadir. As already explained this too had its consequences for the political geography in Benadir, mainly the cooling of the alliance between Geledi and Wacdaan. Within the Geledi, the people wanted to resist the Italian expansion but the Sultan and the ones with authority choose for accommodation. In this the Wacdaan were slowly moving away from Geledi, and moving towards the Biyamaal, their erstwhile enemy.
The clash at Lafoole:
On 25th of Novermber in 1896, the moment arrived in which the Italian government gave the approval to venture into the interior, thus effectively leaving the garrisons in Mogadishu. Cecchi too was waiting for this moment since he was eager to sign treaties with the Sultan of Geledi, which he still thought was powerful enough to be instrumental in the Italian plans for Somalia. What he didn’t know however was that the Sultan did not represent the feelings of the people, who were fiercely opposed to Italian expansion. Cecchi and the others in the expedition would find out too late about this fierce anti-infidel attitude of the Somalis.
This expedition consisted of Antonio Cecchi, Commander Ferdinando Maffei of the Staffetta, Commander Franscesco Mongiardini of the Volturno, and fourteen other Italians. In the evening when the expedition force set their camp at Lafoole, they were attacked in which a fierce fight followed. Apparently, this attack was not decisive enough to finish off the expedition. The next morning a renewed attack followed which successfully finished off the expedition, with only 3 survivors to tell the story.
''With government approval, Cecchi prepared for an expedition into the interior. By November 25, he was ready to move; his caravan consisted of seventy askaris, Commander Ferdinando Maffei of the Staffetta, Commander Franscesco Mongiardini of the Volturno, and fourteen other Italians, for the most part members of the crews of the two ships. That very night their encampment at Lafolé, some twelve miles inland, was attacked. In the early morning hours, as the caravan once more got under way, it was attacked again. By eight-thirty in the morning of November 26, all but three sailors were dead or dying.'' (Robert. L Hess)
Who were these groups that attacked the Italian expedition?
In the Shaping of Somali Society, (Lee V. Cassanelli) it becomes clear that the group that attacked the Italians were of mainly Wacdaan warriors, accompanied by Murursade and Geledi warriors.
''In November 1896, he and a score of Arab askaris set out to meet with the presumably influential sultan of Geledi. It was the first colonial attempt to penetrate the interior with a military contingent, and it ended disastrously for the Italians. Cecchi’s expedition was besieged and most of it destroyed at a place called Lafoole, along the Muqdisho-Afgooye road by Somali warriors of the Wacdaan clan.''
In another passage the author reveals more about the composition:
''Geledi’s long-time allies the Wacdaan had apparently acted independently at Lafoole; and they had been assisted by a handful of warriors from the Murursade, also Geledi allies''
Virginia Luling instead talks about Wacdaan and others, which thus means Murursade and Geledi warriors, since the alliance consisted of these three groups:
''…Antonio Cecchi, famous as an explorer and one of the most enthusiastic and influential advocates of Italian colonisation, set out from Muqdisho for Geledi with a party of soldiers in Novermber 1896, intending to negotiate with Sultan Cusmaan Axmed.
They were surprised and attacked while camping in Wacdaan territory, at Laafoole at the edge of the deex, where the white earth meets the black, and the thorny bush gives way to more open country. Out of the seventeen Italians, only three survived.
The assailants were from the Wacdaan and perhaps other clans.''
Virginia Luling further sheds light on the location of Laafoole:
''It must be a particularly suitable place for surprise attacks, for fourteen years earlier, Révoil’s caravan had been attacked by Wacdaan at the same spot, and its name ‘place of bones’, comes from a much earlier slaughter, supposedely of the ‘gaalo madow’. ''
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Reactions to the clash:
The ‘Lafoole Massacre’ as the Italian press called it, came less than a year after the humiliating Italian defeat at Adowa in Ethiopia. It was a severe physiological damage to Italian colonial ambitions.
For Somalis, it was a great day, which send a shockwave throughout the Benadir region. The 'Lafoole Massacre' which already severely shocked the Italian colonialists, was immediately followed by sporadic incidents along the whole Benadir coast.
In Mogadishu 100 or more Italians were wounded in a general uprising. In Marka, a young Somali, Omar Hassan Yusuf, assassinated the Italian resident, Giacomo Trevis. According to local accounts, Omar emerged after praying in the small mosque of Shaykh Osman ‘Marka-yaalle’ and knifed the ‘infidel’ Trevis as he walked along the beach. Giacomo Trevis was a hated man in Marka for a lot of reasons, besides been an unwanted colonialist, he was also hated for his policy of compulsory labor. In Warsheekh, a government askari was confronted as he stepped outside the garrison.In Baraawe, the well-known and influential Haji Shaykh Abbas railed against his Somali compatriots and called them ‘woman’ for allowing the Italians free movement there. ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians in Benadir were shocked, and when the news reached Rome, the foreign minister immediately appointed Commander Giorgio Sorrentino as royal commissioner extraordinary for the Benadir. Initialy, the Italians thought that Lafoole was an Ethiopian ambush since Ethiopians were besieging Lugh at that time and since there were rumours of an Ethiopian invasion of Benadir. When Sorrentino landed in Mogadishu,on 26th of January 1897, he immediately started the investigation of Lafole.
''Within ten days he had determined that Lafolé was neither the precursor of a general urprising against the Italians nor an Ethiopian ambush but an isolated case of action by Wadan tribesmen and the tribes of Geledi; who had been spurred to the act by two Arabs from Mogadishu’’ (Robert L. Hess)
This was a gross understatement of the Lafoole incident, and the attitude of the Benadir groups to the Italian presence.
Throughout the Benadir, from Warsheekh to well south of Marka, 1896-97 is remembered as Axad Shiiki ( the ‘Sunday year of Cecchi’). The Biyamaal date the beginning of their twelve-year resistance at Axad Shiiki. ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The clash at Lafoole is immortalized by this shirib:
Shiin digow Sheikh Axmed Xaaji
Shiiki sheydaan mooho?
Translation:
Writer of (the Koranic verse) shiin, Sheikh Axmed Xaaji
Is not Cecchi a devil?
Sheikh Axmed Xaaji is the well-known religious leader of the Wacdaan who had established the jamaaca to teach Quran, religon etc
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The Italians have misinterpreted the signs of the coming storm which would engulf the Benadir region.
In the coming part, I'll explain the immediate consequences of the clash at Lafoole. How the Italians reacted to the 'Lafoole Massacre' and how the different Somali groups in Benadir reacted to the event and the wider issue of Italian pressence in Benadir coast. Slowly on from there we will arrive at the heroic struggle of the Biyamaal and their allies, amongst which their erstwhile enemy Wacdaan, against the Italian expansion.
http://www.ilcornodafrica.it/index.htm
http://www.ilcornodafrica.it/indice.htm#illavoro
Giacomo Trevis (nato a Roma il 19 maggio1869 morto a Merka il 12 febbraio 1897) prestò il servizio militare come tenente di complemento. Congedatosi, andò a lavorare presso un istituto bancario romano. Nel 1893 Vincenzo Filonardi, che si trovava a Roma per la costituzione della Compagnia per la Somalia Italiana, lo assunse e lo inviò a Zanzibar per dirigere in sua vece la direzione dell’ufficio della Compagnia e il R. Consolato italiano. In questa sede strinse amicizia con Ugo Ferrandi, Francesco Querini, Vittorio Bottego, Antonio Cecchi e tanti altri connazionali con i quali si prodigò con passione. In seguito si trasferì a Mogadiscio, Gheledi (fu il primo italiano a mettere piede in questa località somala lontana dalla costa dove i bianchi non erano di solito graditi) e Brava. Qui dovette fare un po’ di tutto: “dunque, ricapitolando: statista, architetto, ingegnere, idraulico, stratega. Mi pare che basti!”, come scrisse scherzosamente alla famiglia. Nell’ottobre 1896 prese la direzione della città portuale di Merka. Un mese dopo avvenne a Lafolé la strage della spedizione diretta da Antonio Cecchi, dal quale in quel periodo dipendeva. Cecchi e i suoi compagni della nave Volturno subirono un mortale agguato. A Merka non vi era mai stato prima del Trevis un altro residente italiano, quindi questi si trovò in un ambiente ostile in quanto prevenuto sia contro chi si sapeva essere un nemico dei possessori di schiavi sia per essere un europeo. Il 9 febbraio 1897, subito dopo essere sceso dalla R. N. Staffetta, fu aggredito da un somalo Bimal e pugnalato al fianco destro. La scorta uccise il suo assassino. Trevis si spense dopo tre giorni di agonia. Il fratello Renato divenne tenutario dei suoi documenti, che utilizzò nell’articolo Sulle orme della seconda spedizione Bottego “Da Brava a Lugh” pubblicato nel giugno 1931 nella prestigiosa Rivista delle Colonie Italiane e che fornì allo studioso Eugenio G. Del Monte per il dettagliato saggio biografico Un pioniere africano “Giacomo Trevis” apparso nel 1930 in due puntate nella stessa rivista.
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''Obituary: Antonio Cecchi
The Geographical Journal, Vol. 9, No. 2. (Feb., 1897), p. 230.
Jstor
Antonio Cecchi.
The well-known Italian explorer, Antonio Cecchi, has, together with various
officers and men of the Italian gunboats Volturno and Stafletta, lately fallen a
victim to the treachery of the Somalis of the Benadir coast, of which he was
administrator. During a trip towards the Webi Shebeli, the party was suddenly
attacked by night, and, after expending most of its ammunition, was obliged to beat
a retreat, amidst renewed attacks by the Somalis. All the officers lost their lives,
and only three men succeeded in reaching Mogdishu. Cecchi was best known
for his journey to Abyssinia and the Galla countries between the years 1877 and
1882. The expedition, as at first constituted, was nominally under the command
of the Marquis Antinori, Cecchi being entrusted with the astronomical and meteorological
observations ; but of the five Europeans who took part in it, only Cecchi
and Dr. Chiarini proceeded beyond Shoa, the latter subsequently dying of fever,
while the former spent several years as a prisoner in the southern Galla countries
before returning to the coast. The results of this journey were published in two
octavo volumes at Rome in 1886, followed in 1887 by a third dealing with the
topographical surveys. Cecchi was afterwards for some years Italian consul at
Aden, and since 1890 had held a similar post at Zanzibar, where he was universally
respected and beloved.''
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The Italian expansion which culminated in their first expedition into the interior of Benadir was succesfully halted a mere 12 miles out of the city and lead to the death of the man who spearheaded Italian expansion into Somalia.
In the coming installment I'll show how the Somali groups in Benadir first viewed the slow Italian encroachment on the Benadir coast and how the Lafole event sparked the fire of resistance in Benadir and Southern Somalia.
Read:
- Italian Colonialism in Somalia by Robert L. Hess. 1966
- The Shaping of Somali Society, Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People, 1600-1900 by Lee V Cassanelli. 1982
-Somali Sultanate, The Geledi City-State over 150 years by Virginia Luling. 2002
-journals about history on Jstor.
For the Murder of Italians at Magadoxo, Africa.
Rome, Dec. 3.—In the chamber of Deputies today the Marquis Visconti Venosti, Minister of Foreign Affaires, confirmed the reports from Zanzibar of the murder of the Italian Consul, Signor Cecchi, the Captains, and a number of officers of the Italian warships Volturno and Staffeta, and the wounding of 100 or more other Italians by Somalis at Magadoxo. The men had fallen into an ambuscade and were attacked without warning.
The Government , the Minister said, would take energetic measures to punish the Somalis who were guilty of the outrage.
The Marquis said that the confirmatory reports showed that fourteen Italians had been killed, together with a number of the escorts of the Italians whose caravan was attacked during the night. Twenty-seven bodies were recovered by a rescue party when hurried to the scene from Magadoxo when the news of fighting reached there. The rescuers arrested a number of the Somalis who participated in the massacre and punished them appropriately. Many of the Somalis tribesmen were also killed by the Italians in the fight that followed the attack on the caravan.
The New York Times
Published: December 4, 1986
In October 1923, De Vecchi di Val Cismon became the first fascist Governor of Somalia marking a change in Italian strategy in the Horn of Africa. De Vecchi set out to exterminate all who opposed his government’s desire for total control over what fascist propaganda called ‘La Grande Somalia’. However, the Somalis were heavily armed and led by men who had been given advanced training during the preparation for the First World War. An estimated 16,000 rifles were in Somali hands. The Governor’s first task, therefore, was to order the confiscation of arms and ammunition from the Somalis, particularly from the clans in the inter-riverine region. In March 1924, Sheikh Hassan Barsane, a leader of the Shabelle valley movement known as the Barsane Revolt, convoked a Shir (meeting of elders) where the participants, inflamed with millenarian zeal, denounced the Governor’s order. On behalf of the Shir, Barsane wrote the following to the Governor:
In the name of Allah, most gracious, most merciful ... I have received your letter and understood its contents, but must advise that we cannot obey your orders and join with you in a covenant . . . Your government has its laws, and we have ours. We accept no law other than ours. Our law is the law of Allah and his Prophet . . . We are not like other people, none of us has ever enrolled in the Zaptie (colonial forces), never! ... and if you come to our land to fight against us, we will fight you with all possible means ... The world is very close to its end, only 58 years remain. We don’t want to stay in this world. It is better to die while defending our laws.
