ISSAS, GADABURSI AND ISAAQ TREATIES WITH BRITIHSH

ISSAS, GADABURSI AND ISAAQ TREATIES WITH BRITIHSH

British Treaty with Somaliland Tribes


The British Government have signed protection treaties

with six Somaliland tribes: Gadabursi, Eesa,

Warsangeli, Habr Gerhajis, Habr Toljaala and

Habr-Awal. All the Articles in the Agreements and the

Supplementary Agreements signed with the Somaliland

tribes are similar except the Warsangali one.

The only treaty singed by Garad[or traditional leader]

representing the all tribe is the Warsangali one. All

the other treaties are singed by elders that may

represent their areas or their different sub-clans.



--The Warsangali treaty doesn't contain the preamble

that precedes every treaty which puts the independence

and maintenance of order in the British Government

hands. The statement goes as "the maintenance of our

independence , the preservation of order ...... " . The

Warsangali treaty is added an extra article[LOOK

ARTICLE VI OF THE WARSANGALI TREATY] that none of the

other treaties has which indicates that the

Warsnagali will assist the British officers and follow

their advice for " .. duties as my be assigned to

them, and further act upon their advice in matters

relating to the administration of justice, the

development of the resources of the country, the

interests of commerce, or in any other matter in

relation to peace, order, and good government, and the

general progress of civilization. "

--No tribal area is referred as "COUNTRY" except the

Warsangali territory.

ARTICLES I, II and III are removed from the Warsangali

Treaty. ARTICLE III in the Warsnagali Treaty is

similar to ARTICLE II in HABR GERHAJIS and Habr

Toljaala Treaty but it is removed the statement " All

vessels under the British flag shall have free

permission to trade at all ports and places within ...

"





The conclusion of every agreement, except the

WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be

abided by the elders currently signing and " their

heirs and successors "



HERE ARE THE ARTICLES THAT ALL THE OTHER TRIBES HAVE

EXCEPT THE WARSANGALI TREATY

_____________________________________________________________________________________

We, the undersigned Elders of the Gadabursi tribe, are

desirous of entering into an Agreement with the

British Government for the maintenance of our

independence, the preservation of order, and other

good and sufficient reasons.

Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-

ART. I. The Gababursi tribe do hereby declare that

they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,

mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to

the British Government, any portion of the territory

presently inhabited by them, or being under their

control.

ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have

free permission to trade at all ports and places

within the territories of the Gadabursi tribe

ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting

the territories of the Gadabursi tribe shall enjoy

perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled

to travel all over the said limits under the

safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe

.............

In token of the conclusion of this lawful and

honourable bond, Jama Roblay, ........and Major Frederick Mercer Hunter,

Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the former for

themselves, their heirs and successors, and the latter

on behalf of the British Government, do each and all,

in the presence of witnesses, affix their signatures,

marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the 11th day of

December, 1884, corresponding with the 25th Safar.

F. M. Hunter

(the marks of Elders named.)

Agreement with the Gadabursi, ZAILA, Dec. 11, 1884 -

_____________________________________________________________________________________

We, the undersigned Elders of the Eesa tribe, are

desirous of entering into an Agreement with the

British Government for the maintenance of our

independence, the preservation of order, and other

good and sufficient reasons.

Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-

ART. I. The Eesa tribe do hereby declare that they are

pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or

otherwise give for occupation, save to the British

Government, any portion of the territory presently

inhabited by them, or being under their control.

ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have

free permission to trade at all ports and places

within the territories of the Eesa tribe

ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting

the territories of the Eesa tribe shall enjoy perfect

safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel

all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the

Elders of the tribe

.......

In token of the conclusion of this lawful and

honourable bond, Ali Geridone, .........and Major Frederick Mercer

Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the

former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and

the latter on behalf of the British Government, do

each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix

their signatures, marks, and seals, at Zaila, on the

31st day of December, 1884, corresponding with the

13th Rabu-al-Awal, 1302

F. M. Hunter

Agreement with the Eesa Somal, ZAILA, Dec. 31, 1884 --



_____________________________________________________________________________________

We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Toljaala tribe,

are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the

British Government for the maintenance of our

independence, the preservation of order, and other

good and sufficient reasons.

Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-

ART. I. The Habr Toljaala tribe declare that they are

pledged and bound never to cede, sell, mortgage, or

otherwise give for occupation, save to the British

Government, any portion of the territory presently

inhabited by them, or being under their control.



ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have

free permission to trade at all ports and places

within the territories of the Habr Toljaala, and the

tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,

whether British or belonging to any other nation, that

may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to

protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such

vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at

Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship

and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the

British Government.

ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting

the territories of the Habr Toljaala shall enjoy

perfect safety and protection, and shall be entitled

to travel all over the said limits under the

safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe



In token of the conclusion of this lawful and

honourable bond, Dirir Shaikh Don, ....[INSERT THE

NAMES OF THE ELDERS HERE].....;and Major Frederick

Mercer Hunter, Assistant Political Resident, the

former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and

the latter on behalf of the British Government, do

each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix

their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the

26th day of December, 1884, corresponding with the 9th

of Rabu-al-Awal, 1302

F. M. Hunter

(the marks of Elders named.)

Agreement with Habr Toljaala, Aden, December 26,1884

_____________________________________________________________________________________

We, the undersigned Elders of the Habr Gerhajis tribe,

are desirous of entering into an Agreement with the

British Government for the maintenance of our

independence, the preservation of order, and other

good and sufficient reasons.

Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-

ART. I. The Habr Gerhajis tribe do hereby declare that

they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,

mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to

the British Government, any portion of the territory

presently inhabited by them, or being under their

control.

ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have

free permission to trade at all ports and places

within the territories of the Habr Gerhajis, and the

tribe is bound to render assistance to any vessel,

whether British or belonging to any other nation, that

may be wrecked on the above-mentioned shores, and to

protect the crew, the passengers, and cargo of such

vessels, giving speedy intimation to the Resident at

Aden of the circumstances, for which act of friendship

and good-will a suitable reward will be given by the

British Government.

ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting

the territories of the Habra Gerhajis tribe shall

enjoy perfect safety and protection, and shall be

entitled to travel all over the said limits under the

safe-conduct of the Elders of the tribe

In token of the conclusion of this lawful and

honourable bond, Ahmed Ali, ........and Major Frederick Mercer

Hunter, Assistant Political Resident at Aden, the

former for themselves, their heirs and successors, and

the latter on behalf of the British Government, do

each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix

their signatures, marks, and seals, at Aden, on the

13th day of December, 1885, corresponding with the

28th of Rabi-al-Awal, 1302

F. M. Hunter

(Signatures of Elders)

Agreement with Habr Gerhajis, Aden, January 13,1885

_____________________________________________________________________________________

WHEREAS the garrisons of His Highness the Khedive are

about to be withdrawn from Berbera and Bulhar, and the

Somali Coast generally, we, the undersigned Elders of

the Habr-Awal tribe, are desirous of entering into an

Agreement with the British Government for the

maintenance of our independence, the preservation of

order, and other good and sufficient reasons.

Now it is hereby agreed and covenanted as follows:-

ART. I. The Habr-Awal tribe do hereby declare that

they are pledged and bound never to cede, sell,

mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save to

the British Government, any portion of the territory

presently inhabited by them, or being under their

control.

ART. II. All vessels under the British flag shall have

free permission to trade at the ports of Berbera,

Bulhar, and other places in the territories of the

Habr-Awal tribe

ART. III. All British subjects residing in or visiting

the territories of the Habr-Awal shall enjoy perfect

safety and protection, and shall be entitled to travel

all over the said limits under the safe-conduct of the

Elders of the tribe

......

In token of the conclusion of this lawful and

honourable bond, Abdellah Liban, ........and Major Frederick Mercer

Hunter, the officiating Political Resident of Aden,

the former for themselves, their heirs and successors,

and the latter on behalf of the British Government, do

each and all, in the presence of witnesses, affix

their signatures, marks, and seals, at Berbera, on the

21st day Ramdhan, 1301, corresponding with the 14th

July, 1884

F. M. Hunter, Major,

Officiating Political Resident, Aden.



Agreement with Habr-Awal, Berbera, July 14, 1884

_____________________________________________________________________________________



The conclusion of every agreement, except the

WARSANGALI TREATY, indicates that the treaty will be

abided by the elders currently signing and " their

heirs and successors "

_____________________________________________________________________________________



TREATIES, &c., between the Warsangalis (British

Protection; Slave Trade; Wrecks: &c.). - January 27,

1886

THE British Government and the Elders of the

Warsangali tribe who have signed this Agreement being

desirous of maintaining and strengthening the

relations of peace and friendship existing between

them;

The British Government have named and appointed

Major Frederick Mercer Hunter, C.S.I., Political Agent

and Consul for the Somali Coast, to conclude a Treaty

for this purpose.

The said Major F. M. Hunter, C.S.I., Political

Agent and Consul for the Somali Coast, and the said

Elders of the Warsangali, have agreed upon and

concluded the following articles:-

ART. I. The British government, in compliance with the

wish of the undersigned Elders of the Warsangali,

undertakes to extend to them and to the territories

under their authorities and jurisdiction the gracious

favour and protection of Her Majesty the

Queen-Empress.

II. The said Elders of the Warsangali agree and

promise to refrain from entering into any

correspondence, Agreement, or Treaty with any foreign

nation or Power, except with the knowledge and

sanction of Her Majesty's Government.

III. The Warsnagali are bound to render assistance to

any vessel, whether British or belonging to any other

nation, that may be wrecked on the shores under their

jurisdiction and control , and to protect the crew,

passengers, and cargo of such vessels, giving speedy

intimation to the Resident at Aden of the

circumstances; for which act of friendship and

good-will a suitable reward will be given by the

British Government.

IV. The Traffic in slaves throughout the territories

of the Warsangali shall cease for ever, and the

Commander of any of Her Majesty's vessels, or any

other British officer duly authorized, shall have the

power of requiring the surrender of any slave, and of

supporting the demand by force of arms by land and

sea.

V. The British Government shall have the power to

appoint an Agent or Agents to reside in the

territories of the Warsangali, and every such Agent

shall be treated with respect and consideration, and

be entitled to have for this protection such guard as

the British Government deem sufficient.

VI. The Warsangali hereby engage to assist all British

officers in the execution of such duties as may be

assigned to them, and further to act upon their advice

in matters relating to the administration of justice,

the development of the resources of the country, the

interests of commerce, or in any other matter in

relation to peace , order, and good government, and

the general progress of civilization.

VII. This Treaty to come into operation from the 27th

day of January, 1886, on which date it was signed at

Bunder Gori by the Undermentioned.