After some initial success, the Somali resistance crumbled when Barsane was captured by the Italians on 4 April.
:The Storm of the Resistance gathers strength
As became clear from the NY times report (see page 3) on the ‘Lafole Massacre’, the Italian minister of Foreign Affaires commented on the ‘Lafole Massacre’ that the Italian government would take ‘energetic measures’ to punish the Somalis who were 'guilty of the outrage'.
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Now let us discuss these ‘energetic measures’ the Italian government wanted to take, and see whether they could stem the coming tide of the monsoon storm of resistance headed towards the Benadir coast region. As mentioned in part 4, the Italian foreign minister immediately appointed Commander Giorgio Sorrentino as royal commissioner extraordinary for the Benadir. His mission was as Robert L. Hess writes in his book ‘Italian colonialism in Somalia’:
''Sorentino was instructed 'above all to provide for the security and tranquillity of the region’ After a complete investigation of the causes of the attack at Lafolé, he was to take whatever steps should appear indispensable for our dignity and for the security of the colony’’
This investigation would be completed within ten days which was around February 1897 (see part 4). The conclusion Sorrentino drew from the investigation was as follows: ''Within ten days he had determined that Lafolé was neither the precursor of a general urprising against the Italians nor an Ethiopian ambush but an isolated case of action by Wadan tribesmen and the tribes of Geledi; who had been spurred to the act by two Arabs from Mogadishu’’ (Robert L. Hess)
The conclusion Sorrentino drew was that the guilty ones were Wacdaan tribesmen and the tribes of Geledi, which meant that these tribesmen would be punished as the Italian foreign minister said in the NY Times report. Also Sorrentino believed that these tribesmen have been spurred to the act by two Arabs from Mogadishu. These Arabs were Abu Bakr Bin Awod, Filonardi’s interpreter and a certain Islam bin Muhammed.
The first thing, Sorrentino did was arresting Abu Bakr, while Islam bin Muhammed disappeared from the Benadir coast. The second thing, Sorrentino did was to plan a punitive expedition against the Somalis who were 'guilty of the outrage'. For this he had ordered two companies of Eritrean askaris. In the meantime, Sorrentino, researched the conditions prevailing in the Benadir, where he discovered the widespread practice of slavery and domestic servitude. But he could not do something about it, since obviously this meant distrubting the whole plantation economy of the South.
''Under the circumstances-the already difficult relations with the interior tribes- Neither Dulio nor Sorrentino could act immediately against slavery. Such action would have committed the Italians to a costly undertaking of doubtful outcome, a risk that Sorrentino had been ordered not to take.’’ (Robert L. Hess)
Sorrentino and Dulio, the Benadir Company's commissioner, had to content themselves with the expected punitive expedition against the tribes in the interior. Sorrentino was pleased at the prospect of this punitive expedition as he thought of the Somalis as: ‘liars, thieves, and murderers’ A clear grudge from the ‘Lafole massacre’
He wrote in his book Ricordi del Benadir: ‘We’ve got a nasty cat to skin!, May God protect us!’
In March the reinforcements of the two companies of Eritrean askaris finally arrived, and the Italians completed their plans for the punitive expedition against the Wacdaan and Geledi.
On April 20, almost 5 months after the Lafole attack, Sorrentino led his expedition inland and burned first Lafole and then several other villages associated with the Geledi and Murusade clan. The religious settlement of Nimow from where Sheekh Axmed Xaaji preached his religious message, was also bombarded by an Italian warship.
''The Italian bombardment of the small coastal village of Nimow in retaliation for Cecchi’s death marked the first such colonial action against a Somali civilian population.’’( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians were joyful about these ‘energetic measures’ against the Somalis who were found guilty. Surprisingly, the Italians thought that these measures would solve everything and concluded that the Sorrentino expedition was a success:
''With Abu Bakr arrested, the Ethiopians in voluntary retreat, Lafole avenged, and leaders of Somali opposition deported, Sorrentino had virtually accomplished his mission by the end of April’’ (Robert L. Hess)
The deported leaders were Hussein Dera of Mogadishu and other Somalis for collaboration with the Ethiopians and instigation of Somali attacks on trading caravans between Lugh and the Coastal towns. Although these punitive expeditions looked impressive, they had no lasting effect, as it further antagonized the Wacdaan and Geledi clans. Also, it became clear that the two Arabs had no influence whatsoever on the clans of the interior, and thus were not the source of opposition to the Italian presence.
''The impression made by the punitive expedition after Lafolé could hardly have been called lasting'' (Robert L. Hess)
This seems to be the case, since the Italians retreated to the coastal cities after the expedition.
''In the decade following the Lafoole incident, the Italians remained at the coast, their colonial policy marked by uncertainty and indecision. Their only major venture into the interior was the establishment of a garrison of Arab soldiers at Baardheere in 1902’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
Also, in the book 'Italian colonialism in Somalia' of Robert L Hess, it becomes clear that the punitive expedition to avenge the Lafole attack was not followed by other expeditions into the interior.
''We make no expeditions against tribes guilty (of hostilities) but arrest individuals of that tribe who happen to be in town; (this policy) has persuaded the Bimal and the Somali of Mogadishu that we are not strong''
It thus becomes clear that the Italians retreated to the Coast, and only were visible in the cities of Merca, Mogadishu, Barawe and Warsheekh.
In Somali Sultanate, Virginia Luling also talks about the consequences of Lafole attack, in which she writes: ''On the Italian side, though the repercussions of the disaster delayed by three years the formation of the Benadir Company, in the long run it reinforced the conviction that it was necessary to take military control of the hinterland.’’
What made the punitive expedition not effective on the long run? Why did the Italians retreat to the Coast?
To answer these questions we need to know how the different Somali groups in Benadir responded to the Lafole attack.
''It is clear from colonial reports and from Somali oral recollections that Lafoole precipated a response from all the districts of the hinterland'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
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-To start with the Geledi Sultanate,
The Sultan of Geledi, Sultan Osman, as already discussed in the previous parts, wanted to accomodate the Italian presence on the Benadir coast. Cecchi apparently went to conclude a treaty with the Sultan, in order to penetrate the interior of the Benadir region. The Lafole episode came suddenly, and the Italians mounted their revenge expedition. As a consequence, Sultan Osman quickly succumbed to the Italian pressure and signed a treaty of peace with the Italians.
''The encounter with the Italians subdued the sultan of Geledi, who quickly signed a treaty of peace and pledged obedience to the Italian government'' (Robert L. Hess).
This however did not mean that the Geledi people supported the Italian penetration of the Benadir coast, or accepted the Sultan's treaty with the Italians.
The young people of Geledi were fiercely opposed to the Italians and also played a role in the Lafoole attack.
''Acting-Governor Dulio felt that the young men of Geledi were fiercely opposed to the Italian presence, whereas their elders wanted some sort of accommodation'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
Besides the young men, the uncle of Sultan Osman, and others felt that if the sultan wavered in his resistance, Gobroon authority would be weakened for good. This was true, since many from Adawiin lineage, whose religious prestige among the Geledi was second only to the Gobroon, preached a policy of non-accommodation.
The reasons why the Sultan of Geledi succumbed to the Italians were varied. One of them was that Sultan Osman himself considered the possibility of shoring up his waning power through an alliance with the Italians.
The only articulated fierce opposition to the Italians from the Geledi was from the leader of a jamaaca (religious settlement) of the Ahmediya. This leader was Shaykh Abiker Ali Jelle, a member of the sultan’s own Gobroon lineage.
''When Abiker began to preach outright opposition to the colonials sitting threateningly on the coast, he was forced by the Geledi elders to leave the district’’( Lee V. Cassanelli).
This shows on which side the elders stood, and how they along with the Sultan were hesitant to join the resistance and thought accommodation was the best option for the group’s interest. We will see in later installments whether this actually was the case.
-The Wacdaan response:
As already discussed in the previous parts, the Wacdaan were from the beginning fiercely opposed to the Italian penetration of the Benadir. This fierce opposition culminated in the attack of Lafole, in which mainly Wacdaan warriors along with a few Murusade and Geledi warriors, attacked the Cecchi expedition and killed all but three men.
The Italians directed their anger and revenge on mainly this group, by burning Lafole to the ground and bombarding the coastal village of Nimow from the sea. The Sorrentino expedition, with the Italian troops already based in Benadir port-cities and the reinforcements of the two Eritrean Askari companies, was also mainly directed at punishing the Wacdaan and their allies.
These punitive measures however did not subdue the Wacdaan. Instead the Wacdaan remained harassing Italian presence on the Benadir coast by attacking caravans to the Benadir port-cities, organising blockades of the caravan routes that went through their territory to Mogadishu.
''Now the Wacdaan were beginning to blockade the caravan routes that ran through their territory to the coast'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians sought to divide the Wacdaan and persuade sections of the group to submit peacefully. As said earlier the most numerous and militarily strongest section of Wacdaan, the Abubakar (Abukar?) Moldheere were lead by the famous Hassan Hussein, the fierce anti-‘infidel’ leader who along with Sheekh Axmed Xaaji articulated the opposition to the Italian penetration of the Benadir coast. This section of Wacdaan could not be persuaded, and continued to fight the Italians to the bitter end. The other section, the Mahad Moldheere, began slowly to depart from the rest of Wacdaan. They too participated in the Lafole attack, but started to move to the side of the Geledi. This was not suprising since they inhabited the territory contiguous to Afgooye and the fertile lands around Adadleh.
''Their interests coincided more with those of the agricultural Geledi. However, their smaller numbers gave them less influence in Wacdaan clan councils, which came to assume greater importance for policymakers as the Wacdaan began to act independently of the Geledi. While the Mahad Moldheere apparently cooperated in the Lafoole siege, their leader Abiker Ahmed Hassan subsequently struck an independent diplomatic stance.’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
When in 1899 the Italians demanded forty hostages to be surrendered to the authorities in Muqdisho as a sign of Wacdaan submission, only the Mahad Moldheere responded. Their leader Abiker became a stipended official, which enhanced his standing among those of pacific persuasion.
The Abubakar Moldheere refused to send the twenty representatives demanded of them and for some years remained openly defiant of Italian authority.
''They continued to attack caravans and occasionally to boycott the market of Muqdisho. There is some evidence to suggest that feuding within the Wacdaan increased after this rift between the two major lineages’( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Biyamaal response:
The Biyamaal were one of the first group to express their support for the Wacdaan in the lafole attack. They boycotted the markets of Merca, and the northern Biyamaal even collaborated with Hassan Husein of the Wacdaan. This collaboration led to the Biyamaal becoming also a target of punitive expeditions.
''After the Lafoole episode, several Biimaal sections boycotted the market of Marka to express their support for the Wacdaan action. The northern Biimaal collaborated with Hassan Hussein of Lafoole in cutting off land communications between Muqdisho and Marka.'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians also targeted the Biyamaal for their support to the Wacdaan. In this they seized Jeziira, 13 miles south of Mogadishu.
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These were the immediate responses of the Italian colonialists and the different Somali groups to the Lafole episode.
These actions and reactions would accelerate in the coming years, as the Italians were determined to colonize Benadir coast as the springboard for the eventual colonization of the rest of Southern Somalia. In this, the Italians would target the two most fiercest resistance groups in the Benadir: the Wacdaan and Biyamaal, who were already allied in their economic sanctions and operations to distrubt the lines of supplies and communication of the Italians in Mogadishu. As will become clear in the next installments the Italians would target the very foundation of the Wacdaan and Biyamaal power: their means of production and thus means of power-->the plantation economy of the Benadir coast.
In the next installment the plantation economy of the Benadir coast and Southern Somalia will be discussed and the Italian strategy to undermine this by their anti-slavery campaign.
This strategy of directly targeting the foundations of the Benadir agricultural society and thus the power of the two most fiercest resistance groups against Italian pentration of the Benadir coast would trigger the monsoon Storm of Resistance that struck the Benadir coast region.
''Southern Somali history is Ajuuraan and Silcis, then Geledi. Geledi are king of kings, every clan in the south knows.''
Here you discharge the centuries old alliance between Geledi and Wacdan by claiming all credit. Weren't Wacdan with you when the Silcis were defeated, the Wacdaan themselves claim to be the ones that defeated them while the Geledi also do the same.
Also, weren't Biyamaal powerful enough to never have submitted to the dominance of Geledi, and even killed Sultan Yusuf and his son at the zenith of Geledi power?
Anyways, never become like the one who is sweettalking to you, never monopolize history and run away with all the fame. If your people behaved in this way, there would not be an alliance that lasted centuries.
''The first thing, Sorrentino did was arresting Abu Bakr, while Islam bin Muhammed disappeared from the Benadir coast''
After that I discuss the socalled punitive actions the Italians took in which they thought they could destroy the Resistance since the ''Osama Binladen and Al-Zahawari'' were taken care of along with the burning of several villages and coastal towns.
''In March the reinforcements of the two companies of Eritrean askaris finally arrived, and the Italians completed their plans for the punitive expedition against the Wacdaan and Geledi.
On April 20, almost 5 months after the Lafole attack, Sorrentino led his expedition inland and burned first Lafole and then several other villages associated with the Geledi and Murusade clan. The religious settlement of Nimow from where Sheekh Axmed Xaaji preached his religious message, was also bombarded by an Italian warship.''
These actions along with the dealing of the two arab men would have stopped the Resistance if it was that simple as SB and co believe, but this is far from the truth. The Resistance was just sparked off, with the powerful Biyamaal been drawn in the Resistance alongside Wacdaan and allies.
As both Robert L Hess and Lee V. Cassanelli acknowledge, the ''punitive actions'' had nearly any effect on the morale of the Resistance, it only reinforced the groups involved and drew the powerful Biyamaal ever closer to the side of the Resistance.
''The impression made by the punitive expedition after Lafole could hardly have been called lasting'' (Robert L. Hess)
''In the decade following the Lafoole incident, the Italians remained at the coast, their colonial policy marked by uncertainty and indecision. Their only major venture into the interior was the establishment of a garrisson of Arab soldiers at Baardheere in 1902'' (Lee V. Cassanelli )
In another passage, Robert L. Hess writes about the Italian commanders remark:
''We make no expeditions against tribes guilty (of hostilities) but arrest individuals of that tribe who happen to be in town; (this policy) has persuaded the Bimal and the Somali of Mogadishu that we are not strong''
It thus becomes clear that the Italians retreated to the Coast, and only were visible in cities/towns like Mogadishu, Merca, Warsheekh and Baraawe.
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For more detailed picture just read Ch5 on page 5 and see who is distorting historical events by photo-copying some pieces as indha-sircaad without looking at the matter seriously and turning a couple of pages around to get a fuller picture. At least I discuss the Lafole event comprehensively.
PS:
One last comment,
On page 215 of the book written by Lee V. Cassanelli, we can see what the reasons were behind the Wacdaan decision to resist. SB and co have presented a silly argument that two arab men ''outsmarted'' the Wacdaan into fighting the Italians, this argument has already been shown to be silly and a blatant lie and distortion of events.
Lets see what Lee V. Cassanelli writes on page 215:
''Two factors bearing heavily on Wacdaan attidutes toward the colonial presence were the internal struggle for leadership, and the economic dislocation brought about by the abolition of the slavery and by the famine years of 1889-95''
It continues, on the same page:
''The dry years of the 1890s only exacerbated the economic situation: it was reported in 1898 that one-half of the Wacdaan population had been forced to abandon its home territory for pastures further inland. Apart from weakening their bonds with the Geledi, these developments, we can surmise, made the Wacdaan extremely fearful of any further threat to their land and well-being. They were, moreover, the first Somalis whose territory was actually invaded by colonial soldiers at the time of Cecchi expedition''
From the above pieces it becomes clear that Wacdaan had various reasons to resist, like their traditional fierce anti-infidel attidute, the hard economic situation around 1890s, combined with the famine years of 1889-95, the abolition of the slavery (the destruction of their means of production) etc etc. So to reduce all these factors into: ''two arab men tricked them and outsmarted them to fight the Italians'' is really chidlesh thinking. And I am not even surprised as the one who makes this argument. What actually surprises me is why I even take the time to respond. But its my duty to educate my fellow Somali people who are still reasoning like kids.
Last edited by Somaliweyn on Fri Mar 21, 2008 2:33 pm, edited
Like for example that the Sultan of Geledi started to accomodate the Italians and started to establish friendly relationshops with the Italian governors of Mogadishu.
Also, I discuss how this combined with the fierce anti-infidel mentality of Wacdaan lead to the alliance been cooled of.
Lee V. Cassanelli writes (for the owners of the book see page 209)
''In fact, the sultan was in a difficult position. Within his own Gobroon lineage, advisers were urging him to stand against the Italians and so restore his prestige among nearby clans who were fearful of the foreigners. Geledi's long-time allies the Wacdaan had apparently acted independently at Lafoole; and they had been assisted by a handful of warriors from the Murursade, also Geledi allies. Now the Wacdaan were beginning to blockade the caravan routes that ran through their territory to the coast. Osman's uncle and others felt that if the sultan wavered in his resistance, Gobroon authority would be weakened for good''
If we analyze this issue further (unlike the indha-sircaad of one page) and go to page 215, about Wacdaan we can see clearly that the alliance cooled off since the Wacdaan (the largest sections) were determined to resist, while the only section that followed Geledi were the Mahad Moldheere (smaller section) who shared more with Geledi since they were farmers etc.
''Apart from weakening their bonds with the Geledi, these developments, we can surmise, made the Wacdaan extremely fearful of any further threat to their land and well-being.'' Page 215, book of Lee V. Cassanelli.
So there goes silly argument nr1.
If we go further to argument nr2, we can see evidence that only reinforces what has been told in this topic.
For example, if we again go to page 5, chapter 5 we can see that the Italians sought to divide the Wacdaan and persuade sections of the group to submit peacefully. This is nothing new in Colonial warfare and strategy (divide and conquer strategy). They succeeded in luring one section which was called Mahad Moldheere. The most numerous and militarily strongest section of Wacdaan, the Abubakar Moldheere stood their ground and continued to resist. See page 5, chapter 5, the Response of Wacdaan.
Also, the reason why Mahad Moldheere was bribed was because they inhabited the territory contiguous to Afgooye and the fertile lands around Adadleh. They shared more with the Geledi (farmers) then with the fierce pastoralists of Benadir like Biyamaal and Wacdaan (Abubakar Moldheere).
''Their interests coincided more with those of the agricultural Geledi. However, their smaller numbers gave them less influence in Wacdaan clan councils, which came to assume greater importance for policymakers as the Wacdaan began to act independently of the Geledi. While the Mahad Moldheere apparently cooperated in the Lafoole siege, their leader Abiker Ahmed Hassan subsequently struck an independent diplomatic stance'' (Lee V. Cassanelli,page 216)
This quotation kills two birds with one stone.
ON the one hand it SHOWS that Wacdaan and Geledi alliance cooled off, and that the Wacdaan acted independently since they wanted to resist while the Sultan of Geledi wanted to accomodate and collaborate with the Italians.
ON the other hand it SHOWS that the Italians divided the Wacdaan, and that they could only bribe one calool-u-shaqeyste (opportunist) called Abiker Ahmed Hassan, and that they could convince Mahad Moldheere (minority section of Wacdan) using this opportunist that they should not resist. In this they succeed since the Mahad Moldheere shared more with the Geledi and saw the Geledi not resisting, hence they diverged from their Wacdaan brothers that went ahead in the Resistance.
After the Italians fully colonized Somalia and crushed all resistance coming from various Somali groups, the collaboreters (traitors) were treated good, while the brave ones who resisted were reduced in numbers and power. Hence why the minority section Mahad Moldheere in the 1960s (after a half century of Italian preferential treatment since they collaborated with the Italians) became powerfull and rose in status.
''In the early 1960s, a man of the Mahad Moldheere was recognized as titular head of all the Wacdaan'' ( Lee V. Cassanelli, page 217)
Doesn't this support all the other evidences presented so far in this topic? Isn't there so far consistency in the discussion of Axad Shiiki?
Now, who is distorting historical events by indha-sircaad (photo-copying) and by his biased (even envious and hateful) attidute?
LA COLONIA SOMALA
Dubat-i Bersaglieri neri
SOMALIA: UN PAESE INVENTATO.
Poche settimane dopo l'occupazione di Massaua, il Regio Avviso "Barbarigo" (nave) ebbe l'ordine di recarsi a Zanzibàr (isola), di visitare le coste di terraferma dipendenti dall'omonimo sultanato (protettorato inglese) e di esplorare le foci del Giuba (fiume). La missione: avviare col sultano negoziati per un trattato commerciale. L'incarico fu affidato al Cap. Antonio Cecchi e al comandante della nave. Nel maggio del 1885 veniva concluso il primo accordo commerciale col sultano. Ulteriori accordi portarono poi all'affitto del Benadir (la fascia di costa meridionale con le città di Mogadiscio e Brava) tramite le imprese private di Filonardi e la Società del Benadir creata appositamente. Ricordiamo che l'Italia aveva aiutato gli Inglesi in Sudan nella guerra contro il Mahdi ed era quindi in credito di favori. Le lotte intestine, gli sconfinamenti di bande dall'interno abissino spingono nel 1889 i sultani di Obbia, (Yusuf Ali) e Migiurtina (Osman Mahamud), due regioni confinanti a nord-est, a chiedere il nostro protettorato. Per conformazione geografica e climatica la Somalia vive dalla costa verso l'interno sui corsi d'acqua torrentizi e stagionali, ma non lungo il litorale collegato da porto a porto via mare. Nei successivi due anni sono colonizzate altre città minori della costa. Filonardi nominato console fonda nel villaggio El Ataleh la nuova colonia Itala.
12 Agosto 1892: preceduta dal protocollo anglo-italiano per determinare la sfera d'influenza delle due potenze nel Corno d'Africa viene firmata la convenzione italo-zanzibarese con la quale si stabilisce l'affitto all'Italia di Uarscéc, Mogadìscio, Mérca, Bràva e territori circostanti per 25 anni. Scaduti i 25 anni l'Italia poteva rinnovare la convenzione per altri 25. Il canone annuo da corrispondere al sultano (Zanzibar) era di 160.000 rupie, ridotte poi a 120.000. L'affitto delle quattro stazioni costiere passò in subconcessione alla Società Filonardi. Dai punti della costa, come era già successo in Eritrea, seguendo i letti dei fiumi, partono le spedizioni scientifiche e geografiche per conoscere le potenzialità dell'interno (su queste coste era tuttora fiorente il commercio "illegale" degli schiavi neri da parte degli arabi).
11 Ottobre 1893: cade a Mérca, ucciso dai Bimàl, il ten. Maurizio Talmone.
26 Novembre 1896: il cap. Cecchi, divenuto console e impegnato per conto della Soc. Benàdir in una pacifica penetrazione a scopo di amicizia col sultano di Ghelédi, è massacrato nella boscaglia di Lafolé a soli 20 Km da Mogadiscio. Persero la vita, insieme a comandanti, ufficiali e alcuni marinai delle navi "Staffetta" e "Volturno", anche alcuni europei. A Lugh, Ugo Ferrandi è costretto a resistere da solo agli attacchi dei razziatori abissini, imbaldanziti dalle sconfitte italiane in Eritrea. La località si chiamerà poi Lugh Ferrandi. Il triangolo compreso fra il Somaliland britannico e la Somalia colonizzata si chiama Ogaden. Qui sorgeranno i primi problemi con i Ras Abissini, che sfoceranno in guerra aperta nel '36 e successivamente nella prima guerra africana fra la Somalia e L'Etiopia.
17 Marzo 1897: nello Scioà è decimata da un attacco etiope la carovana dell'esploratore Vittorio Bòttego che vi trova la morte.
Marzo 1902: la Soc. del Benàdir presenta al Parlamento un programma d'azione vasto e coordinato che porta poi all'occupazione di Bardéra e Lugh, l'istituzione di un servizio di trasporti di terra e di mare e un trattato col sultano di Ghelédi. Le forze militari italiane in quel paese sono veramente esigue e costituite solo da locali o yemeniti mercenari costituiti in bande comandate da Italiani e da eritrei. Due anni dopo, la crisi commerciale della Società del Benadir e la politica restrittiva italiana che prendeva provvedimenti contro la schiavitù delle tribù arabe della costa, portò al primo scontro con la fazione dei Bimal nella zona di Merca. Nostre accuse di schiavismo ritenute infondate e timori di invasione del Mùllah portano alla risoluzione della convenzione con la Soc. del Benàdir. Di fatto, però l'Italia si era sostituita alla Società già da alcuni mesi. Nei successivi quattro anni si conteranno altre due guerre contro questa Tribù.
13 Gennaio 1905: accordo tra Italia e Inghilterra (che rappresentava "tout court !!!" il sultano di Zanzibàr). L'Italia riscatta i quattro scali somali in cambio di un compenso forfettario di 144.000 sterline destinate al governo di Zanzibàr. Con un altro accordo, l'Inghilterra affitta all'Italia un appezzamento di terreno nella baia di Chisimàio. Il terreno è destinato alla costruzione di uno sbarcatoio e di magazzini merci. Nello stesso anno è proclamata la colonia italiana della Somalia (a nordest e sud).