F. M. Hunter

Witness:

J. H. Raintier, Commander, R. N.

Muhammad Mahmud Ali, Gerad of all the Warsangali.

Jama Mahmud, Gerad

Muhammad Ibrahim, ditto.

Omar Ahmed, ditto.

Mahmud Abdullah, ditto.

Yussuf Mahmud, ditto.

Of the Ayal Fatih sub-tribe-

Nur Abdullah.

Isa Adan.

Muhammad Ali Shirwa.

Abdy Nur

Of the Ogais Lebay sub-tribe–

Muhammad Abdy Nalaya.

Mahmud Sagullay.

Abdullah Sagullay.

Muhammad Abdullah

Stars, Seasons and Weather in Somali Pastoral Traditions’ written by the late Musa. H. I. Galaal (1909-1982).

Introduction


The following pages are extracts taken from an unpublished draft manuscript titled ‘Stars, Seasons and Weather in Somali Pastoral Traditions’ written by the late Musa. H. I. Galaal (1909-1982). I am currently re-editing and revising this valuable manuscript for future publication which was originally written by Musa. H. I. Galaal (in 1972); a distinguished Somali academician who has produced many pamphlets, essays, periodicals and books on the varied aspects of Somali culture-poetry, folklore, nomadic lifestyle and the vigour and richness of the Somali language.

In acknowledgement of our profound debt to Musa and his life’s work, we will honour him and pay our tribute by featuring in the coming months in Somaliland Times weekly publication extracts taken from his ‘Stars, Seasons and Weather in Somali Pastoral Traditions’ manuscript.

Text in Italics is where I felt a broader meaning or explanations was needed and are of my own words, including illustrations and graphics.

Your feedback/comments will be most welcomed.

Rashid Mustafa, X. Noor

rm_nur@hotmail.com

Part one: First appeared in Somaliland Times newspaper issue 187 20/08/2005





Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature





http://www.somalilandtimes.net/somstars/stars4.html



Somalis, particularly those who still follow the traditional nomadic life, have a profound interest in, and knowledge of the weather, the stars and planets, and their penetrating effects upon the lives of this people. This is reflected in the language itself, which contains a large number of sayings, riddles and songs which link astronomical phenomena to events in nomadic life with which they are associated. I was myself a camel herder when I was a boy, and I recall many of these sayings and songs. They have always interested me, and during my life I have collected very many more.

There are for example phrases, in the language (especially, those in replying to a greeting) that closely associate the weather and the well being of my people: such as the Dabayl Caafimmad, the breeze of health and tranquility. Nabaad iyo naq-roobaad, peace and the greenness that follows rain. Bash-bash iyo barwaako, this term has the underlying phonetic representation of waterlogged undergrowth which has soaked up recent heavy rains and means a period of plenty and prosperity, for all'.

Some terms are deeply allusive: Abaar iyo oodo-lullul, meaning in the vicinity of a drought, also lurks the rattling or shacking of one's thorn-fence. The image here is of drought -stricken nomads who have lost all their livestock and try to force their way into the corrals of those more fortunate ones who still have cattle, or other livestock left.

There are moreover, countless songs in Somali traditionally sung to girls, to camels or to cattle which link astronomical phenomena, as observed omens, to years of prosperity or drought, to the deaths of important persons, to wars or storms. This song I remember clearly from my youth:

Xaydho-dayihii, Kuu xiddiginjirey, Xareed bardiyo, Xays inoo sheeg. (My beautiful camels)

The reader of the Xaydho,¹

Who is also the expert on stars,

Announces a long-lasting supply of rainwater,

An unexpected season of heavy rain

Note: 1. Xaydho, this term refers to the fat that covers the stomach of the goats. This fat was used in the past by the Somalis for telling the future. It was removed from the goat and held to the light. Inductions were then made from looking at the inside of the fat – about the weather, wars, rain, etc.

There is a famous saying ascribed to one or two such persons who use to read the Xaydho for the sultanate of the Iidaagale clan. On one such occasion, in the coronation of Sultan Diiriiyey, of the Iidaagale clan in around 1880’s, when the Xaydho readers completed their inspection of the fat, they were asked what the Xaydho foretold regarding the new sultan. One of the Xaydho readers said that ;“This new sultan, unfortunately will not be as wise as his father use to be” , and the other replied, while gazing at the fat: “ Even worse! According to my inductions his reign will be long and live a long time, God willing” . Oddly enough, Sultan Diiriiyey died at the ripe old age of around 80 to 85 ’yrs.

Going back to our subject theme: Another song depicts the anguish felt by the herder, seeing that the beginning of the spring rains and the passing of the spring rains has gone by without a drop of rainwater. For, he knows that the season for spring rains has begun, due to the setting of the Urur stars or Pleiades in the early hours of the twilight. And the end of the spring rain season, due to the setting of the stars in Afagaale or virgo constellation Castor, Pollux, Procyon and Gombiza. This is song alliterated in the vowel letters:

Haddaan ururkiyo, Afaggaal ridey, Mugga eeddaa, Ilaah bayska leh',

Anna orodkay, Waa intii hore. My lovely cow,

now you can see that the Pleiades (Urur) and the twin stars of Virgo have set,

And still there is no sign of the spring rains. I have laboured hard to keep you well,

So that you may live through the harsh dry season,

Be witness, then, it is the Will of God, (A traditional "Hees Lo'aad" or cattle song)

Particularly, severe droughts seem to occur in the Somali nomadic regions every eight years. The singer sings of this, with parched lips, to his lovely girl: Alliterated in the B letter.

Beydaney Berdaale gudh, Bullaalena gaabi orodkii,

Anna biifihii dhigey,

Xaggaan biyo kaaga doonaa. Oh, my lovely Beydan, The well Berdaale is dry,

And my horse Bullaale is old and weary,

How can I then fetch water for your thirst?

(A traditional Hees Cayaareed or dance song )

Knowledge of the stars and the weather is part of every child's upbringing in the nomadic countryside. In this chorus dance song made up of riddles, alliterated by letter D, a group of nomadic girls challenge their nomadic counterparts, the boys, to show their knowledge of the stars.



Young nomadic girls challenge their nomadic counterparts, the boys.



End of Part One back



Waar xiddigaha maxaa dira? Maxaa deris iyo walaalo ah?

Maxaa dan-u-heshiisyo ah?

Maxaanse daabano kala gelin?

Which constellations are most ancient?

And which are both neighbours and cousins?

Which live in peace and unity, together?

And which are strangers?

and the boys answer

Naa xiddigaha waxaa dira

Dib-qalloocyadaa dira,

Waxaa deris iyo walaalo ah,

Afagaallaa dushaas mara,

Waxaa dan u heshiisyo ah,

Laxahaa dan u heshiisyo ah,

Waxaanse daabaano kala gelin,

Lixda dameerajoogeen iyo,

Inta uu dayaxu maro



The oldest constellation is Scorpio.

The stars that are both neighbours and cousins

Are those of the Virgo constellation.

The Pleiades live in peace, in union and together.

And the stars that are strangers to each other

Are the six stars of Sagittarius

And those that lie on the moon's path.

________________________________________

Home
Contact us
Links
Archives





Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature







The stars play a vital role in the Somali nomadic countryside. Yet, for those Somalis, who dwell in the urban cities, will show a great deal of enthusiasm in the stars and their knowledge. Although, many Somalis of second or third generation city dwellers will not have experienced, a true life in the countryside. Yet, if you ask him/her the names of the stars, planets or the time, the Pleiades set in winter or spring seasons, many will know the answer. And this is because of the Somali language or the influence of traditional & modern literature. For, you will always find a reference to some star, planet or astronomical phenomena of some kind or another made in every song played on the radio, theatrical play or a poem. Somalis love of poetry and the verbal arts was, so much so that Richard Burton, the English explorer, in his travels to Somaliland in 1854 commented:

The country teems with "poets, poetasters, poetitos, poetaccios": every man has his recognized position in literature as accurately defined as though he had been reviewed in a century of magazines-the fine ear of these people causing them to take the greatest pleasure in harmonious sounds and poetical expressions, whereas a false quantity or a prosaic phrase excite their violent indignation. Richard Burton, First footsteps in East Africa (New York: Praeger, 1966), p.93

Because, the Somali people are an oral society, much of their traditional and modern literature has become inseparable from the stars and the heavens above. And this can be said as to the reason why so many of the city dwellers know so much of the stars, than of animal husbandry.

The crucial distinction between different forms of Somali poetry is in the number of syllables in each line. The following rough guide may be found useful;

Halaanhal normally 12 syllables (oldest metre)

Gabay normally 14 to 16 syllables

Geeraar normally 7 syllables (classical metres)

Jiifto normally 7 syllables (classical metres)

Heelo normally 10 syllables

Hees-Xoolaad normally 1 to 5 syllables (livestock husbandry song)

Hees-Cayaareed normally from 6 to 11 syllables (dance song)

Hees-Caanood normally from 6 to 9 syllables (milk-shaking song)

Hees-Mooye normally 6 syllables (wheat-maize grinding song)

Hees-Carruureed normally 8 syllables (nursery or sung to children)



From last week, we can see that the weather is all-important for the nomadic people of this country: if rain fails at the expected season, there is drought and suffering, heavy losses amongst the herds, and consequent poverty, leading often to war. It is therefore hardly surprising that they should have become so closely acquainted with the paths of the moon and the stars, and should have come to rely so heavily on the interpretations and predications traditionally drawn from "the stations of the moon",

The stations of the moon, a fundamental concept in Somali astrology and weather prediction, and studied by the nomadic experts with great care and thoroughness, consists of twenty eight different groups of stars or stations fixed along the ecliptic path of the moon, and served to mark the life span of the Somali lunar month, number of days in each year, seasons and for weather predications and astrological forecasts . Each station has from one to over ten stars in its makeup. In addition, however, to the 28 stations along the visible path of the moon during each lunar month, there are said by Somalis to be one or two nights in every month during which the moon is not visible. These are the 'empty stations' when the moon is a 'new-moon' not in conjunction with any star or group of stars visible to the Somali observer. The period is known in Somali as "Dibbad or Dubbad" and means 'an invisible moon. Thus the Somali lunar calendar month will vary from 29 to 30 days

The importance of the Urur group of stars or Pleiades constellation for the Somali nomad

There is indeed a deep commitment of the Somali nomad to signs and portents, based upon long tradition, and not subject to orthodox Islamic beliefs. There is a proverb in Somali from the religious sections of the community that says; 'foolish people who spend all their time reading the stars would do better to ponder on the Divine Will'. 'Malluug moogow Maruubsatadaada fiirsoy'. And I recall a poem recited by an Arab sheikh, scorning the Somalis for their over-dependence on astronomy and the astrological deductions made from it:

Hadday laxo dhacaan

Laxona dhalaan,

Hor Soomaali-qalinley siday yeelidoontaa? If sheep start lambing At the setting of the Pleiades,

But the life giving (Seermaweydo) spring rains failed,

What would the foolish Somalis do then? (Jiifto or classical poem)

The Pleiades stars are known in Somali as "Urur" or "Laxo". Urur means 'a confederation' because these stars 7 in total are grouped tightly together and the latter word Laxo means 'sheep'. The Pleiades play a very important role in the Somali weather lore system. Because, rams and ewes are kept apart in the Somali country throughout the year, so that the ewes do not give birth to new born lambs in the dry and non-grazing seasons. Somali nomads let loose the rams with the ewes for mating on the night of "Dambasamo" : this is the night when in the middle of autumn (November) the moon is in conjunction with the Urur/Pleiades on the 15th day of the lunar month or full moon: the mating must be timed so that the lambs are born in a season of abundance.





When full moon is in conjunction with the Urur group of stars or Pleiades on the night (15th November) is known in Somali as 'the night of Dambasamo'

Lambs conceived on the night of "Dambasamo" will be born about 150 days later, which should be in the middle of the spring rains (April), and this is when the time the Pleiades will start to set at about twilight. The nomad, therefore knows when to let the rams mate with ewes in the middle of autumn by using the Urur/Pleiades as a point of cue, and also will use the Pleiades as a precursor for tracking the time period left for when the rains will begin in spring.

Going back, to the Arab sheikh's poem, the verse 'the setting of the Urur/Pleiades' signify the beginning of the rain season, and this is the time when the sheep give birth to new born lambs, and if these rains fail it will spell disaster for the nomads and their sheep. In other words, the Arab sheikh is rebuking the nomads for not taking into consideration the Divine Will as being the force behind the rains and the cycles of seasons and not the Urur/Pleiades, stars or heavenly bodies as responsible for the onset of the rains. The nomad however would defend his over-reliant attitude by saying: ' not only on man has God conferred this knowledge, but also onto the animal kingdom as well'. The nomad will argue, that ' God has taught the "Cawl" a species of the gazelle the power to read the stars, for whenever it wants to mate, it does so, in accordance by reading the stars and knowing when the rains will begin, with God's leave.'

There are countless phrases, songs, proverbs and poems in Somali, which ascribe these skills to the 'cawl gazelle and countless other wild animals. 'Cawl' in Somali is pronounced, in similar to the English pronunciation to the word ‘owl’ as in the night-bird ‘owl’. 'Cawl' is also a poplar Somali name given to boys. This Gabay by Cali Dhuux, recorded from Jaamac Daahir of Buuhoodle ascribes, these skills to the ‘Cawl’ or species of the gazelle (alliterated in the Somali vowel letter 'C' pronounced in English as 'ah'):

When the male 'Cawl' wishes to mate with his females,

he first makes astronomical calculations.

He also knows their menstrual periods and the techniques of mating, The day he wishes to cause propagation and offspring’s,

He, placing first his front knees on to the female's back,

Judges whether the young will be born in sun or green

from signs in the heavens,

His decision whether to continue mating or to descend is in accordance with his celestial induction's. (Gabay or classical poem)

Markuu cawlku cawlaa orgayn, waa u cibaaroone, Cisaday ku uuraysatiyo, caadaduu garane,

Cashaday calool gelahayaan, cannugga beertiisu, Curcurradiyo lawyada intuu, ku cuskaduu saaro, Cirridiyo cagaar miday ku dhalan, caadka kor u eegye, Hadba cirirka loo nuuriyuu, ku cimro-qaataaye.

The 'Cawl' gazelle is the only gazelle species which mate's outside the normal mating season, when all animals or gazelles are busy mating. For, whenever there is a drought, because the major spring rains have failed, many of the newborn offspring’s of the other gazelle species suffer and die. However, the same is not true for the 'cawl' gazelle.

For you will never see an 'cawl' gazelle with new born offspring's in times of failed spring rains, like you do with the other gazelle species. And this is attributed to the Somali belief that the 'cawl' stag gazelle knows when the rains will fail, because it gazes at the stars before it mates. And this is the reason the Somalis hold with such esteem this species of gazelle. One of the vital Somali seasons of the ‘Gu’ or spring rains is named after this gazelle. The three major ‘Gu’ or spring rains are called ‘Seermaweydo’ and ‘Diriir Cawl’ and ‘Diriir Sagaalo’.

Some nomads will often go to great lengths in the middle of the night to keep a track on a nearby herde of 'cawl' gazelles, so that they can know when to let their rams mate with the ewes, and all this depends on whether the 'cawl' stag gazelles have started to mate or not. Because, in the time period which 'cawl' gazelles give birth to new born offspring's is about the same time as sheep give birth to their new born lambs (five months from the time of conception).

End of Part Two



Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature




Somali legend of the origins of the Milky-Way “Jid-Cirir or Cir Jiidh”

The Milky Way is called in Somali "Jid-Cirir" which means "the path of the cursed child". This explains one Somali legend about the 'Milky Way’, which tells the story of a cruel son who use to beat his mother every day and drag her along the rocky ground in the hot sun. One day he was more vicious than usual, and pulled, dragging her by the leg over sharp bits of the rocky ground until she was torn and bleeding all over. Half-dead, she raised her eyes to the sky looking for some deliverance from her oppressor. The Almighty rescued the unhappy old crone by paralysing her son. He quickly died, and his body was cast up onto a special purgatory in the sky where he can still be seen as the constellation Orion known in Somali as “Nin la gigay” which means ‘The incarcerate one or man”. A representation of the rough ground over which he had dragged his poor mother was made for all to remember in the heavens - the Milky Way; and from that time on, no son has been cruel to his parents, fearing that he also would meet with the same fate.





The constellation Orion known in Somali as “NIN LA GIGAY”

The Somali Sky-camel "awrka Cirka"

Let us know have a look at the Somali traditions associated with the legend of the Somali 'Sky Camel "Awrka-Cirka". In the region of 'the coal sack' or 'Crux constellation’ the southern cross, an area known in Somali as "wadaamo-xooro or wadaamo-lugud", is said to appear in the shape or silhouette of a huge male camel on dark nights in the months of March to July.



Image is a rough depiction of the Somali night sky above the (9:60N 44:50E) Horn of Africa and

showing outline of the sky-camel, its head lies left of the Crux constellation

The legend of the Somali Sky Camel "Awrka-Cirka" says that the camel was once, long ago, positioned in the north, above the mountains of "Cir-Shiida" in the district of Erigaabo Northeast Somalia. The name of this particular mountain "Cir-Shiida" means in Somali 'the summit, from where missiles were hurled at the sky'.

"One year, as the legend says, there was a severe drought, and the people of the district suffered greatly, losing all their lively hoods, livestock's and animals decided to attack and kill the great 'sky-camel' as a source for food. First they built a huge platform on top of the highest mountain of the Erigaabo plateau, tall enough for the people standing on it to reach up to the tail of the 'sky-camel' and cut it off. The 'sky-camel' felt the pain and raced off to the south; where it is still to be seen to this day”.





Somali Sky Camel (Awrka Cirka) under attack

End of part three

Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature




The 'Somali Sky-camel’ or ‘Awrka Cirka' also provides a basis for meteorological observation, i.e. the timing of the major spring rains and the changing of seasons from one season to another.

In the months before the start of the main "Gu" (spring) rains, the 'sky-camel' is seen ( image 1 ) with its head down towards the East, as if it were about to start drinking water, "Wuu afku-rubadlaynayaa" is the term known in Somali for when livestock have their heads down drinking water, seen here left in this image.




Image 1:March night sky

In April and May, its image ( Imager 2 ) is upright again, and can be seen clearly between eight and twelve o'clock at night, apparently satisfied, and chewing the cud heartedly.





Image 2: April/May night sky

In June and July, its head ( image 3 ) appears to be turned upwards towards the zenith, its back falling towards the west, apparently cropping the tops of the trees.





Image 3: June/July night sky

In fact, the three different periods of the grazing year in this region of Africa are closely pictured by the onset of the "Gu" or spring rains, all the livestock are busy from the 15th of March drinking the spring waters.

Towards 20th of April in the middle of the rains, when there is plenty of green grass and water, the animals have fed so well that they spend long periods contentedly sitting and chewing. And when the rains are finished in late June, and the green grass parches, the camels begin cropping the new tender leaves and buds from the tops of trees.

It is interesting thought that the region Sanaag in Somaliland in which the 'sky-camel' is said to have originated has a great wealth of as yet un-investigated archaeological interest.

The Maakhir coast, including the Erigaabo country famed for its frankincense and myrrh since antiquity and often referred to by the ancient civilisation of Egypt as 'the land of Punt', is the centre of an area in which numerous ancient ruined cities, whose history is still unknown, have been discovered; and there are also said to be cave paintings and rock carvings still to be examined.

The Somali legend of the 'sky-camel', and men's first ventures into the sky, may be indicative of a great ancient civilisation, which built observatories on the mountain ranges, and studied the heavens.

One Somali saying goes, (alliterated in letter D);

" Awrka-cirka nin daya mooyiye

Nin dayoo ka taga mooyiye

Nin dabrada dad laga waa..... " Man could only gaze at the sky-camel

Gaze and turn away

None could conquer it or make it tame."

This Somali proverb simply reminds us; that 'some things in life will always be beyond man/woman's wildest dreams, regardless of one’s wealth, power or stature in life’.



End of part four

Somali astrological & meteorological traditions and literature




The Somali name for planets is "Malluug" or "Siyaariin" or “Meere” and all three names reflect a regulated motion in movement. Most nomads believe the planets to be huge stars with special courses of their own: they are commonly defined by Somali traditional astro/weather-lore experts as "heavenly bodies that move round on their own orbits, and with the sun". The number of such planets, according to various traditional beliefs, is as few as five or as many as nine. A few experts include the moon among the planets, but most take it to be a satellite of the earth. Mercury is considered by some as a planet, and by others as a star. There is therefore no general agreement about what are planets and what are not, and moreover, although all these bodies are named in Somali tradition, it is very difficult to match the Somali names to the planets identified in Western astronomy. The Somali names themselves vary greatly in different regions of the nomadic country. More research is needed into the whole question of the identification of these planets, and my chart giving the names of each planet in different Somali regions by no means is complete.