26 Agosto 1905: vittoria italiana a Gilìb contro i ribelli Bimàl, contrari ad abolizione e repressione della schiavitù.
06 Febbraio 1907: sulla costa fra Mérca e Mogadìscio è previsto un concentramento di ribelli Bimàl; per impedirla, 2 colonne (600 ascari comandati dal Ten. Streva e 4 ufficiali) muovono dalle città e disperdono i ribelli ritirandosi poi a Danàne.
Settembre 1907: Menelik invia dall'Etiopia una spedizione per estorcere tributi. Dopo essere stata respinta una prima volta dagli uomini del Mullah, riesce a raggiungere i pozzi di Berdalè presso Lugh dando inizio ad una serie di razzie. I capitani Bongiovanni e Molinari con 300 uomini decidono di intervenire per ottenere pacificamente la restituzione del bottino. Raggiunta Bahallè sono costretti allo scontro dagli abissini e vi trovano la morte. Gli eccessi compiuti nelle razzie verranno puniti dallo stesso Menelik. In seguito a questi fatti si conclude ad Addis Abeba un trattato per la delimitazione dei confini tra Etiopia e Somalia italiana. In pratica però i confini furono fissati solo da Dòlo (a sud) a Lét. Il problema dei confini, che comprendeva anche l'Ogaden, sarà una palla al piede della diplomazia italiana e causa di guerra per noi e dopo di noi.
15 Dicembre 1907-02 Marzo 1908: il cap. Vitali alla testa di 500 ascari batte a Dongàb i ribelli Bimàl, tornati all'azione contro l'estendersi della occupazione italiana. L'azione è sostenuta dalla Regia Nave "Staffetta", con la cooperazione della R.N. "Volta, che dal mare disperdono a cannonate i ribelli presso Danàne.
11-12 Luglio 1908: la spedizione guidata dal magg. Antonino Di Giorgio libera Mérca, minacciata dai ribelli. Scontro a Merére tra i ribelli e gli uomini di Di Giorgio che sono costretti ad incendiare il villaggio ed in seguito ad occupare Afgòi. Il sultano di Ghelédi con 5000 armati si sottomette all'Italia.
01 Agosto 1912: gli italiani occupano Uànle Uén mentre gli inglesi combattono ferocemente contro gli uomini del Mullah che stanno dilagando nel Somaliland. Questi era un ribelle, che passerà alla storia col nome di Mad Mullah “Mullah Matto” noto ai somali come Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan. Tenne impegnate per oltre un trentennio (1889/1920) soprattutto le forze britanniche del Somaliland, ma diede molti fastidi militari, fino alla sua morte, anche alla colonia italiana. Gli strascichi della guerra Italo-Turca coinvolgono anche piccoli scontri a Balad (gennaio 1912) e Scidle (marzo 1912)
19 Giugno 1913: truppe italiane a Bur Acaba e ad Iscia Baidòa.
Febbraio 1920: la grand'offensiva inglese contro il Mullah termina con la fuga di quest'ultimo nel nostro territorio del Nogàl. Egli morirà presso Imi nell'alto Uébi nel 1921. In Italia intanto è costituita a Milano la Società Agricola Italo-Somala su iniziativa di S.A.R. il Duca degli Abruzzi.
15 Luglio 1924 Convenzione di Londra: l'Inghilterra cede il Jubaland all'Italia come compenso post-bellico (per non aver partecipato alla spartizione delle colonie tedesche ?). Nel luglio dell'anno successivo iniziano le operazioni per l'occupazione dello Jubaland sotto il Commissariato Generale dell'Oltregiuba. La Somalia non diventerà mai una colonia di popolamento, anzi la capitale Mogadiscio non arriverà certo alle dimensioni "italiane" di Asmara, arrivando a contare, al massimo dell'immigrazione italiana, non più di 10.000 italiani.
La regione OGADEN nella saga della Somalia. Pagina rielaborata dal sito http://www.italosomali.org/Ogaden.htm.
La provincia era parte integrante del territorio somalo, prima che fosse ceduta al re etiope Menelik II, che nel 1887 andò a Berlino a mendicare presso le grandi potenze uno sbocco verso il mare. I tre firmatari Italia, Gran Bretagna e Francia durante gli anni 1884-1886 cedettero l'Ogaden a titolo di gratificazione all’Etiopia per non aver ostacolato la ricerca delle concessioni territoriali nel corno d'Africa. L’impero Ottomano attraverso il Khedive d’Egitto (e per questo sotto l'ala degli Inglesi), esercitava una sorta di potere coloniale sul territorio, tra cui i tre sultanati di Obbia, Migiurtinia e Zanzibar. Nel 1882, lo Stato italiano decise di rilevare alcune aree per iniziare la sua conquista coloniale, cominciando dall’Eritrea (che sarà colonia l'1/1/1890). Giuseppe Candeo (è a lui che si deve la conoscenza dell'Ogaden e la compilazione della grande carta della stessa regione) fece un viaggio di esplorazione nel 1891 con Baudi di Vesme nella Somalia centrale. Giunti ad Harar, il 22 maggio, furono imprigionati per ordine di Ras Makonnen poi espulsi. L'Italia, dopo la pace dell'ottobre del 1896 stipulò, il 10 luglio del 1900, il trattato relativo alla frontiera. Con questo si cancellava per sempre il Trattato di Uccialli (protettorato italiano sull'Etiopia). Più tardi, vennero due convenzioni: una il 15 maggio del 1902, per la delimitazione del confine tra l'Eritrea, il Sudan e l'Etiopia verso il Setit e, l'altra il 16 maggio del 1908 per il confine tra l'Abissinia e la Somalia italiana e tra l'Abissinia e l'Eritrea verso la Dancalia. Un ribelle, che passerà alla storia col nome di Mad Mullah “Mullah il Matto” (noto ai somali come Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan), tenne impegnate per oltre un trentennio (1889/1920) le forze britanniche del Somaliland, dando, fino alla sua morte, molti fastidi militari anche alla colonia italiana.
1 Giugno 1936: con la costituzione dell'impero, l'Ogaden ex-etiope, è inserito nuovamente nel territorio somalo. Scoppiata la seconda guerra mondiale, la Somalia fu occupata dalle truppe britanniche che, passato il confine dell’Oltregiuba dal Kenya, il 27 febbraio 1941 entravano a Mogadiscio, assumendone l’amministrazione e costituendo il territorio separato dell’Ogaden. L'Ogaden veniva così reso definitivamente all’Etiopia. Nel sud gli inglesi facevano analogo regalo al Kenya della regione somala NFD (North Front District). L’occupazione inglese del Somaliland durò fino al 31 marzo 1950, quando questo divenne indipendente. La Somalia, ad amministrazione italiana, divenne a sua volta indipendente il 1 luglio 1960. A questo punto ci fu l’unione delle due ex colonie. L’Ogaden nell’ambito della storia somala è la regione dove si sono combattute battaglie epiche. Correvano i lontani anni 1541/1543 quando le truppe imperiali etiopi furono salvate da un tracollo militare contro i somali da 400 cattolici portoghesi che aiutarono il negus, cristiano-copto, usando per la prima volta in Africa Orientale i fucili. I rapporti tra i due imperi (Portoghese ed Etiope) erano cominciati nel 1502 e dureranno fino al 1769. Nel 1520 c’era già una Ambasciata portoghese in Etiopia. Ma torniamo agli anni 60, con l’indipendenza della Somalia, che non ha mai cessato di rivendicare la regione dell’Ogaden come entità geografica e politica somala. Con l'allora Capo di Stato Maggiore somalo Daud Mohamed Hersi, ci fu una breve scaramuccia di confine, che gli americani nel periodo protettori di Haile Selassie, circoscrissero immediatamente prima che sfociasse in guerra. Oggi si ricorda invece Giggiga come una delle più ardite operazioni aeromobili condotte dai sovietici in appoggio agli etiopi. Chi ricorda ancora che nell'Ogaden fu combattuta (1977) una delle più sanguinose guerre convenzionali della storia?. Quando la Somalia sotto la guida del dittatore Siad Barre tentò di strappare l'arida regione all'Etiopia, i sovietici comandati dal Generale dell'esercito Vasily Petrov e il Tenente Generale dell'Aviazione G. Dolnikov congiuntamente ai cubani guidati dal Generale di Divisione Arnaldo Ochoa (fucilato poi da Castro per traffico di droga), stabilirono uno stato maggiore congiunto di cui Menghistu fu il leader politico. La forza armata era formata da 5 Generali etiopi, 8 cubani, 5 sovietici 2 yemeniti (lo Yemen inviò 2000 soldati), 50.000 soldati etiopici aiutati da 18.000 cubani, piloti israeliani sugli F5, piloti cubani e yemeniti sui Mig. Ricorrendo ad un imponente ponte aereo in aggiunta alle informazioni militari dei cubani e dei sovietici che avevano armato fino a quel momento il regime di Mohamed Siad Barre, nel giro di un anno ricacciarono i Somali dalle posizioni conquistate, sconfiggendoli nelle battaglie di Diredaua e Giggiga. Restò famosa l'operazione con cui I russi scavalcarono la linea somala trasbordando su una imponente massa di elicotteri un'intera divisione motorizzata. Questa in sintesi la storia dell’Ogaden, terra somala, abitata dagli Ogaden, etnia somala dei Darod. La Somalia attuale conta circa 6.450.000 abitanti su un territorio di 637.650 kmq densità 10 abitanti per kmq. Chi spadroneggia sono ancora i vecchi clan, o signori della guerra come è sempre stato.
DUBAT - I Bersaglieri Neri
Il Governatore De Vecchi diede vita nel 1924 ad una specialità denominata "Bande Armate di Confine" meglio conosciuta con il nome di "Dubat" (Dub=turbanti AT=bianchi). I Dubat erano una truppa intermedia fra regolari e irregolari. La loro principale caratteristica consisteva nell'estrema leggerezza di armamento e di equipaggiamento che permetteva spostamenti rapidissimi. I «dubat» sono snelli e scattanti, dal passo lungo, nerissimi di pelle ma bianchissimi nei turbanti e nell'abbigliamento molto leggero per potersi muovere con agilità a guardia delle frontiere. Sono scelti fra gli uomini più dotati fisicamente e intellettualmente. Vigili e fedeli furono impareggiabili cavalcatori del Generale Graziani, divisi in bande comandate da ufficiali italiani, cui venne affidato il compito di vigilare sul confine. Sempre pronti a reagire contro le incursioni dei razziatori abissini entro i nostri confini, si spostavano attraverso la pianura allagata per raggiungere gli obbiettivi (Ogaden conteso), con zattere abilmente improvvisate, oppure a nuoto, sfidando il pericolo dei coccodrilli. Gli africani, e soltanto loro, possono confrontarsi con i coccodrilli a nuoto. Il più famoso fu Ali Ualie, che comandava il posto di frontiera di Ual-Ual al momento del proditorio attacco del capo predone Omar Sammantar. Questi in precedenza aveva assassinato a pugnalate un nostro ufficiale e con i suoi uomini massacrato i difensori di un nostro presidio. Con la ritirata degli aggressori (sostenuti dal maggiore inglese Chifford del «Camel's Corp» della vicina Somalia britannica) si accese il conflitto italo-etiopico del 1935. Se gli Ascari, come diceva Montanelli, spesso tagliavano la corda col bottino, i Dubat erano gente orgogliosa che andava trattata con gentilezza. Gli dicevi di dare una occhiata alla boscaglia e quelli sparivano. Sparivano per poi ritornare e sapevi vita morte e miracoli in un raggio di 5 km. Il loro addestramento era affidato a graduati indigeni provenienti dai battaglioni coloniali. La gerarchia comprendeva 4 gradi: gregario, sotto capo, capobanda e comandante.
A curiosity: During "Ibis" mission in 1993, a former Somali Dubat sergeant, something like 80 years old, presented himself to the italian parachutists (Folgore) at the embassy in Mogadiscio, speaking perfect italian, holding his M91 musket... he leaved and was treated as an "irregular" for all the period of the mission. Certo la sorpresa fu tanta quando, nei primi giorni del 1993 nel corso dell'operazione RESTORE HOPE (Ibis per noi) lanciata dall'Onu per riportare il Paese fuori dalla guerra intestina, i comandanti si videro comparire davanti un Dubat, di una certa età, che disse " Sono Scirè*, sono stato in servizio (nei "servizi") delle Vostre unità coloniali e voglio riprendere il mio posto" !!!!. A chi pensava fosse uno scherzo non occorse molto per accorgersi che era tutto vero. Fra le mani dello scalzo Scirè era comparso anche un fucile 91 perfettamente funzionante. Senza autorizzazioni particolari si schierò col picchetto e piantò la capanna nel cortile della caserma. Una divisa dovettero anche procurargliela e non c'era persona più ligia e impeccabile nell'eseguire ordini. Un certo imbarazzo sorgeva solo quando all'alzabandiera salutava con la formula "Viva il Re, Viva il Duce, Viva l'Italia". Che in Italia fosse cambiato qualcosa non era cosa che lo riguardava, per lui poi quelli venuti dopo non erano tanto migliori di quelli di prima. *nota: Scirè è una regione dell’Etiopia tra i fiumi Tacazzè e Mareb, teatro degli scontri del 1936 per la conquista dell’Etiopia.