Names for the Planets in different Somali regions

International Qardo name Burco name Qabridharre name Banaadiir name

Sun Qorrax Qorrax Qorrax Qorrax

Mercury Dusaa Hurjub Cudaarid Dhayl-Gaduud

Venus Waxaro-xir or Sahra

or ‎Xiddig-Waaberi Maqal xidh-Xidh

or Sahra Maqal Xidh-xidh or Sahra Waxarra-Xir or Sahra

or Xiddig Waaberi

Earth Dhul Dhul Dhul Dhul

Mars Saxal Saxal Guduud or Saxal Saxal Guduud or Saxal Saxal Guduud or Saxal

Saturn Faraare or Mariikh Mariikh Dhiigle Mariikh Mariikh

Jupitor Saxal-Cadde or Mushtar or Cirjeex Cir-Jiidh or Mushtar or Saxal-Cadde or Gob-dhawr Saxal-Cadde or

Gob-dhawr Cir-jiidh or Dhool-Mare or Mushtar

Uranus ? ? ? ?

Neptune ? Docay ? ?

Pluto ? ? ? ?



Although there is a considerable uncertainty about the identification of the planets recognised by Somalis, there is no doubt that they do constitute an important part of the sky studies of Somali astro/weather-lore experts, and are thought to have astrological influences that are by no means negligible.

The commonest Somali names for Venus are "Maqal xidh-xidh" or "Waxaro xidh-xidh", both names have the same connotation and mean 'the rounding up of sheep's and goats, at sunset back into their pens'. All Somalis accept it as a planet. There is a riddle traditionally associated with Venus, and its periodic absences from the night skies. Sometimes it is reckoned to be absent for only six nights - to correspond with alternating roles of Morning Star (in the East) and Evening Star (in the West). When the absence is of six days, it is said on its return to greet people with question "How did you spend the night" - as if it had gone on a journey and was delighted to see its old friends once more. But sometimes the absences is reckoned to be for sixty days, and then the greeting given is said to take the form of another question: "What have you lost while I have been away" and finally absences considered to last for six months, it is believed to ask: "What wealth have you still left?" The absences of six nights are traditionally held to foretell a year of plenty; those of sixty nights will be hard but not unendurable. But from an absence of six months the assumption is that there will be great drought and suffering in the land. The presence of this planet in the sky is thus considered to exert a mysterious protective influence over people. Because of the serious implications read into the period of its absence from the sky, the "maqal xidh-xidh" is closely watched by the local astronomers and weather-experts.

Significant in a different way are the movements of the planet Mars, known in Somali as "Saxal-Guduud". It is believed to ‘meet and live with' each of the twenty-eight stations of the moon (these stations of the moon are called in Somali “Goddad” and mean ’trench, den, hole or place of moon’s station or sojourn’) once in a cycle of thirty-three years. The stations of the moon, a fundamental concept in Somali astrology and weather prediction, and studied by the nomadic experts with great care and thoroughness, consists of twenty eight different groups of stars or stations fixed along the ecliptic path of the moon, and served to mark the life span of the Somali lunar month, number of days in each year, seasons and for weather predications and astrological forecasts . Each station has from one to over ten stars in its makeup. In addition, however, to the 28 stations along the visible path of the moon during each lunar month, there are said by Somalis to be one or two nights in every month during which the moon is not visible. These are the 'empty stations' when the moon is not in conjunction with any star or group of stars visible to the Somali observer. The period is known in Somali as "Dibbad or Dubbad" and means 'an invisible moon. Thus the Somali lunar calendar month will vary from 29 to 30 days.

It thus plays host to each station for an indefinite period, sometimes for one or two months, sometimes for seven or even more months. The host planet is thought to contaminate the station for as long as they stay together, thus to bring evil fortune to any person born under this station, or to a clan associated with it. The severity of its contamination is said to depend on whether the other planets are in conjunction with certain stations of the moon. It is said by the Somalis that when "Saxal gudduud" and "Mariikh" or 'Mars and Saturn' are close together, the astrologer predicts "Gob-Gob Magan gashay" meaning the fall from power of a noble clan or nation, and its consequent search for protection with another clan.

The same is also said about "Saxal Cadde" or 'Jupiter', in that when it is in a certain station; and ‘Mars or Saxal Gaduud’ is in conjunction with one's birth sign or station, one will face a great battle against all misfortune. For the duration of the conjunction, therefore, it is considered wise to efface oneself as much as possible, to avoid quarrels or involvement in other's quarrels, and most decisively to avoid tribal wars. The enfeebling influence of Mars (Saxal) in conjunction with one's personal birth station is considered a great curse. This is beautifully suggested in the following anonymous "gabey" or 'poem' (alliterated in letter S):

Adduunyadu nin bay saaciddaa, sare u qaadaaye.

Ninna waaba saranseerisaa, yare silleeddaaye.

San barra ka taag-daran ninkuu, Saxalku fuulaaye Life in this world allows one man, to grow prosperous,

While another sinks into obscurity, and is made ridiculous

A man passing through the evil influence of red Mars is feebler

than a new born lamb punched on the nose



End of part five

The Qadiriya OF SOMALIA, the oldest Sufi Order in Islam

The Qadiriya, the oldest Sufi Order in Islam, was introduced into Harar in the 15th century by Sharif Abu Bakr ibn 'Abd Allah al-'Aydarus (known as al-Qutb ar-Rabbani, ("The Divine Axis"), who died in 1508-9 (A.H.91 1 ) . Abu Bakr is probably the best-known Shai'ite saint in southern Arabia - where he is called al-'Adani (15) and his mosque is the most famous in Aden (16). The Qadiriya became the official Order of Harar and has considerable influence in the surrounding country. To the south the Order does not appear to have acquired much importance in the interior of Somalia until the beginning of the l9th century when the settlement of Bardera, known locally as jamaha, was founded on the Juba river. The Qadiriya has a high reputation for orthodoxy, is on the whole literary rather than propagandist, and is said to maintain a higher standard of Islamic instruction than its rivals. The Ahmediya, and the derivative Saalihiya, were both introduced into southern Somalia towards the close of the last century, although the Ahmediya may have entered British Somaliland somewhat earlier. This Order was founded by Sayyid Ahmad ibn Idris al-Fasi (1760-1837) of Mecca and brought to Somalia by Sheik Ali Maye Durogba of Merka. Muhammad ibn Salih, in 1887, founded the Saalihiya as an offshoot of the Rashidiya founded by Ahmad ibn Idris's pupil Ibrahlm al-Rashid (Cerulli, 1923, pp. 11, 12; Trimingham, 1959, pp. 235 6). The principal Saalihiya proselytizer in Somalia was Sheik Muhammad Guled, a former slave, who launched the Order there by the foundation of a community among the Shidle (a Negroid people occupying the mid-reaches of the Shebelle river, see Lewis, 1955, p. 41). Muhammad Guled died in 1918 and his tomb is at Misra (named after Cairo, Misra in Somali), one of the communities which he had established among the Shidle. The Order's stronghold is in Somalia but there are some communities in British Somaliland. According to Cerulli (op. cit., pp. 14, 18) the Saalihiya is strongly propagandist and inferior to the Qadiriya in mysticism and teaching. In the past it has been closely associated with Somali nationalism and the two rebellions of this century have taken place under its mantle and in its name. The more important rising was that led by Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah (born about 1865) of the Habr Suleemaan Ogaadeen tribe, who made several pilgrimages to Mecca (1890-9), and joining the Saalihiya, sought to attract the northern Somali to this Order. He founded several communities and in 1895 proclaimed himself khalifa-designate in Somaliland. In 1899 he assumed the title of Sunni Mahdi and initiated the jihad against all infidels. He was repudiated by the leader of the Saalihiya in Mecca and from 1900 to 1904 British forces, with from time to time half-hearted Ethiopian and nominal Italian support, conducted four major campaigns against him. His power was continually diminished but the rebellion was never decisively crushed and dragged on until 1920 when the Mahdi died. The Ahmediya with the smallest number of adherents of the three Orders is said to concentrate more on teaching than the Saalihiya (Cerulli, 1923, pp. 12 ff.). Both Orders are for the most part distributed in cultivating villages along the two rivers of Somalia and in the fertile land between them. Qadiriya congregations, on the other hand, are more usually dispersed amongst tribes and do not form autonomous settlements of cultivators. This, naturally, is particularly the case in the north where there is little arable land. Where the congregation forms a stable cultivating settlement, the land, which has been acquired through adoption into a host tribe, is the collective property of the community and is divided among the affiliates by their sheik

SUFISM IN SOMALIA I>M LEWIS

SUFISM IN SOMALIA I>M LEWIS


Sufism in Somaliland: a Study in Tribal Islam - Part One. Part Two BY I.M. LEWIS • Although Somaliland has attracted the attention of a distinguished body of Italian scholars it has not yet been subjected to a specifically social anthropological study such as the present writer hopes to make. Excellent studies notably by Puccioni (1919-1937), Cerulli (1918-1943), and Colucci (1924,1943) have elucidated the sociology of the Somali and created a sound corpus of knowledge for future investigations. Colucci's Principi di diritto consuetudinario della Somalia Meridionale (1924) provides a penetrating analysis delineating with great clarity the general framework of Somali social organization and the political structure of the Sab tribes of Somalia in terms of lineage organization. Cerulli's studies of tribal custom and social organization are also of great value; his ' Note sul movimento musulmano nella Somalia ', published over 30 years ago, is at present the foundation of all studies of Islam amongst the Somali. The present paper attempts to set this and other material on Somali religion in the context of the sociological investigation of the literature of the Somali which I have made elsewhere (Lewis, 1966), and in which I have been guided by Somali informants in London. It is hoped that the procedure adopted here may be of vague in suggesting the lines along which field studies of Islam amongst the Somali might profitably be conducted, and also that it may make some contribution to studies of Islam amongst tribal societies generally. (1) Introduction A DESCRIPTION and analysis of religion have now come to be regarded as essential components in any satisfactory study of society. In no case, probably, is this more necessary than in that of an Islamic people where the study of Islam tends to throw as much light on the social structure as the study of the social structure does upon religion. This close interdependence has always been particularly clear in Muslim societies with a state-like structure where the Shari'a (the religious law in the widest sense) has had a wide field of application, although, of course, with the progressive Westernization of the Islamic world the gap between the spiritual and temporal realms is again widening (cf. Gibb, 1947; Milliot, 1949; Falkhry, 1954). But the conformity of social and religious structure is equally far-reaching in a tribal Muslim society although it may not at first sight appear so (2). Somali society is a case in point. This essay sets out to examine the role of Sufism in the social structure of the Somali and is designed to elucidate the nature and function of Somali genealogies. It is unnecessary here to justify the ethnic classification "South-Eastern Cushites" which embraces the Somali, Afar, Saho, Galla, and Beja, and which rests upon similarities in material and social culture, including religion, and upon traditions of common origin (3). I assume here that the pre-Islamic religion of the Muslim structure of Somali society owes much to the interpretation of Islam in terms of Cushitic belief. It follows that it should be possible to relate the social functions of present-day Somali Sufism to syncretism between the two religions. There are still a few tribes (e.g. some of the Dir and Hawiye) upon whom Islam has as yet made little impression and whose Cushitic culture is correspondingly little modified. Again among some of the southern tribes of Somalia, especially those of the shown, and much of the terminology and beliefs of Cushitic religion persists and are applied to Islam. In interpreting Cushitic belief and practice in their present form among the Somali, the wider literature describing the religion of the Afar, Saho, and Galla has been drawn upon, but I do not deduce from Cushitic religion in general any belief or custom for whose independent existence among the Somali there is not ample evidence. It is not implied that all those features of Somali social structure whose interaction with Islam is considered are necessarily typically Cushitic, but simply that in the pre-Islamic state of Somali society they were related to Cushitic institutions. We shall deal particularly with Sufism and examine the way in which its social organization, political and religious structure are associated with the baraka of Sufi sheikhs and their personal genealogies which trace religious power to the lineage of the Prophet Mohammed. It will be argued that the genealogical canalization of divine grace (baraka) dependent upon connexion with Mohammed's clan of Quraysh finds close parallels in the social and religious functions of Somali tribal genealogies (abtirsiinyo). These similarities in function between Arabian genealogies in Sufism and genealogies in the traditional (pre-Islamic) social order account for the ease with which the genealogies of Sufi sheikhs are absorbed amongst the Somali and underlie the Somali claim to descent from the Prophet. Such an interpretation, it will be noticed, does not depend upon the validity of the preceding assumptions on the nature of Cushitic religion, but, since these seem well established it is relevant to consider in the incorporation of Sufi genealogies (4) into the Somali lineage structure in relation to them. The religious functions of Somali genealogies which centre in sacrifice at the tombs of eponymous ancestors are, in the pre-Islamic state of Somali society intrinsically a part of Cushitic religion and knowledge of the larger hierarchy of Cushitic spirit-refractions does, I think, throw light upon the nature of sacrifice to the dead and leads to some elucidation of the religious concepts attached to Somali genealogies. Thus it is proposed that Sufi genealogies are adopted due to the close resemblances in their religious and political functions to Somali tribal genealogies, and that this assimilation corresponds to underlying similarities in the Cushitic and Sufi religious concepts which attach to genealogies. I. Preliminary Some 2,000,000 in number, the Somali occupy the territories of French, British, and ex-Italian Somaliland (the United Nations Trusteeship Territory of Somalia administered by Italy), the south-east dependencies of Ethiopia, and the Northern Frontier Province of Kenya. They are essentially nomadic pastoralists owning in abundance sheep, goats, cattle, and camels used for milking and the transport of the nomad's hut and possessions. In some parts of southern Somalia oxen replace camels as burden animals. Some temporary cultivation is practised, but as a whole, there is little permanent cultivation in the barren pastureland of the north. In the south, however, arable land occurs along the courses of the two rivers which water Somalia (the Shebelle and the Juba), and in the hinterland between them. Here enclaved settlements of Negroes, Bantu and others, are engaged in permanent cultivation, and some Somali tribes, especially those of the Sab family, have adopted a sedentary mode of life. Mixed farming is characteristic of this region, and, under the stimulus of administrative development, there is an increasing tendency for nomadism and transhumance to give place eventually to fixed cultivation. The Somali nation comprises two main subdivisions, the ' Soomaali ' and the ' Sab (5) The Sab tribes form an extensive wedge of cultivators between the rivers of Somalia and separate the nomads of northern Somaliland from those of the south. The ' Soomaali ', who are numerically superior, despise the ' Sab ' for their sedentary way of life, for their obscure origins (Galla and Negroid admixture is pronounced), and for their mixed genealogies. Nevertheless, Sab are included in the designation ' Soomaali ' by outsiders, in much the same way as the inhabitants of the British Isles are frequently indiscriminately referred to as ' English '. Within the Somali nation, Soomaali and Sab are differentiated although there is an increasing tendency for the Soomaali/Sab cleavage to be ignored in the rising tide of Somali nationalism. Urbanized and westernized Somali maintain that discrimination is "old-fashioned", that it is contrary to the injunctions of the Prophet, and that it undermines the unity of the Somali people. In practice and actual social relations, however, these ideals are often betrayed, which serves to indicate how deeply engrained the traditional Somali social order is. Still, within Somaliland, the cleavage remains the primary subdivision of the Somali nation. and in the rest of this paper (3). I shall use the term ' Somali ' t to include the Sab except where a distinction is expressly stated. Each comprises a vast segmentary system of units which may be classified as: tribal families (of which there are seven: Dir, Hawiye, Pre-Hawiye, Isaaq, Daarood, Digil, and Rahanwiin), confederacies, sub-confederacies, tribes, and tribal sections. This terminology which I have elsewhere described (Lewis, 1955, pp.14-40) is illustrated in the accompanying chart. Condensed genealogy of the Somali nation, representing segmentation into social groups, with specimen segmentation of one tribal family, the Daarood (Lewis, 1955, p.15). Qurayshitic lineage Aqil Ibn Abi Talib Hill Samaale Irir PreHawiye Sab Digil * Tunni (1) Rahanwiin Irir Daarood Dir Hawiye Gadabuursi (2) Isaaq Daarood (Tribal family) Harti (Conferacy) Majeerteen (Sub-Conferacy) Usman Muhamuud (Tribe) * Somali tribal families. (1) The Tunni are a tribal confederacy rather than a tribal family (2) The Gadabuursi are of uncertain affiliation, they may belong to the Dir tribal family The tribe stands out as a clearly defined unit which embraces the most generally effective social solidarity. Cattle-theft and war characterize the relations between tribes, and intertribal hostility is frequently of long standing. Internally the tribe tends to be divided by feud amongst its fractions. Within the tribe, however, homicide is normally settled peaceably by payment of blood compensation. With the extended enforcement of the European administrative system tribes are now also, whenever possible, obliged to settle their differences by payment of compensation in place of further fighting. The obligations entailed by tribal membership are clearly formulated in the procedure for the adoption of strangers (10), who undertake to share tribal responsibility in payment and receipt of blood-price and in other matters. In essence the tribe is of one blood, and it is, in short, a social, territorial, political, and to some extent religious unit closely similar to that of the Nuer (Evans-Pritchard, 1940) or of the Arab Bedouin (Jaussen, 1948). It is not, however, entirely exogamous (11). Like the total Somali society of which it is the microcosm, the tribe constitutes a balanced system of sections of various orders of segmentation. In some cases there may be no more than three orders of segmentation within the tribe, but in most cases there are at least four, for some tribes boast as many as 100,000 members. The average. however, seems to be about 20,000 tribesmen. It will be seen that the Somali tribe is a relatively large unit, with a fairly high degree of internal segmentation. In each political unit from the basic group of closely related families to the tribal confederacy, the elders constitute a council representative of the group's interests and convened by a political figurehead. In the tradition of the medieval period when the petty Muslim sultanates of southern Eritrea and north-western Ethiopia engaged (Christian Ethiopia in war, chiefs are styled both by the Somali and by the Administrations as ' Sultan'. But this title does not imply that its incumbents wield authority over a centralized state and is not to be understood in the classical Muslim sense (12). Normally the tribe recognizes a chieftain (called variously boqor, garaad, ugaas), as president of the tribal council. Yet not every tribe owns a common chief. In effect, a chief's authority derives from the structural situation - from the circumstances of tribal allegiance - and fluctuates with it. His power depends largely upon his personality. Thus the position of the Somali chief is closely similar to that of an Arabian sheik (Montagne, 1947, p. 59). Considerable religious power attaches to a chief. In the past chieftaincy seems to have been connected with rainmaking, and there is evidence that this function is still retained amongst the less Islamized tribes of the north-west corner of British Somaliland and of certain parts of Somalia. In many cases, the chief still conducts periodical rainmaking ceremonies (roobdoon ' seeking water') and the great rite (lak) performed in Somalia to mark the onset of the main rains. The chief's glance is referred to as "the burning eye" (il kulul ) and his person is so strongly endowed with power that among some closely related tribes it is usual for a visiting chief to avoid a face to face encounter with his equivalent and to be greeted indirectly by a representative. Consequent upon his special relation with God, a chief can call down blessing or misfortune upon his people and their stock. From the structural point of view, his most important function is to preside at the ceremonies which are held at the tombs of the eponymous tribal ancestors in commemoration of them. Each tribal section celebrates its founder at his shrine, offering up its own particular form of sacrifice (13). (Cerulli, 1913. p.7). Where a hereditary chief is recognized members of his family (called Gob) represent him at sacrifices performed by the heads of subsidiary tribal fractions. In the case of tribal confederacies with a chiefly lineage the same procedure is followed in the ceremonies of component tribes. It