VIE E FERROVIE SOMALI
Le possibilità di sviluppo agricolo in Somalia si evidenziano ben presto ottime. Dopo le opportune bonifiche si possono impiantare, il banano (ancor oggi monopolio Usa), il cotone, l'arachide, il sesamo, il mais etc... Il Duca degli Abruzzi, Luigi di Savoia ottiene una concessione di 25.000 ettari che irriga con una grande diga costruita sullo Uebi Scebeli che col Giuba è il più grande e lungo dei fiumi del Sud (l'Oltregiuba come regione viene ceduta dagli inglesi nel 1924). Ulteriori piccole rettifiche di territorio acquisito si avranno fino al 1929. Durante la stagione delle piogge entrambi i fiumi sono navigabili per lunghi tratti. Per la movimentazione dei raccolti al nuovo porto di Mogadiscio viene costruita una piccola ferrovia, che si sviluppa poi per altri rami fino a raggiungere una lunghezza massima di 114 km. Diverso il discorso per le strade che vennero ritracciate e rinnovate togliendole dai pantani stagionali. La costruzione non può non tenere conto delle nuove aree produttive e commerciali sorte, oltre al Villaggio Duca degli Abruzzi già citato, e delle esigenze difensive sia a Nord che a Sud. Viene quindi tracciata una strada carrozzabile di 1484 km che da Mogadiscio per l'interno arriva a Bender Cassim nel Golfo di Aden (1929). Il problema principale è la massicciata che abbisogna di materiale di cava che non esiste nel piano. Con le diramazioni verso la costa e la prosecuzione verso il Kenya il totale delle rete stradale arriva a oltre 10.000 Km.
Così il giornalista Queirolo racconta il suo viaggio a Bender Cassim (Bosaso) sulla strada in via di ultime rifiniture (novembre 1929)"....da Ghersale le nostre auto scendono dal treno e si lanciano su Bulo Burti e Belet Uen.. A Belet Uen è un fervore di opere, sono appena trascorsi 13 mesi da quando l'arteria era stata concepita. Lungo la bella via costruita dalle Bande incontriamo di quando in quando i bianchi turbanti dei Dubat, rigidi nel presentat'arm. Ferfer è banda, in tutta la sua eccezione di provvisorietà, ... villaggio dei Dubat ammogliati, in regolari file di capanne e il campo cintato con la sede del comando di settore. Sono già 400 i km fatti e ci aspettano altri 386 km fino a Rocca Littorio fra incredibili termitai.. un poco ci illudiamo di correre sulla Appia Antica. Qualche posto di guardia, un ridottino di sassi e di solito un maestoso albero sul quale in alto si staglia la figura statuaria del Dubat. Le bianche tute, i bianchi turbanti, i torsi nudi scultorei attraversati dalla cartucciera e alla mano il fucile che non si lascia mai. Si lavora e si fa tutto con la mano libera dal fucile. A Garroe il governatore passa in rivista i Dubat che a sera ci allietano di una fantasia tribale... .. saliamo ai 900 metri di Gardò, e il nostro sguardo spazia su gazzelle, struzzi, licaoni, scimmie ma anche volatili e serpenti. La notte fredda ci ha ritemprato e l'alba tinge l'oriente per l'estrema tappa. ... di quando in quando vediamo alberelli di incenso che non si capisce da dove traggano la linfa aggrappati come sono alla nera roccia.......".
Lungo queste strade parte anche il servizio di autocorriera. (Mogadiscio -Bosaso bi e trimensile, Mogadiscio-Lugh km 425 bimensile etc). Bisogna considerare che per quei tragitti non occorrevano meno di 5/6 giorni di viaggio -quasi 1.500 km-, il tempo di ritornare per la nuova corsa. Anche in colonia si sperimentano i carboni alternativi che sono poi quelli di legna, per rendere nel tempo autonoma l'autotrazione. Si bruciano acacie di vario tipo, molto diffuse su arenili e dune, con rendimenti fino al 20% del peso iniziale. Un'altra risorsa somala del corno d'africa sono le saline il cui sale viene inviato al Porto di Hafun (Dante) con una teleferica.
http://digilander.libero.it/fiammecremisi/dopoguerra1/colonia.htm
La nefasta influenza della politica etiope nel Corno d’Africa.
L'Ogaden e la Somalia i veri obiettivi dell’egemonia etiope nel Corno d'Africa
Da sempre l’Etiopia si comporta e si muove come nemico della Somalia. L’Abissinia è un nemico spietato dell’unità dello stato Somalo, in quanto non accettando un ritorno alla normalità dello stato somalo, attua un passo fondamentale per la sua sicurezza interna. Contemporaneamente, però, ha libertà d’azione nella provincia dell’Ogaden. La politica etiope, in modo particolare in questo frangente, ma da sempre, punta sul “divide et impera” dei somali. Tale procedimento strategico nel passato aveva poche speranze di successo, ora questa tecnica paga; il vistoso risultato è visibile: sono dodici anni (si va per il tredicesimo) che lo stato somalo si è dissolto e, a breve non ci sono soluzioni di un ritorno alla normalità della Somalia. L'Etiopia, ha puntato vistosamente sull’alimentazione dell’odio facendo leva sull’animosità e incuneandosi abilmente fra le differenze dialettiche dei vari clan somali aizzandoli gli uni contro gli altri. Bisogna ammettere che, in questa debolezza caratteriale somala, gli abissini hanno colto l’arma vincente che tuttavia, almeno nel passato, trasformava le animosità interne, le quali erano superate nel momento in cui i somali prendevano coscienza delle minacce etiopi e miracolosamente facevano fronte comune contro il nemico di sempre: il “xabashi”, l'abissino. Era l'unico collante che univa i somali, pare però che anche questa prerogativa dei somali si sia dissolta assieme alle assurdità in atto nel paese. Una colpa da addossare ai "economics war lords" che hanno distrutto e continuano a distruggere la Somalia. La coscienza somala è anestetizzata totalmente.
Mogadiscio 1 Aprile 1951 Secondo lido, sfilata di truppe alla festa della polizia
L’Etiopia è uno dei principali animatori dell’Igad (Inter Governmental Authority on Development), che ha organizzato il Congresso di Riconciliazione in corso a Eldoret in Kenya. Chiaramente l’Etiopia, nel contesto del Congresso, adotta e applica le strategie della sua politica, cioè il suddetto, “divide et impera” ma, con un’aggravante, essa tiene a libro paga una buona fetta di “warlords” che partecipano al Congresso di Riappacificazione fornendo armi, contribuendo alla devastazione e alla destabilizzazione della Somalia. La guerra civile somala, ovviamente di suo, ha fornito alla controparte etiope un'occasione unica di rivincita per le cocenti umiliazioni e per le sconfitte subite sul campo da parte dell’esercito regolare somalo nelle plurime guerre tra Etiopia e Somalia. In questo caso l’occasione strategica della politica abissina è unica: è a costo irrisorio, non ha umiliazioni né perdite militari, ha libero accesso per massacrare la popolazione civile dell’Ogaden. Il sostenere sapientemente da parte del governo etiope il fertile terreno dell’avidità e della bramosia di potere dei fantocci denominati “signori della guerra” che sono sponsorizzati a dozzine è la carta vincente, tutto ciò ovviamente rende felice e trionfante il regime di Meles Zenawi. Incredibile ma vero, attualmente i primi nemici dell’Ogaden sono somali: Abdullahi Yusuf, Shatigaduud, Morgan, Yalahow, Aydid etc e con loro tutti coloro che usufruiscono degli aiuti di Addis Abeba. Costoro stanno aiutando a massacrare la popolazione della regione somala dell’Ogaden. Non sembra vero, ma si è materializzato l’obiettivo di smantellare il baluardo del pansomalismo e la posizione dello scomodo rivale e nello stesso momento l’Etiopia si sta assicurando e ha di fatto sotto controllo i futuri assetti politici della Somalia. Vediamo le contrapposizioni partendo da aspetti storici.
La regione OGADEN nella saga della Somalia.
La provincia era parte integrante del territorio somalo, prima che fosse ceduta al re etiope Menelik II, che nel 1887 andò a Berlino a mendicare presso le grandi potenze uno sbocco verso il mare. I tre firmatari Italia, Gran Bretagna e Francia durante gli anni 1884-1886 cedettero l'Ogaden a titolo di gratificazione all’Etiopia per non aver ostacolato la ricerca delle concessioni territoriali nel corno d'Africa. L’impero Ottomano attraverso il Khedive dell’Egitto esercitava una sorta di potere coloniale sul territorio, tra cui i tre sultanati di Obbia, della Migiurtinia e Zanzibar. Nel 1882, lo Stato italiano decise di rilevare alcune aree per iniziare la sua conquista coloniale, cominciando dall’Eritrea (che sarà colonia l'1/1/1890). In ordine temporale, Giuseppe Candeo- è a lui che si deve la conoscenza dell'Ogaden e la compilazione della grande carta della stessa regione - nel 1891 con Baudi di Vesme fece un viaggio di esplorazione nella Somalia centrale. Giunto a Harar, il 22 maggio fu imprigionato per ordine del Ras Makonnen e il giorno dopo Baudi di Vesme seguì la stessa sorte, in seguito ambedue furono espulsi. L'Italia, dopo la pace dell'ottobre del 1896, che cancellò per sempre il Trattato di Uccialli, che annullava ogni pretesa di protettorato italiano sull'Etiopia, stipulò, il 10 luglio del 1900, il trattato relativo alla frontiera e, più tardi, due convenzioni: una, il 15 maggio del 1902, per la delimitazione del confine tra l'Eritrea, il Sudan e l'Etiopia verso il Setit e, l'altra il 16 maggio del 1908 per il confine tra l'Abissinia e la Somalia italiana, e tra l'Abissinia e l'Eritrea verso la Dancalia. Fu più "tranquilla" la penetrazione italiana in Somalia, partita intorno al 1890 attraverso trattative con i potentati locali tra cui Yusuf Ali sultano di Obbia e Osman Mahamud sultano dei Migiurtini, poi con il Sultano di Zanzibar, che era nominalmente signore di gran parte della zona e quindi l’Italia prese accordi con l'Inghilterra, che aveva immensi interessi in quell'area, tra cui il protettorato su Zanzibar. Inizialmente viene preso in affitto il Benadir - la fascia di costa meridionale con Mogadiscio e Brava - tramite le imprese private di Filonardi e la Società del Benadir,quindi nel 1905 la proprietà è riscattata e nasce la nuova colonia che avrà qualche problema militare con l'Etiopia, per ragioni di confini e con un ribelle, che passerà alla storia col nome di Mad Mullah “Mullah Matto” noto ai somali come Sayed Mohamed Abdulla Hassan, che ha tenuto impegnate per oltre un trentennio (1889/1920) soprattutto le forze britanniche del Somaliland, ma diede molti fastidi militari, fino alla sua morte, anche alla colonia italiana. Dopo la I Guerra Mondiale, l’Italia si arricchirà dell'Oltregiuba, ceduto dalla Gran Bretagna in ossequio ai patti di partecipazione italiana alla Grande Guerra. La Somalia non diventerà mai una colonia di popolamento, anzi la capitale Mogadiscio non arriverà certo alle dimensioni "italiane" di Asmara, arrivando a contare - al massimo dell'immigrazione italiana - non più di 10.000 italiani. 01 Giugno 1936: viene inserito nel territorio provinciale somalo, l'Ogaden ex-etiope. Scoppiata la seconda guerra mondiale, la Somalia venne occupata dalle truppe britanniche che, passato il confine dell’Oltregiuba, il 27 febbraio 1941 entravano nella capitale Mogadiscio, assumendone l’amministrazione e costituendo il territorio separato dell’Ogaden, che veniva incorporato nella Somalia Britannica ed infine reso definitivamente all’Etiopia, nel sud gli inglesi facevano analogo regalo della regione somala NFD (North Front District) con il Kenya. L’occupazione inglese durò fino al 31 marzo 1950. Il 26 Giugno il Somaliland era diventato indipendente, la Somalia italiana a sua volta divenne indipendente il 1 luglio 1960 e ci fu l’unione delle due ex colonie. L’Ogaden era stato cancellato dalla geografia somala e perso dalla Somalia per colpa dei colonialisti italiani (che hanno perso la guerra) e inglesi (che avevano vinto la guerra) a favore dell’Etiopia. L’Ogaden nell’ambito della storia somala è la regione dove si sono combattute battaglie epiche. Correvano i lontani anni 1541/1543, un passato remoto le truppe imperiali etiopi furono salvate da un tracollo militare contro i somali appunto dai cattolici portoghesi (i rapporti tra i due imperi cominciarono nel 1502 fino al 1769 e, nel 1520 c’era già l’Ambasciata portoghese in Etiopia), che aiutarono il negus, cristiano- copto, usando per la prima volta in Africa Orientale i fucili contro i bellicosi musulmani somali. Tuttavia la prima battaglia per importanza e imponenza fu combattuta dai valorosi “dubat”, gli ascari (truppa) e i buluq-bash (sottoufficiali) che erano truppe somale inquadrate nel Regio Esercito italiano.