is this duty more than any other which establishes the sanctity of a hereditary chief, for, when he represents his people in sacrifice at the eponymous ancestor's shrine, it is his own lineal ancestor whom he commemorates before God. He, the living representative of the founding ancestors, is the closest descendant of those whom he celebrates on behalf of his tribe. Generations later, he in his turn will be regarded as an eponymous founder and will be commemorated in sacrifice by his descendants on behalf of their tribesmen. In the traditional accounts of war and migration it is always the religious aspects of leadership which are signalled out and held to be responsible for the success of one group at the expense of another. The fortunes of war are to some extent regarded as a reflection of ritual efficacy. On the political side again, there is no specifically constituted police organization to enforce the decision which are arrived at by the chief in council, except of course in the pseudo-sultanates which have remained a legacy from earlier times, in some parts of Somalia (Cerulli, 1919, pp 16 ff.). The Somali Lineage System The emphasis placed by Somali upon descent has already been indicated. In fact, the key to an understanding of Somali social structure lies in the functions exercised by genealogies (abtirsiinyo). Corresponding to the segmentary tribal system described is an equally highly segmented lineage system, different orders of fragmentation and aggregation in which are coordinate with equivalent levels of segmentation in the tribal system. The total genealogical tree of the Somali nation represents the unity of all its component parts: tribal families, confederacies. sub-confederacies, tribes, and tribal sections. Social propinquity is expressed in terms of agnatic kinship. The relations between groups of every order are in genealogical idiom expressed as relationships between eponymous ancestors. At a higher level than the tertiary tribal section, or, perhaps in some cases the secondary, such postulated kinship is largely fictitious, of course. Nevertheless it is the principle which Somali assume to underlie social relationship. The basis of political action is the agnatic lineage system - it's religious significance relates to the eponymous ancestors to which it refers, and who are celebrated in the sacrifices performed at their tombs. Such is the traditional social system associated with nomadism and preserved where nomadism still prevails. In the south, however, where sedentary cultivation is replacing nomadism, the relations between territorial groups cease to be always expressible in terms of descent. Here the lineage system is disintegrating. The process of change is gradual; at first territorial units form having a mixed clan or lineage structure in which the political unit is co-ordinate with a dominant clan or lineage. With subsequent development and the continued settlement in the same territorial unit of increasing numbers of immigrants of heterogeneous clan origin, the agnatic lineage structure becomes so distorted and confused that the segmentation of the dominant lineage no longer represents territorial distribution and ceases to have political functions. The principle that neighbours must be agnatic kinsmen. that territorial proximity implies genealogical propinquity, no longer holds. Such disorganization is particularly characteristic of the agricultural tribes of the Sab family. It is important, however, to observe that although the characteristic social unit of these regions is an agricultural settlement or ' mixed-village' (Lewis, 1955. p. 95) with a rudimentary state-like political organization in which lineages have no political significance, agnatic kinship may still be applied at a higher level to describe the relations between larger territorial aggregates such as tribes or tribal confederacies. It is certainly in terms of agnatic kinship, for example, that the relations between tribal families are described although relations among the component units within the Sab family are not at all levels represented genealogically. There is thus a certain inconsistency in the organization of political relations at different levels of the political structure. The lineage system which is the fundamental principle is superseded amongst the smaller units of the Sab, but retains its functions amongst those of a higher order and referring to the tribal families knits the Somali people together as the issue of the Prophet's lineage. There are, . as has been mentioned, seven tribal families - Dir, Pre-Hawiye, Hawiye, Daarood, and Ishaaq of the ' Soomaali ' group; and Digil and Rahanwiin of the ' Sab '. To-day there are few Dir tribes and their importance lies rather in having given rise, through the intermarriage of Dir's daughters with immigrant Arabs, to the great Ishaaq and Daarood tribal families. Ishaaq and Daarood reached the Somali coast at a date which has not yet been historically established but which tradition places between the Hejira and the 15th century (Lewis, 1955, pp. 15-9, 23-4). Traditions of Arabian descent are especially strong amongst the Ishaaq and Daarood. but are held independently by the Hawiye and Dir and even by many of the Sab tribes who, as it happens, have as good claims to Arabian descent as their northern Somali neighbours (the Dir, Ishaaq, Daarood, and Hawiye), who hold them in such contempt. All tribal families can establish connexion with each other without going as far back as the Prophet's lineage, but the breach between ' Soomaali ' and ' Sab ' is only bridged by tracing descent to the Qurayshitic line of Mohammed. Only at this level of inclusiveness are the Soomaali and Sab joined as the Somali nation, and it is in this context especially that the Somali consider themselves the children of the Prophet. For this solidarity transcends all sectional interests and divisions, including that between Soomaali and Sab and represents a real consciousness of common nationality and religion. Individual genealogies (abtirsiinyo) trace ascent through the hierarchy of social units from the smallest tribal section to the tribal family, through the primary bifurcation of Soomaali/Sab, through the Prophet's descendants, and culminate finally in Mohammed, although they often extend beyond this to include the Prophet's ancestors and resemble typical Arabian genealogies (cf. Wustenfeld, 1853). Usually Somali genealogies are imperfectly Arabized (Islamized) and contain a mixture of Cushitic and Arabic names indicative of the absorption of Arab genealogies. Unless, however, Somali wishes to emphasize their exclusiveness with respect to other peoples, that is when only relations between Somali are in question, the genealogies given stop at Soomaali or Sab and comprise between 22 and 30 names. At their greatest extension, genealogies representing political and religious connexion are drawn out to embrace the Prophet and his lineage. II. ISLAM Relations with Arabia: the Introduction of Islam The historical foundations for the contemporary claim to descent from the Prophet lie in the existence of relations between Somaliland and Arabia from the earliest times. Immigration from and to Arabia has always been and still is a constant feature of Somali life. There has always been a considerable floating population of Arabs in various stages of absorption among the Somali. Moreover, there is little doubt that Islam reached Somaliland shortly after the Hejira and its establishment is recorded by Arab writers of the 9th and 10th centuries. The coastal commercial colonies which had been founded by the Himyarite Kingdom before Islam eventually developed into the small Muslim states of Zeila (in its widest extension known as Adal) in British Somaliland, and of Mogadishu in Somalia. These were ruled by local dynasties of Somalized Arabs or Arabized Somalis. The history of Zeila has been adequately described by Trimingham (1952, pp. 58 ff.) and need be no more than summarized here. Cerulli's research (Cerulli, 1994, 1996, 1927) shows that from the beginning of the 10th until half-way through the 13th century Mogadishu was functioning as a trading colony which comprised a federation of Arabian tribes. Persians also played some part in its early history. The Arab settlers had elected chiefs and acknowledged the religious and jural authority of one lineage, the Qahtan ibn Wa'il. In the course of time Somali influence increased and from a loose federation of Arab-Somali peoples, a sultanate with a local dynasty (the Muzaffar) emerged in the 13th century. The Muzaffar sultanate flourished in the 13th and 14th centuries and by this time Shangani and Hamarwein, the two halves of the town of Mogadishu, were firmly established and Hamarwein was dominant. This dynasty survived into the 16th century when the sultanate declined as a commercial centre and reverted to a hegemony of small townships. At the same time Mogadishu was under pressure from tribes of the Hawiye tribal family who were advancing southwards through Somalia. By the second half of the 18th century Somalis had gained control of Shangani and imposed their imam as ruler of Mogadishu. Portuguese and British colonization contributed to the final collapse of the sultanate. In the 17th century the town had been occupied by the Imam of Oman for a short space, and remained after his withdrawal in vague dependence to him. With the division of the Muscat State early in the l9th century, Mogadishu was allotted to the Sultan of Zanzibar, who attempted to secure a more binding dependence by establishing military garrisons along the coast. Almost immediately after, these were sold to Italy and Mogadishu became part of the former Italian colony of Somalia. Southern Ethiopia supplied Zeila with its trade and the town reached its greatest heights in the 14th century, but began to decline after Ahmad Granhe's celebrated campaigns against Christian Ethiopia in the 16th century. Its history was from the beginning the chronicle of a series of wars against the Ethiopian infidels waged in alliance with the other petty Muslim states of southern Eritrea and north-eastern Ethiopia. Mogadishu, as we have seen, had a shorter period of prosperity in the 11th century and then declined fairly rapidly under the joint pressure of nomadic incursions from the interior and the influence of external colonization. Such centres as these had an important effect in the development of Islam among the Somali. With the Arabian colonies firmly entrenched in the other trading ports they provided a foothold from which Mohammedanism spread amongst the nomads of the interior.(14) Sufism among the Somali The Somali are orthodox Sunnis and adherents of the Shafi'ite rite of the Shari'a. Sufism is well developed and the remainder of this paper will deal with the role of Sufism in Somali society. As is well known, this revitalizing current arose in Islam between the 9th and 10th centuries, attaining in its classical form its aesthetic and theological climax in the l1th and 13th centuries. True Sufism is now considered by some authorities to be in decadence (Arberry, 1950). In Somaliland after a period of great activity and general expansion up till the 1930's, the Dervish movement seems to be on the wane, although it is extremely difficult to assess its true importance at the present day. Tribal Sufism has always tended to form a conservative barrier against European administration and many of its adherents have strongly opposed the extension of education lest it should undermine their authority. Administrative hostility, real or imagined, has reinforced the esoteric and clandestine character of Sufi practice and made it all the more difficult to estimate its true significance. However, it is not difficult to study its functional importance as a movement in the social structure of Somali society, for whatever its present number of adherents, it has left an indelible impression as will be seen. The adherents of Sufism belong to the congregations or communities, in many Muslim countries known as zawiya, in Somaliland as jama'a, of the various Orders (tariqa,'The Way ') into which the movement is divided according to the doctrines and services (dhikr) ordained by the founders of Orders. Tariqa means 'path' in the sense of the Way to follow in the search for righteousness and the Way to God. The end of the tariqa is ma'rifa, absorption in God (gnosis). Those who have travelled furthest, through virtue, the practice of devotion, and the grace which God has vouchsafed them are nearest Him. As the Path is traversed successive steps of the way are demarcated as ' stations ' or ' states '. These are discussed below. For his godliness and virtue the founder of each Order is held to be closer to God and to exemplify in his teaching and life the True Path which it behooves the zealous to follow. The founder is a guide who through his particular qualities of devotion. and by his special virtue including the grace (baraka) bestowed upon him by God leads his disciples towards God. His baraka passes to those who follow in his Path and dedicate their lives to his example. Each Order is distinguished by the specific discipline which its founder has established as the True Path. Since there is no God but Allah and Mohammed is His Prophet, religious prestige is a function of connexion with the Prophet's Qurayshitic lineage. Thus those in whose blood (recorded in personal genealogies) the Prophet's grace (baraka ) flows are eminently suitable for election to the office of head (khalifa) of an Order or of a congregation (Sheik). Sheiks and khalefas, as also the founders of the Orders themselves, have personal genealogies tracing descent from ancestors connected with Mohammed. To what extent such claims are historically true is in the present context irrelevant. The tradition is that descent from Quraysh entitles to religious office and that to be a Sufi sheik or khalifa implies such descent. Thus in their furthest extension the personal genealogies of the founders of Orders and of their local representatives, sheiks and khalifas, reach back to the Prophet's lineage. According to the lineage principle in terms of which relationships in Somaliland are understood each jama'a is identified with the genealogy of its khalifa or sheik. The consequences of this in the total genealogical structure of Somali society will shortly be seen. Within each tariqa the authority of the incumbent of the office of regional khalifa is founded upon a chain of tradition which has two branches. Unlike his personal genealogy, these attach to the office, not to the person. The silsilat al-baraka (chain of benediction) traces the chain of grace which unfolds from the founder of the Order through his successive disciples down to the present incumbent of the office of khalifa. The silsilat al-wird, the other branch, connects the founder with the Prophet and, through his mediation, with Allah. The silsila (lit. 'chain ' ) consists of a list of names through which spiritual affiliation is traced and in some ways resembles a genealogy. It is quite separate, however, from the sheik's personal genealogy although that also is regarded as endowed with power. In initiation (wird), the covenant ('ahd) of the tariqa is administered to the novice by the head of the community in a formal ceremony at which the service (dhikr) pertaining to the Order is celebrated (for a description, see Robecchi-Bricchetti, 1899, p. 423; Trimingham, 1952, p. 237). The novice swears to accept the khalifa as his guide and spiritual director through the baraka of the founder. He is then instructed in the performance of prayer tasks (called variously awrad, ahzab, and rawatib), and is provided with a prayer-mat to carry upon his shoulder, a vessel for ablution, and a rosary (tusbah) to finger as he recites his prayers. Somali tariqas are characterized by fewer stages in the novice's progress towards illumination than were customary in classical Sufism (see on this point, Arberry, 1950, pp. 74- ff.). At first the novice is styled 'aspirant' (murid) but also referred to by his brethren ('ikwan') as ' brother '. The majority of initiates never proceed beyond this stage. Qutb, which is the next step, requires a certain degree of mystical perfection but is not comparable to the qutb of literary Sufism. Each successive step becomes increasingly difficult, and al-wasil the next grade, signifying union with God after long strife (i.e. the attainment of gnosis), corresponds to induction to the leadership of a fraternity. Al-maddad, the final goal, is attained by few pilgrims indeed, for it is that reached usually only by the founders of the Orders themselves. Membership of the community does not imply celibacy; adherents live with their families in the community. Women have their own tariqas where they participate in the services in the name of the Prophet's daughter, Fatima, whom they regard as the founder of women's Orders. Female adherents are veiled (the veil is not normally worn by women in Somaliland), and are generally more amply clad than other Somali women. But for them also there is no embargo on marriage. There are always many people who although not formally admitted to an Order and not living in the community, follow the public ceremonies while ignorant of their esoteric content. Acknowledging the piety and religious powers of the founder whom they venerate as a saint, they regularly call upon his followers whom they regard as similarly endowed to act as mediators in disputes. Many of the brethren thus fulfil the functions of qadis and this is one of the many ways in which the sphere of interest of the Sufi community encroaches upon that of the tribal structure. Tribesmen turn to the head of the jama'a for assistance and counsel, to the neglect of the tribal authorities This is one instance of a wide and far-reaching conflict between Sufism on the one hand and the tribal organization on the other which we shall consider in some detail below. SOMALI TARIQAS The three most prominent tariqas in Somaliland are in the order of their introduction, the Qadiriya, the Ahmediya, and the Saalihiya. The Rifa'iyya tariqa is represented amongst Arab settlers but is not widely distributed or important. In the south the Order's main centres are the coastal towns of Mogadishu and Merka: there are also some adherents in the British Protectorate. The Qadiriya, the oldest Sufi Order in Islam, was introduced into Harar in the 15th century by Sharif Abu Bakr ibn 'Abd Allah al-'Aydarus (known as al-Qutb ar-Rabbani, ("The Divine Axis"), who died in 1508-9 (A.H.91 1 ) . Abu Bakr is probably the best-known Shai'ite saint in southern Arabia - where he is called al-'Adani (15) and his mosque is the most famous in Aden (16). The Qadiriya became the official Order of Harar and has considerable influence in the surrounding country. To the south the Order does not appear to have acquired much importance in the interior of Somalia until the beginning of the l9th century when the settlement of Bardera, known locally as jamaha, was founded on the Juba river. The Qadiriya has a high reputation for orthodoxy, is on the whole literary rather than propagandist, and is said to maintain a higher standard of Islamic instruction than its rivals. The Ahmediya, and the derivative Saalihiya, were both introduced into southern Somalia towards the close of the last century, although the Ahmediya may have entered British Somaliland somewhat earlier. This Order was founded by Sayyid Ahmad ibn Idris al-Fasi (1760-1837) of Mecca and brought to Somalia by Sheik Ali Maye Durogba of Merka. Muhammad ibn Salih, in 1887, founded the Saalihiya as an offshoot of the Rashidiya founded by Ahmad ibn Idris's pupil Ibrahlm al-Rashid (Cerulli, 1923, pp. 11, 12; Trimingham, 1959, pp. 235 6). The principal Saalihiya proselytizer in Somalia was Sheik Muhammad Guled, a former slave, who launched the Order there by the foundation of a community among the Shidle (a Negroid people occupying the mid-reaches of the Shebelle river, see Lewis, 1955, p. 41). Muhammad Guled died in 1918 and his tomb is at Misra (named after Cairo, Misra in Somali), one of the communities which he had established among the Shidle. The Order's stronghold is in Somalia but there are some communities in British Somaliland. According to Cerulli (op. cit., pp. 14, 18) the Saalihiya is strongly propagandist and inferior to the Qadiriya in mysticism and teaching. In the past it has been closely associated with Somali nationalism and the two rebellions of this century have taken place under its mantle and in its name. The more important rising was that led by Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah (born about 1865) of the Habr Suleemaan Ogaadeen tribe, who made several pilgrimages to Mecca (1890-9), and joining the Saalihiya, sought to attract the northern Somali to this Order. He founded several communities and in 1895 proclaimed himself khalifa-designate in Somaliland. In 1899 he assumed the title of Sunni Mahdi and initiated the jihad against all infidels. He was repudiated by the leader of the Saalihiya in Mecca and from 1900 to 1904 British forces, with from time to time half-hearted Ethiopian and nominal Italian support, conducted four major campaigns against him. His power was continually diminished but the rebellion was never decisively crushed and dragged on until 1920 when the Mahdi died. The Ahmediya with the smallest number of adherents of the three Orders is said to concentrate more on teaching than the Saalihiya (Cerulli, 1923, pp. 12 ff.). Both Orders are for the most part distributed in cultivating villages along the two rivers of Somalia and in the fertile land between them. Qadiriya congregations, on the other hand, are more usually dispersed amongst tribes and do not form autonomous settlements of cultivators. This, naturally, is particularly the case in the north where there is little arable land. Where the congregation forms a stable cultivating settlement, the land, which has been acquired through adoption into a host tribe, is the collective property of the community and is divided among the affiliates by their sheik. Continuity of tenure depends upon the maintenance of satisfactory relations with the tribe of adoption and the regular fulfillment of the various obligations which adoption imposes. Tenure is precarious and is in theory at any time revocable by the ceding tribe. It follows that the individual holdings obtained by affiliates are not automatically inheritable; absolute rights to land or crops are never obtained by members of the community. If a member leaves he relinquishes all rights to his holding and probably his crops also, although he may sometimes be allowed a portion of the harvest. The fields are worked collectively so that the harvest in each brother's holding represents the collective labour of the community. Part of the harvest is used to maintain the funds of the jama'a, which also depend upon gifts made by tribesmen and payments for ritual or religious services performed by affiliates. Liabilities met from these general funds consist of aid to the poor, assistance of pilgrims to Mecca, and expenses connected with missionary work and the various dues payable to the tribe of adoption. As far as the host tribe is concerned the jama'a acts as a tribal section subject to the same privileges and duties as are other sections of the tribe. Congregations act as training centres for the devouts (wadaad), (17) usually described as ' bush teachers ' or ' bush preachers ', who wander from camp to camp through the bush stopping now and then to hold classes where at least some rudimentary knowledge of theology is imparted. In these transitory bush schools children are taught prayers and verses from the Koran and generally acquire the ability to read and write Arabic. Children receive a thorough grounding in the Koran and their familiarity with Koranic texts remains with them throughout their lives. Wadaad are also important as acting in the capacity of unofficial qadis administering the Shari'a to the extent to which its competence is recognized by tribal authorities, i.e. in matrimonial affairs, inheritance of property, contract. mortgage, etc., and assessment of the requisite compensation for injuries (18). In intertribal politics they have little authority to award decisions, and where their recommendations conflict with tribal interests they are normally ignored for Wadaad here act as mediators rather than as arbitrators. It is probably through the Wadaad who issue from the jama'a communities that Sufism exerts its greatest influence in Somali social structure. The parent communities themselves are essentially centres of mystical devotion and have produced a considerable Arab-Somali religious literature written mainly in Arabic but in some cases in Somali transcribed in an adaptation of Arabic script (19). It is probable also that Sufi works are to be found in Somali oral literature and research should be directed to discovering to what extent this is the case. Mysticism is adopted as a means to union with God (gnosis); Somali Sufistic literature treats of divine ecstasy and is similar to Sufi writing in general. An interesting example is an unpublished manuscript called tawassul ash- shaikh Awes written by Sheik Awes, (20) which consists of a collection of songs for dhikr. Where such works are biographical, as for example in the autobiography of Sheik 'Ali Afaye Durogba, (21) they contain an account of the author's justification to claim descent from Quraysh. Almost all such works include a section in which the author's claims to Qurayshitic descent are set forth. Perhaps the most important of Somali Sufi literature is a collection of works by haaji 'Abdullahi Yusif published under the title al-majmu'at al-mubaraka (22). Haaji 'Abdullahi of the Qadiriya tariqa was a member of a group of sheiks (known as Asheraf), (23) attached to the Majeerteen tribes of the Daarood tribal family; his work is analysed by Cerulli (1923, pp. 13-4, 92-5). THE CULT OF SAINTS An important feature of the Sufi communities lies in the extent to which their founders are venerated. The local founders of Orders and congregations ( jama'a) are often sanctified after their death. Their veneration gives rise to cults which overshadow the devotion due to the true founder of the tariqa and even of the Prophet Mohammed. Their tombs become shrines (gashin in Somalia), tended by a small body of followers or the descendants of the sheik and those who have inherited his baraka. To the shrines come the members of the Order as well as local tribesmen who are not initiates, to make sacrifice as occasion demands, and to take part in the annual pilgrimage to the shrine of the saint on the anniversary of his death. Outstanding events in his life are similarly celebrated. Muslim saint-days which have no connexion with indigenous saints are unpopular especially in the interior. But to the extent to which the Qadiriya Order is followed emphasis has been given to the saint-day (mawlid ) of the founder al-Jilani, although even this festival enjoys only limited observance. Saints are not always associated with a particular congregation or Order. Many are ubiquitous, and common to several Orders, share the same veneration within the religion of the country. They are venerated for particular qualities. One of the most popular in Somalia, Saint Au Hiltir (a name