Truppe etiopi in marcia nell'Ogaden
La regione dell'Ogaden (bbc © MMIII)
Mussolini, prendendo spunto da un incidente di frontiera ai pozzi di Ual-Ual, contesi e rivendicati da Etiopia e Somalia, avviò i preparativi per un attacco. L'invasione ebbe inizio senza formale dichiarazione di guerra, il 3/10/35 (10 mesi dopo dall’ incidente), sotto il comando del Generale De Bono, che muove dal Nord, mentre il fronte Sud della Somalia è affidato al Generale Graziani che doveva avere compiti esclusivamente difensivi ma non sarà così: anche Graziani prese l’iniziativa e partecipò all’invasione proveniente dal sud della Somalia. Il 28 aprile 1936 cadde Sassabane, quattro giorni dopo fu la volta di Dagahbur. Il 5 maggio gli italiani entrarono a Giggiga, città testimone di cento scontri; l'8 seguente capitolò Harar e ventiquattr'ore dopo le forze italiane entrarono a Dire Daua. L'aggressione italiana all’Etiopia costò la condanna della Società delle Nazioni, di cui anche l'Etiopia era membro, con “sanzioni", che però non comprendevano embargo di petrolio, carbone e ferro e soprattutto non venne chiuso il Canale di Suez. Cioè, non successe nulla agli italiani nonostante la condanna. In quella occasione si verificò l'impressionante forza d'urto della moderna tecnica militare contro le armate di Ras Makonen. Arrivando agli anni 60, con l’indipendenza della Somalia, che non ha mai cessato di rivendicare la regione dell’Ogaden come entità geografica e politica somala, Capo di Stato Maggiore somalo era Daud Mohamed Hersi, ci fu una breve scaramuccia di confine, che gli americani nel periodo protettori di Heile Selassie, circoscrissero immediatamente prima che sfociasse in guerra. Oggi, invece Giggiga é entrata nella storia militare come una delle più ardite operazioni aeromobili condotte dai sovietici. Chi ricorda ancora che nell'Ogaden fu combattuta (nel 1977) una delle più sanguinose guerre convenzionali della storia dei due paesi, quando la Somalia sotto la guida del dittatore Siad Barre tentò, rivendicando la sovranità somala sull’Ogaden, di strappare l'arida regione all'Etiopia. Fu allora che i sovietici con a comando il Generale dell'esercito Vasily Petrov e il Tenente Generale dell'Aviazione G. Dolnikov congiuntamente ai cubani guidati dal Generale di Divisione Arnaldo Ochoa (fucilato poi da Castro per traffico di droga), per dirigere le operazioni stabilirono uno stato maggiore congiunto di cui Menghistu fu il leader politico ed era formato da 5 Generali etiopi, 8 cubani, 5 sovietici 2 yemeniti (lo Yemen inviò 2000 soldati), 50.000 soldati etiopici aiutati da 18.000 cubani, piloti israeliani sugli F5, piloti cubani e yemeniti sui Mig e, ricorrendo ad un imponente ponte aereo in aggiunta alle informazioni militari dei cubani e dei sovietici che avevano armato il regime di Mohamed Siad Barre, nel giro di un anno ricacciarono i Somali dalle posizioni conquistate, sconfiggendoli nelle battaglie di Diredaua e Giggiga. Questa in sintesi la storia dell’Ogaden, terra somala, abitata dalli Ogaden, etnia somala dei Darod.
La disgregazione della Repubblica somala, le disgrazie dell’Ogaden e la politica repressiva etiope.
Nel Gennaio 1991, con la fuga di Siad Barre da Mogadiscio, implodeva lo Stato somalo. La liberazione dal regime dittatoriale ha portato disgregazione, distruzione e una maledizione che ha recato discordia nella pur litigiosa ma civile società somala. La guerra civile di liberazione da Siad Barre e la sua cricca ha avuto come conseguenza la dichiarazione d’indipendenza del Somaliland (riconosciuta solo dall’Etiopia), l’autoproclamata Repubblica del Puntland di Abdullahi Yusuf (aiutato dall’Etiopia) e di Jamà Ali Jama, la Repubblica del Sud Ovest di Shatiguddud (aiutato dall’Etiopia) e innumerevoli sventure, incluse repubbliche senza speranza ne d’indipendenza ne di riconoscimento internazionale che spudoratamente aiutano la divisione della Somalia e specialmente aiutano la repressione etiope in Ogaden. Il pansomalismo che puntava ad una situazione opposta a quella oggi drammaticamente in atto nel Corno d’Africa sembra morto. Il recente passato era incentrato nell’ardito sogno dell’unità della grande Somalia, le famose cinque punte della stella della bandiera somala: il Somaliland, la Somalia italiana, Jibuti, l’Ogaden e l’NFD (North Front Disctrict). In tutte le citate regioni l’etnia è prevalentemente somala se non l’unica. E’ chiaro che in questo contesto di disgregazione totale della Somalia, l’Ogaden è sostanzialmente la regione somala che soffre doppiamente in quanto la pressione militare etiope ha mano libera nella repressione del Fronte Nazionale di Liberazione dell’Ogaden ed è in corso una drammatica carestia nella regione. Secondo fattore: l’Etiopia gestisce a modo suo la mobilitazione internazionale della carestia nella regione dell’Ogaden e in altri territori etiopi densamente popolate. Jean Baptiste Nandet su Le Monde ha avanzato seri dubbi sulla reale consistenza della "catastrofe naturale" gridata dall’Etiopia. Non si nega in alcun modo che l’Ogaden, regione semidesertica e molto popolata, soffra di un’autentica carestia dopo due anni e mezzo di piogge insufficienti, ma è anche certo che il quadro dell’insieme del paese è stato dipinto a tinte più fosche di quelle reali dal regime di Zenawi. Tutto ciò non è forse finalizzato per ottenere un aiuto internazionale che non deve servire solo a soccorrere le popolazione dell’Ogaden, ma anche ad alimentare un’economia di guerra? Timori che appaiono oggi giustificati. Dopo aver speso milioni di dollari in armamenti, dopo aver ottenuto gratuitamente centinaia di migliaia di tonnellate di alimenti, l’Etiopia ha lanciato le sue truppe all’assalto delle trincee eritree. È in atto un "tranello umanitario"? Il regime etiopico si sarebbe servito dei buoni sentimenti, della "cattiva coscienza dell’uomo bianco", dell’emozione provocata dalle immagini di bambini denutriti per far tacere la ragione e il senso critico, e raggiungere finalmente i suoi scopi bellici. A ben guardare i mali di cui soffre il secondo paese più popolato dell’Africa subsahariana e uno dei più poveri del pianeta sono più politici che climatici." Le organizzazioni internazionali stanno denunciando e hanno cercato d’inviare aiuti umanitari che Addis Abeba, in quanto destinati per l’Ogaden rifiuta o denuncia che vanno ad alimentare gli uomini ONLF. L’Etiopia come entità nazionale è composta da differenti etnie, la parte predominante dai tempi del negus è prevalentemente abissina o amhara, poi ci sono ovviamente i Somali dell’Ogaden, i Gambella. i Dankali, i Sidama, gli Oromo, gli Afar, i Benshangul, i Tigrai, i Dinka. Ovvio che ci siano fronti interni di ribellione al governo centrale che a sua volta fronteggia le varie guerriglie in atto con l’esercito e con una dura repressione senza pari e, in modo speciale e particolare contro gli uomini del Fronte di Liberazione dell’Ogaden e degli Oromo, due spine nel fianco. Nell'ambito di questi ultimi due conflitti le organizzazioni internazionali hanno denunciato moltissime violazioni dei diritti umani, le truppe governative etiopi colpiscono senza distinzioni anche la popolazione civile in quanto sospettata di sostenere i ribelli. Il personale umanitario nazionale e internazionale che opera in Ogaden rischia aggressioni e minacce non tante velate da parte dell’esercito regolare. Di seguito va aggiunto ciò che politicamente l’Etiopia crea nella regione, comportandosi in modo ambiguo e paradossale.
• L’Etiopia sostiene e arma numerosi warlords somali, perché così facendo distoglie attenzione dalla regione dell’Ogaden e ha mano libera per colpire ONLF;
• L’Etiopia è la capofila nel contesto generale della caccia al terrorismo, a sbraitare presso l’Amministrazione Bush denunciando che la Somalia, Abdiqassim e l’ONLF sono collusi con i terroristi di Al Ittihad e di Al Qaeda, trovando purtroppo credito e appoggi in questa campagna denigratoria; Zenawi stesso ha ammesso con intervista alla BBC di aver infiltrato truppe al fine di prevenzione in territorio somalo. E’ grave che ci sia palese ammissione di violazioni dei confini somali;
• Nel Corno d’Africa, l’Etiopia è la nazione a più alta percentuale di spesa del PIL destinato per l’acquisto di armi;
• E’ il paese con la più alta percentuale di diatribe interne ed esterne: Somalia, Eritrea, Sudan, Kenya e finanche contenziosi con il lontano Egitto per via delle acque del Nilo;
• L’Etiopia ha fatto fallire tutti i precedenti tentativi di riconciliazione della Somalia avvenuti nel passato tra cui due iniziative del Kenya con Arap Moi, una nel 1996 e una avvenuta nel Novembre 2001. Nella prima l’Etiopia ha contro-convocato una sua riunione denominata “Processo di Sodere” ovviamente processo mai decollato e, nella successiva del 2001 contrappose una riunione dello SRRC di Aidid, Shatiguddud e company in Addis Abeba. Fece fallire la riunione del Cairo (Novembre e Dicembre del 97). Infine, tentò di boicottare anche il processo di Arta; l’intento fortunatamente non andò a buon fine nonostante Addis Abeba protestasse l’intransigenza dei delegati somali riuniti in Jibuti. Il GTN mando delegazioni ad alto livello in Addis Abeba ma incontrarono arroganza, ricatti e tentavi di umiliazione. Il governo di transizione di Mogadiscio ha più volte denunciato pubblicamente l’interferenza etiope nei affari interni somali. A questo punto una domanda sensata da porsi è: che risultati si possono avere dal Congresso IGAD di Eldoret?;
• L’Etiopia non è estranea alla nascita delle presunte autoproclamate repubbliche somale;
• L’esercito etiope è fortemente e direttamente impegnato nel territorio somalo, ha sconfinato innumerevoli volte, fa operazioni di intelligence, arma direttamente e indirettamente alcune fazioni, ha consiglieri militari impegnati in primis. Cosa significa la parola “ingerenza”? Se quello che esegue Addis Abeba in Somalia è tutto ciò, dobbiamo sostenere che allora esiste interferenza in affari interni e boicottaggio di tutti i processi somali;
• Addis Abeba è sede dell’OUA, cioè la sede per dirimere le controversie territoriali e quanto altro dei paesi africani. Dunque la nazione ospitante l’Organizzazione Africana è la nazione africana che sta violando l’Art. 2 della Costituzione dell’OUA, poiché è l’unica nazione che riconosce la Repubblica del Somaliland. Un paradosso giuridico;
• Il 3.02.2003 si è aperta la Conferenza dell’OUA in Addis Abeba, conferenza che disegnerà la nuova Unione Africana. Il nuovo statuto assegnerà un paese leader per area. L’Etiopia ha l’ambizione di essere il paese guida dell’East Africa e, guarda caso, Zenawi si ritrova a fare la corte a Abdulqassim, Presidente del GTN somalo che detiene il diritto di voto per la Somalia in seno dell’OUA. Il governo di transizione e Abdiqassim può mettere a repentaglio l’ambizione di leadership etiope. Dunque si consiglia Abdiqassim ad intraprendere una valida strategia diplomatica, bisogna e si deve giocare da parte della Somalia questo poker istituzionale per rendere inefficace la spinta centrifuga etiope. Zenawi, ha ricevuto in pompa magna all’aeroporto di Addis Abeba Abdiqassim nonostante il governo etiope abbia dichiarato fino il giorno prima che il GTN è una fazione.
La repubblica dell’Ogaden
Una “fondata speranza”, o un vero tentativo provocatorio istituzionale ed internazionale sarebbe quello di rendere all’Etiopia e alla sua sfrontatezza egemonica uno sgarbo: fare una dichiarazione di nascita della Repubblica somala dell’OGADEN, che al pari del Somaliland, abbia adesione e riconoscimento internazionale. La dura realtà, al di là della speranza, rimane il fatto che la popolazione somala dell’Ogaden abbia possibilità di autodeterminazione, sviluppo economico, sociale e un’autonomia di auto governo in quanto popolo, territorio, etnia d’estrazione unica confinato per motivi coloniali in terra straniera. Pensiamo con dolore alla sofferenza della popolo fratello dell’Ogaden per la carestia e per il subire quotidiano dell'oppressione, del dominio territoriale e delle torture coloniali etiopi.
•www.onlf.org
•http://www.ogaden.com
•http://www.ogadennews.com
•http://www.ogadentimes.com
•http://www.onwar.com/aced/data/oscar/ogaden1976.htm
•http://www.onlf.org/PRESS_RELEASE.htm
•http://www.acig.org/acreports/ogadan_Tom_Cooperv1.pdf
•http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/O/Ogaden.asp
•http://www.amnesty.org/ailib/aireport/ar99/afr25.htm
•http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord1999/vol2/ethiopiatr.htm
•Violazione dei diritti umani in Etiopia Orientale
''With government approval, Cecchi prepared for an expedition into the interior. By November 25, he was ready to move; his caravan consisted of seventy askaris, Commander Ferdinando Maffei of the Staffetta, Commander Franscesco Mongiardini of the Volturno, and fourteen other Italians, for the most part members of the crews of the two ships. That very night their encampment at Lafolé, some twelve miles inland, was attacked. In the early morning hours, as the caravan once more got under way, it was attacked again. By eight-thirty in the morning of November 26, all but three sailors were dead or dying.''
''First Adowa, then Lafolé; the future of Italian colonialism in the Horn of Africa looked very umpromising at the end of 1896''
Italian Colonialism in Somalia, Robert L. Hess 1966.
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This event sparked one of the longest resistance struggles in Southern Somalia (Benadir) against Italian penetration and occupation of Somalia. This long resistance is only second to the heroic great struggle of Sayyid Muhammed Abdulle Hassan and his darawish army.
What happened on that day of November 25-26th of 1896? Who was this Cecchi guy? Who were these mysterious warriors that swiftly defeated this first Italian colonial penetration of the hinterland of Benadir? Why is this event put in the same line as the humiliating defeat of the Italians by Ethiopians in Adowa? And last but not least, what were the consequences of this event in Lafole?
This episode in Somali history is perhaps the least known, although it had crucial impact on the future of Somalia. Instead, most Somalis are not aware of this event while the Italians had built a monument for Antonio Cecchi in Lafole which still stands in the bush unvisited, while throughout the Banaadir 1896 is remembered in the count of the years as Axad Shiiki, the ‘Sunday Year of Cecchi’.
To present an elaborate account of this event, we need to start with the context. Who were the main groups in the Benadir region? Who was Antonio Cecchi and what was his role in the Italian expansion into Somalia? And what were the consequences of this event both for Somali groups and Italy?
In a number of series I'll present the complete story, and show why this event and the shockwave it send throughout Benadir and Southern Somalia is still relevant to this day.
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1: Backrgound on Benadir region.
Benadir region constited of the four Benadir ports of: Warsheekh, Mogadishu, Merca and Baraawe. These four port-cities were inhabited by Somali groups along with arabs and people with mixed origins and traders from the Indian Ocean. The authority of Mogadishu for example was nominally under Omani rule, but the city had two real administrations, one in Xamarweyne and the other in Shangaani.
These four Benadir ports were the linkages between the hinterlands of Somalia and the Indian Ocean trade. Caravan trade flourished in these hinterlands, connecting trade centre’s of Harar and Ogadeniya to Benadir ports, through the trade towns of Lugh, Baardheere and Geledi.
In the hinterland of Benadir diverse groups existed, like Geledi, Hintire, Wacdaan, Biyamaal, Murusade, Shidle etc.
The relevant groups in this discussion of Axad Shiiki are: Geledi Sultanate, Wacdaan, Biyamaal and Murusade.
The Geledi Sultanate
The Geledi Sultanate was a sultanate that came into existence when the clans of Geledi and Wacdaan made an alliance against the Silcis group who then ruled the Shabelle Valley. After this successful revolt, the two clans lived together and linked their future which gradually led to the formation of the Geledi Sultanate.
For two centuries or so the Geledi and their Wacdaan allies had formed a small independent state, that prospered by trade, which they attempted to control, and had for a time held together a much wider clan ‘empire’.
In spite of the differences between them in way of life, language and traditions, Geledi and Wacdaan formed a close and lasting alliance. They were joined later - sometime early in the 19th century – by a section of another Hawiye clan, the Murursade. (Virginia Luling 2002)
The Wacdaan
The Wacdaan is a Mudulood group that settled in Lower Shabelle as early as the 18th century. They were allied with Geledi and Murursade, and lived between Afgoye and the coast region around Mogadishu.
The Biyamaal
The Biyamaal arrived in the Lower Shabelle around the end of 17th century and established control over Merca and the hinterlands. The Biyamaal were in constant war with the Geledi Sultanate, and even killed 2 Sultans of Geledi through out the war.
The Murursade
The Murursade joined the alliance between Wacdaan and Geledi and were granted land northeast of Geledi town, where they established four villages.
2: Italian expansion into Benadir/Somalia
The Italian expansion into Somalia.
Italy was eager to join the leagues of other European imperialist nations like Britain, France and Germany. To achieve this they set their eyes on East Africa, and made their first incursion into Eritrea in which they acquired Massawa port.
Italian expansion in Somalia began in 1885, when Antonio Cecchi, an explorer led an Italian. expedition into the lower Juba region and concluded a commercial treaty with the sultan of Zanzibar. In 1889, Italy established protectorates over the eastern territories then under the nominal rule of the sultans of Obbia and of Alula; and in 1892, the sultan of Zanzibar leased concessions along the Indian Ocean coast to Italy.
Antonio Cecchi's role:
As already becomes clear, Antonio Cecchi spearheaded the Italian expansion into Somalia. He was chosen to lead the mission because of his past and reputation of been a supporter of Italian expansion into East Africa.
''The choice of Cecchi to head the mission was logical, for he had been active in the exploration of northeast Africa. In 1876 he had led an expedition from Zeila to the frontiers of Kaffa in southern Ethiopia. From that time he was an ardent partisan of Italian expansion into the horn. Cecchi was probably the first to succeed in directing Italian attention toward the Somali coast’’ (Robert L Hess)
''In his speeches there was an optimistic ring: the Cecchi mission and others would surely discover vast fertile areas awaiting peaceful cultivation and commercial penetration’’ (Robert L Hess)
After he returned from the Lower Jubba region he became obsessed with Italian expansion into Somalia.
''On the basis of his explorations and his often unfounded enthusiasm for the area, he insisted on the importance of the Juba River as the key to a much larger colonial program:
..Once we acquire with certainty the knowledge that the Juba is navigable…then it is certain that it will become the most natural artery for the exportation of the abundant coffee harvest of Kaffa and the surrounding regions…Now that our Italy has established itself at Massawa…it is possible for Italy to extend its possessions toward the south…The Juba would thus mark the extreme southern boundary of our possessions.'' (Robert L.Hess)
Italy succeeded through negotiations with the Sultan of Zanzibar to sign commercial treaties with Zanzibar, which allowed Italy to trade with the Banadir region. This initial success was followed by long negotiations in which the Italians wanted to lease the Benadir region. After a while they succeeded in this too, and set up a commercial enterprise named after the Italian trader in East Africa Filonardi. Filonardi Company was lead by Filonardi himself and received some support from Italy in order to penetrate the Benadir and Somalia economically.
''From 1893 to 1896, the Italian presence was limited to a small garrison of soldiers at Luuq on the upper Jubba River, and a few traders along the coast. The Italian outpost at Luuq had been established in 1895 to gather information on Somali trade in the region and to protect Italian interests in the face of Ethiopian claims to the area.’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
This insignificant presence of Italian commercial interests in Benadir can hardly be called ‘colonization’. There were a few Italian residents, and the police (askaris) were still Arab who did not went further then their garrisons. Because of this situation, most Somali groups were not pressed to fight this initial penetration since the intentions of Italians were still vague.
''Perhaps because of the Filonardi Company’s limited intervention in Somali affaires, there was only one notable incident of Somali hostility between 1893 and 1896. That occurred on 11 October 1893, the day the Italian flag was first raised over the garesa in Marka. A Somali attacked and killed an Italian soldier; he in turn was killed with three shots from a ‘Wetterly’’ gun.’’ ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
This was the setting in Somalia and Benadir, before Cecchi became dominant in convincing the Italian government to penetrate further into Somalia as he returned to Italy.
''On his return to Italy, however, Cecchi continued to pressure the government to tap the ‘’rich commercial resources’’ of Somalia (Cecchi, Pesaro, to foreign Minister C.F Nicolis di Robilant, August 27, 1886)
Antonio Cecchi was an ardent expansionist who for some time had been urging the Italian government to take over the Benaadir concessions. In seeking to promote his own version of Italian power in Somalia, Cecchi upset the fragile commercial arrangements that Filonardi had constructed. He replaced Filonardi’s influential Hadrami interpreter with Arabs of his own choosing, returned an unpopular Italian resident to Marka, and sent soldiers to the lower Jubba area to try to force Somali caravaneers to unload their wares at Baraawe rather than at the British-held ports of Kismaanyo and Goobweyn. (Lee V. Cassanelli)
Cecchi’s presence also resurrected Somali fears of territorial dispossession … Thus it did not escape public attention when a cousin of Cecchi visited the Benaadir in 1895 to investigate the possibilities for commercial agriculture. There soon followed talk of growing cotton on Italian plantations along the Shabeelle. This cousin was Giorgio Mylius, a wealty Milanese industrialist. The Industrialist was particularly interested in the possibility of growing cotton in Somalia.
Finally, Cecchi appeared to symbolize colonial aggressiveness in the distant interior
About Geledi Sultanate, The Wacdaan were from the beginning in the alliance, they even claim that Wacdaan pastoralists were the first to rise up against the tryants of Silcis, and Geledi too claim they were the first. But one thing is true: Both played a keyrole in this and both were from the beginning of this revolt allyied with each other.
3: The Somali response to Italian expansion
The Somali groups described in part 1 responded differently to the Italians who were expanding slowly but steadily into Benadir coast, and would inevitably venture into the hinterlands.
To start with the Geledi Sultanate,
The Geledi Sultanate was in decline throughout the 19th century. The Sultanate was in the shadow of its former splendid and power. The Geledi confederation headed by the Gobroon shaykhs of Afgooye had lost much of its cohesiveness as the nineteenth century drew to a close. The succession of Osman Ahmed in the 1880s brought to the Geledi sultanate a man of lesser ambitions and more political skills than his illustrious forebears. Osman, for example, did nothing to punish the Biyamaal when they blocked a branch of the Shabeelle River and thus caused severe hardship to Geledi´s agricultural allies downriver. ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
Despite these setbacks, Osman inherited baraka (grace) as a member of the Gobroon lineage was still respected by many ordinary Somalis in the region. In the mid 1890s Osman´s army had still been strong enough to defeat their traditional Hintire rivals down the river.
What was the view of the Sultan of the Italian expansion?
First of all what was the general mood in Geledi?
Most people were suspicious of the Italian encroachments and as described earlier people were whispering about Italians taking over the land and their farms. When the Italians came, The Geledi were divided on the issue to resist the penetration of Italians of Benadir coast or accommodate. While the people wanted to resist, the attitude of the Sultan and those in authority was cautiously accommodating the Italian presence in Benadir Coast. The Geledi-Wacdaan alliance came under strain at this time, for many of the Wacdaan were opposed to any compromise with the foreigners.
The Sultan started to accommodate the Italians and he started to establish friendly relationships with the Italian governors in Mogadishu. Cecchi apparently felt that Osman remained a force to be reckoned with, for the ill-fated Lafoole expedition had originated with Cecchi´s scheme for an Italian-Geledi alliance ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
The Wacdaan
The Wacdaan were mainly pastoralist, with a small group turning to farming throughout the centuries of their alliance with the Geledi clan who were mainly agriculturalists. As said above, the Wacdaan were opposed to any compromise with the foreigners. This fierce anti-foreign stance was persistent in the culture of Wacdaan and in the very place of Lafoole. The place has been called Lafoole because apparently the Wacdaan defeated the Gaalo Madoow when they migrated to the Lower Shabelle around the 18th century, hence the translation of Lafoole which is: Bones . ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
Because the Sultan of Geledi seemed hesitant to resist the Italian expansion into Benadir coast, the alliance was cooled off. Apart from the weakening of their bonds with the Geledi, the drought of the 1890s which lead to a large population of Wacdaan abandoning their homelands, the Italians posed the greatest threat to the group. They were, moreover, the first inland Somalis who’s territory was actually invaded by colonial soldiers at the time of the Cecchi expedition.
On of the most influential leaders among the Wacdaan was the leader Shaykh Ahmed Haji Mahhadi. He was not a Wacdaan but became the sheikh of the Wacdaan. He was born in Mogadishu and hailed from a lineage of Mogadishu (Abgal). He had lived there most of his life, teaching alongside such renowned Muslims scholars as Shaykh Sufi and Shaykh Mukhdaar. Like the latter, he found coexistence in a town which housed infidels intolerable, and he chose to retire to the small coastal enclave of Nimow, a little south of Mogadishu. There he set up a small jamaaca which attracted several of the local inhabitants. When Nimow was shelled by an Italian warship in retaliation for the Cecchi ambush, Ahmed Haji fled to Day Suufi (in the heart of Wacdaan territory) where he intensified his preaching against the infidels. As late as 1907, the acting Italian governor considered him ‘the most listened-to propagandist' in this area of the Shabeelle. Even the Geledi turn to him rather than to their own sultan for religious counsel. ( Lee V. Cassanelli)
One of the Wacdaan leaders apparently influenced by Ahmed Haji was Hassan Hussein, titular head of the largest subsection of the Wacdaan clan, the Abubakar Moldheere. The Abubakar Moldheere were the most numerous and hence the most militarily powerful section of the Wacdaan in the late nineteenth century. Hassan Hussein is remembered as one of the first Wacdaan to oppose the Italians: warriors from his lineage were prominent among the forces that attacked Cecchi at Lafoole. Likewise , his lineage was spokesmen for the Abubakar Moldheere who most strenuously urged the blockade of caravan routes to Mogadishu (economic sanctions).
The Biyamaal
This group is the best known group in the southern Somali resistance. Like the other groups in Benadir, the Biyamaal too were wary of Italian expansion into the Benadir coast. In the beginning the Biyamaal were following the actions of the Italians very carefully, while trying to accommodate them if they posed no threat. Yet there is little question that the resistance in Merca district was the fiercest and most prolonged in the Benadir. This is not surprising in light of the earlier history of the Biimaal: their continual struggle against many enemies had given them a cohesiveness and a military organization far tighter than that of most other southern Somali clans ( Lee V. Cassanelli).Throughout the nineteenth century the Biyamaal had stood together to defend their territory and their independence against encroachments by the powerful sultans of Geledi: both Yusuf Muhammad and his son Ahmed Yusuf lost their lives in battle against the Biyamaal. These proud nomads had also firmly resisted the sultan of Zanzibar´s growing influence in Marka by ambushing the governor of that town together with forty askaris in 1876 ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
Not only by sheer force were the Biyamaal able to resist the influence of the sultan of Zanzibar but they could also assure their influence on Marka by placing economic sanctions on the city. When occasional differences arose between the Biyamaal leadership in the interior and the old Arab and Somali families of Marka – who were always more interested than Biyamaal in establishing relations with foreign powers – the Biyamaal would hold up food supplies to the townsmen and divert their exports to smaller outlets along the coast. These boycotts proved extremely effective in assuring Biyamaal influence in urban politics, as the Italians would learn in 1904.
The Biyamaal consisted of four territorial sections spread along the coastal dunes between Jesiira and Mungiya and extending inland to the farmlands along the Shabelle. Each of these sections was represented by a number of religious authorities known generally as macaallimiin and by anumber of politico-military figures known as malaakhs and amaanduule. In times of crises, the leaders from all four sections would gather in shir to work out a common policy of action.
With the arrival of the Italians at the coast in 1890, Biyamaal leaders were almost in constant shir to coordinate their plans for the inevitable showdown between Italian expansion and their resistance. The Italian government always viewed them as its most determined opponent, colonial polcy was geared towards the dividing of Biyamaal leadership and thus divide the opposition. Remarkably the Biyamaal have presented a united front even when they were eventually defeated in 1908.
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The setting of 'Axad Shiiki' is completed, it is time to discuss that very day of 25th Novermber of 1896 and the morning of 26th Novermber of 1896.
What happened on those two days? Who attacked and annihilated the Italian expedition force? And how did this event spark the fire of resistance in the whole of Banadir which would last till 1908?
Italy was not an ''advanced'' and organized colonial power in the world as was Britain. So Italy wrote not as many papers on their colonies than say Britain which had a well-functioning colonial deparments, like the Colonial War Office, which has the most data about Sayyid Muhamed Abdulle Hassan and his darwish army.
And to make matters worse, all the colonial data about Southern Somalia is burried in Italian language. As most Somalis speak by now English, it is difficult to go for Italian account.
I have an Italian book, which takes alot of time to translate, and since it concerns history, one must be very carefull in translation and interpretation.
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Anyways, I will do my utmost best to present the resistance in Benadir-Southern Somalia against Italian expansion. Axad Shiiki (1896) is the sparking point, and I'll continue down to 1910, when Italy succeeded in their occupation of Southern Somalia.
The reasons for resurrecting this history has to do with the current situation in Benadir. The shamefull Ethiopian occupation is something all Somalis who are aware of our greatness strokes in their heart.
The spark that lit the Resistance: Lafoole 25-26th of November 1896
Lafoole as explained earlier was within Wacdaan territory. It lay in an area with thick brush and scrub grass, a suitable spot for a well-prepared ambush. The Wacdaan were waiting for this moment, as Cecchi was despised by all Somali groups in the Benadir, since he embodied colonial aggressiveness which became evident by his plans to ‘tap into the rich resources of Somalia’.
Also, the Wacdaan were from the beginning fiercely opposed to any compromise with the 'infidels'. This attitude was persisent in the culture of Wacdaan as explained earlier. Another impulse to this fierce anti-infidel attitude was the coming of Sheik Axmed Xaaji, the sheikh that found it intolerable to coexist with the 'infidels' in Mogadishu (see part 3). He lived among the Wacdaan, set up a jamaaca (religious school) and became the sheikh of the Wacdaan (religious leader). His ideas have apparently influenced the leader of the largest subgroup of Wacdaan (Abubakar Moldheere): Hassan Hussein.
Hassan Hussein, together with Sheikh Axmed Xaaji were instrumental in articulating the opposition to the Italian presence in Benadir. As already explained this too had its consequences for the political geography in Benadir, mainly the cooling of the alliance between Geledi and Wacdaan. Within the Geledi, the people wanted to resist the Italian expansion but the Sultan and the ones with authority choose for accommodation. In this the Wacdaan were slowly moving away from Geledi, and moving towards the Biyamaal, their erstwhile enemy.
The clash at Lafoole:
On 25th of Novermber in 1896, the moment arrived in which the Italian government gave the approval to venture into the interior, thus effectively leaving the garrisons in Mogadishu. Cecchi too was waiting for this moment since he was eager to sign treaties with the Sultan of Geledi, which he still thought was powerful enough to be instrumental in the Italian plans for Somalia. What he didn’t know however was that the Sultan did not represent the feelings of the people, who were fiercely opposed to Italian expansion. Cecchi and the others in the expedition would find out too late about this fierce anti-infidel attitude of the Somalis.
This expedition consisted of Antonio Cecchi, Commander Ferdinando Maffei of the Staffetta, Commander Franscesco Mongiardini of the Volturno, and fourteen other Italians. In the evening when the expedition force set their camp at Lafoole, they were attacked in which a fierce fight followed. Apparently, this attack was not decisive enough to finish off the expedition. The next morning a renewed attack followed which successfully finished off the expedition, with only 3 survivors to tell the story.
''With government approval, Cecchi prepared for an expedition into the interior. By November 25, he was ready to move; his caravan consisted of seventy askaris, Commander Ferdinando Maffei of the Staffetta, Commander Franscesco Mongiardini of the Volturno, and fourteen other Italians, for the most part members of the crews of the two ships. That very night their encampment at Lafolé, some twelve miles inland, was attacked. In the early morning hours, as the caravan once more got under way, it was attacked again. By eight-thirty in the morning of November 26, all but three sailors were dead or dying.'' (Robert. L Hess)
Who were these groups that attacked the Italian expedition?
In the Shaping of Somali Society, (Lee V. Cassanelli) it becomes clear that the group that attacked the Italians were of mainly Wacdaan warriors, accompanied by Murursade and Geledi warriors.
''In November 1896, he and a score of Arab askaris set out to meet with the presumably influential sultan of Geledi. It was the first colonial attempt to penetrate the interior with a military contingent, and it ended disastrously for the Italians. Cecchi’s expedition was besieged and most of it destroyed at a place called Lafoole, along the Muqdisho-Afgooye road by Somali warriors of the Wacdaan clan.''
In another passage the author reveals more about the composition:
''Geledi’s long-time allies the Wacdaan had apparently acted independently at Lafoole; and they had been assisted by a handful of warriors from the Murursade, also Geledi allies''
Virginia Luling instead talks about Wacdaan and others, which thus means Murursade and Geledi warriors, since the alliance consisted of these three groups:
''…Antonio Cecchi, famous as an explorer and one of the most enthusiastic and influential advocates of Italian colonisation, set out from Muqdisho for Geledi with a party of soldiers in Novermber 1896, intending to negotiate with Sultan Cusmaan Axmed.
They were surprised and attacked while camping in Wacdaan territory, at Laafoole at the edge of the deex, where the white earth meets the black, and the thorny bush gives way to more open country. Out of the seventeen Italians, only three survived.
The assailants were from the Wacdaan and perhaps other clans.''
Virginia Luling further sheds light on the location of Laafoole:
''It must be a particularly suitable place for surprise attacks, for fourteen years earlier, Révoil’s caravan had been attacked by Wacdaan at the same spot, and its name ‘place of bones’, comes from a much earlier slaughter, supposedely of the ‘gaalo madow’. ''
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Reactions to the clash:
The ‘Lafoole Massacre’ as the Italian press called it, came less than a year after the humiliating Italian defeat at Adowa in Ethiopia. It was a severe physiological damage to Italian colonial ambitions.
For Somalis, it was a great day, which send a shockwave throughout the Benadir region. The 'Lafoole Massacre' which already severely shocked the Italian colonialists, was immediately followed by sporadic incidents along the whole Benadir coast.
In Mogadishu 100 or more Italians were wounded in a general uprising. In Marka, a young Somali, Omar Hassan Yusuf, assassinated the Italian resident, Giacomo Trevis. According to local accounts, Omar emerged after praying in the small mosque of Shaykh Osman ‘Marka-yaalle’ and knifed the ‘infidel’ Trevis as he walked along the beach. Giacomo Trevis was a hated man in Marka for a lot of reasons, besides been an unwanted colonialist, he was also hated for his policy of compulsory labor. In Warsheekh, a government askari was confronted as he stepped outside the garrison.In Baraawe, the well-known and influential Haji Shaykh Abbas railed against his Somali compatriots and called them ‘woman’ for allowing the Italians free movement there. ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The Italians in Benadir were shocked, and when the news reached Rome, the foreign minister immediately appointed Commander Giorgio Sorrentino as royal commissioner extraordinary for the Benadir. Initialy, the Italians thought that Lafoole was an Ethiopian ambush since Ethiopians were besieging Lugh at that time and since there were rumours of an Ethiopian invasion of Benadir. When Sorrentino landed in Mogadishu,on 26th of January 1897, he immediately started the investigation of Lafole.
''Within ten days he had determined that Lafolé was neither the precursor of a general urprising against the Italians nor an Ethiopian ambush but an isolated case of action by Wadan tribesmen and the tribes of Geledi; who had been spurred to the act by two Arabs from Mogadishu’’ (Robert L. Hess)
This was a gross understatement of the Lafoole incident, and the attitude of the Benadir groups to the Italian presence.
Throughout the Benadir, from Warsheekh to well south of Marka, 1896-97 is remembered as Axad Shiiki ( the ‘Sunday year of Cecchi’). The Biyamaal date the beginning of their twelve-year resistance at Axad Shiiki. ( Lee V. Cassanelli).
The clash at Lafoole is immortalized by this shirib:
Shiin digow Sheikh Axmed Xaaji
Shiiki sheydaan mooho?
Translation:
Writer of (the Koranic verse) shiin, Sheikh Axmed Xaaji
Is not Cecchi a devil?
Sheikh Axmed Xaaji is the well-known religious leader of the Wacdaan who had established the jamaaca to teach Quran, religon etc
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The Italians have misinterpreted the signs of the coming storm which would engulf the Benadir region.
In the coming part, I'll explain the immediate consequences of the clash at Lafoole. How the Italians reacted to the 'Lafoole Massacre' and how the different Somali groups in Benadir reacted to the event and the wider issue of Italian pressence in Benadir coast. Slowly on from there we will arrive at the heroic struggle of the Biyamaal and their allies, amongst which their erstwhile enemy Wacdaan, against the Italian expansion.
http://www.ilcornodafrica.it/index.htm
http://www.ilcornodafrica.it/indice.htm#illavoro
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