suggestive of non-Islamic origin) is regarded as the protector of man from the attacks of crocodiles; another, Saint Au Mad, is recognized by tribes of the Rahanwiin tribal-family as the guardian of the harvest. Tombs are scattered all over Somaliland and many, certainly, commemorate pre-Islamic figures who have been assimilated in Islam. Some of the families acting as the custodians of their ancestors' shrines have developed into small clans, usually dispersed; others have lost all autonomy and are scattered as holy men (wadaad ) proselytizing and teaching. Others again remain attached to a particular tribe as the holders of a hereditary office of qadi. Such, for example, is the case with the seven lineages of the Gasar Gudda tribe of Lugh-Ferrandi in Somalia, where-the office of tribal chief rotates among six lineages, while that of qadi is invested in the seventh, the Rer Dulca Mado (Ferrandi, 1903, pp. 213, 262 ff.; Lewis, 1953, p. 115). This represents one of the possible conclusions in the history of a saintly family attached initially to a tribe in clientship, where the religious group has worked its way into the lineage structure of the tribe and established a permanent position. A good example of a dispersed clan venerated for their baraka are the Rer Sheik Mumin whose ancestor's shrine is at Bur Hakaba among the Elai of southern Somalia. Their influence extends throughout the entire Rahanwiin tribal family and tribute is paid to them on account of their reputation as sorcerers (Ferrandi, 1903, pp. 138-9, 942-3). Ferrandi describes them unflatteringly as a gang of robbers implicated in cattle raiding and profiting by their ancestor's sanctity to impress and exploit ignorant people. A similar dispersed sheikly group are the Au Qutuh of the British Protectorate whom Burton (1894, I, P. 193) described as the descendants of Au Qutb ibn Faqih 'Emar who was then claimed to have crossed from the Hejaz ' ten generations ago ' and to have settled with his six sons in Somaliland. The Au Qutub are widely scattered and are found as far south as the Ogaden. They have the title ' Shaykash ' which Burton translates ' reverend '. In fact, such families of Arabian origin are found all over Somaliland and are often rapidly assimilated in the Somali social structure where their members enjoy high prestige (cf. Cerulli, 1926). THE ROLE OF SUFISM IN THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE We may now consider the position held by Sufi tariqas and congregations or communities in the social structure. It is obvious that for the total social structure the fraternities provide potential channels of alliance amongst warring tribes separated by the very nature of the tribe. For the communities, economic and political entities though they may be, and often themselves at enmity even within the same Order, are bound together through community of religious purpose. They aim at the development and diffusion of Islam. Such were the ideals so successfully translated into a transcendental movement ignoring the narrow bonds of tribalism by the Saalihiya Mahdi haaji Muhammad b. Abdallah. His campaign is an illustration of the potentialities which the tariqa organization offers for the extension of national unity when a sufficiently great figure emerges to inspire such feeling. Now, as elsewhere in Islam, the new urban political parties seem to have their roots in the tariqa organization and to be a development from it (24). Trans-tribal nationalist aspirations which previously found some outlet in it are now promoted by political associations, the strongest of which is at the moment the Somali Youth League (S.Y.L.). Within the tribal structure individual communities exercise considerable influence, and it is this aspect of their social functions which I wish particularly to consider. As we have seen, among the nomads and especially in the north of Somaliland where there is little or no arable land, communities cannot generally form cultivating settlements as they do in the less barren south. They cannot therefore so easily exist as independent autonomous local groups. Among the southern cultivating tribes (the Sab) settled cultivating communities occupy an interstitial position on the ground. As social entities they are accordingly in a better position to develop into units independent of tribal allegiance and to play an interstitial role in the social structure. This naturally has important consequences in the lineage structure. To take an example. The Qadiriya community of Bardera (known locally as the jamaha) was founded on the Juba River at the beginning of the l9th century by Sheik Ali Kurre, a Rahanwiin tribesman. New settlements quickly sprang up round the mother community. The affiliates were faced with considerable hostility from the surrounding tribes. They fought the Galla Boran, the Gasar Gudda (Somali Rahanwiin) who were successfully defeated and their centre Lugh-Ferrandi destroyed, and, finally, the people of Bardera extended their sway to the coast subjecting the villages of Baidoa, Molimat, and the coastal town of Brava. Thus they established dominion over all tribes of the Rahanwiin tribal family. Retribution, however, was to follow. The Rahanwiin recovered strength under the leadership of the Sultan of the Geledi (then a powerful Rahanwiin tribe), and after a series of battles besieged and destroyed Bardera in 1843. For some years Bardera lay deserted but began to rise again with the foundation of a new community by Sheik Muhammad Eden of the Elai. By 1924 it was possible for Colucci (1924, p. 264) to describe the new centre in the following terms: ' The settlements of Bardera constitute a truly independent territorial group freed from all adherence to the tribes from whom the original grants of land were obtained '. ADOPTION All communities originally enter the tribal structure through an act of adoption. Genealogically this implies incorporation into a lineage. Colucci (1994, pp. 78 ff.) has drawn attention to the frequent occurrence in tribal genealogies of names signifying ' holy ', ' religious ', ' saintly ', etc., which denote the attachment to tribal units of Sufi communities or groups of holy men celebrated for their baraka. Such titles are:sheikal, asheraf', faqir , fogi, 'faqih ', 'haaji ', ' hashya ', and other synonyms not noticed by Colucci. The fact that some tribal families, especially those with particularly strong traditions of Arabian descent such as the Ishaaq and Daarood of northern Somaliland are often referred to as 'haaji ' or ' hashya (25) indicates that they are in some sense regarded as sanctified. This is an illustration of the extent to which religion is identified with tribal structure among the northern nomads. We shall return to this point later. In the genealogies of the southern cultivating tribes (the Sab), however, such words tend to occur in the lower portions of tribal genealogies. Sometimes their occurrence indicates fairly feeble ties of attachment between adopting tribe and priestly section. In other cases where the attachment is more tenuous these titles represent extraneous aggregates often of long standing. As examples of dispersed clans of holy men we have already considered the Rer Sheik Mumin among the Rahanwiin and the Rer Au Qutub of British Somaliland. Both are typical representatives of this class. The Sheikal Lobogi section of the Herab tribe of Somalia are, on the other hand, a good example of a religious group or community firmly assimilated to the tribe of adoption (see genealogy above, p. 588). Sheik Lobogi, the eponymous ancestor of the group, is a descendant of Sheik Saad whose tomb is at Geledi in Somalia. Groups which have not achieved such firm integration in the tribal structure or assimilation in the lineage structure, are the Asheraf among the Saraman tribal cluster, (26) the Walamoji among the Elai, (27) and the Waaqbarre among the Dabarre tribe. The Asheraf rose to power in a manner typical of such groups, they acted as mediators in a series of disputes amongst the Saraman tribes which concluded in the expulsion of one, the Harau, and the division of another, the Lisan, into two new tribes, the Lisan Horsi and the Lisan Barre. At Saraman, the Asheraf are known as the ' Three Feet ' and take part in tribal councils as arbitrators and peace-makers. There are many religious clans known as Asheraf in Somaliland, and no doubt some of them derive ultimately from immigrant Ashraf. In view of the importance of Mogadishu as a centre in the diffusion of Islam it may well be that the Sharifs at present living in the Shangani quarter of Mogadishu who are of the Ba 'Alwi clan of Hadramaut,(28) and who settled in Somaliland in the 17th century, may constitute one of the original nuclei from which Ashraf blood has spread. The Walamoji wield considerable influence in Elai politics through the high prestige which they enjoy as men of religion. They claim to have accompanied the Elai in their wanderings before they reached their present territory, but they only recently became the official sheiks of the Elai after they had ousted another religious group - the 'Rer Fogi'. The founder is said to be of Galla Arussi origin, but as in the case of all religious sections they have vague traditions of descent from Quraysh which they exploit to the full. The Walamoji have considerable autonomy and are segmented into primary, secondary, and tertiary divisions (Colucci, 1991, p. 141). The Waaqbarre, who are attached to the Dabarre tribe, comprise three sections and have mixed traditions of connexion with the Galla Arussi and descent from a "Great Arabian Sheik". As is clear from the foregoing many tariqa communities degenerate into groups of wadaad (see above, p. 593) clustered round the shrine of their founder. Again there is the constant factor of the immigration of Arabian families of devouts and their Somali descendants who may have no direct affiliation with a particular tariqa. The complete picture is intricate and complex; it is not always possible to established the tariqa affiliations of religious groups with a Sufistic organization. Certainly it is often difficult to discover to which of the three - tariqa communities, shiekly families, or Arabian immigrants - particular names in tribal genealogies actually refer. There is no doubt that in many cases all are confused. They have in common an association with baraka. It seems, however, that apart from Arabian immigrants whose genealogies show connexion with Quraysh and consequently endowment with baraka are venerated in the same manner as Sufi saints and their cults are absorbed in the over-riding tariqa organization. It is with tariqa and jama'a that we are primarily concerned. The land necessary for the foundation of a jama'a is sometimes made readily accessible through the nomad's lack of interest in and contempt for cultivation. Often it was obtained as the result of skillful intervention in tribal disputes over land. Contested areas of arable land bordering tribal territory were ceded as astute sheiks who were thereby enabled to establish jama'as. At the same time the creation of these farming settlements contributed to the demarcation and definition of rigorous tribal boundaries (Lewis, 1955, pp. 43 ff., 143). Thus, for example, a chain of communities marking the principal watering-places and boundaries between tribes was set up along the Shebelle River from Afgoi to Mahaddei (Cerulli, 1923, p.26). For this reason it is appropriate to describe Sufi jama'as in southern Somalia as farming enclaves amongst tribes and occupying an interstitial territorial position analogous to their role in inter-tribal politics. The community's lands are acquired through adoption into a host tribe. Adoption within the tribal and lineage structure (if this is still functioning) places the head of the community and his followers in the initially inferior status of clients, subservient to the tribal elders and chief. At this stage the burden of the conflict between tribal custom (heer, tastuur on the one hand, and the Sharia on the other, seems to lie against the Sufi community. For the members of the jama'as are subject to conflicting loyalties. Islamic code which should rigorously govern their internal affairs cannot always be enforced in their relations with the tribesmen upon whom they are in dependence. Should tension between tribe and community reach a high pitch the community is in danger of losing its tenancy. However, such is the strength of tradition that in the hands of a wise sheik skilful in the maintenance of good relations with his tribe of adoption, tenancy easily lapses into ownership. Tenure has given rise to absolute possession. Rights to land may never be challenged, and the jama'a may achieve sufficient power to free itself completely from tribal allegiance. Such is the case of Bardera (above, p. 597). With the high premium which the increasing adoption of agriculture has caused to be set upon land, disputes over possession are common. But rivalry over land for cultivation is only one among many likely points at issue between a Sufi community and its tribe of adoption. In addition to the general disharmony between tribal custom and the Shari'a, the interference of sheiks in tribal politics, and the passing of religious leadership from tribe to jama'a, tribal sanctions would seem to be weakened by the asylum offered in jama'as to defaulters from tribal justice. At the same time a variety of factors encourage the growth of Sufi farming communities. The opportunities which a stable existence in agricultural settlements affords, together with the greater stability of tribal relations among the sedentary cultivators or only part-transhumant tribes of Somalia, attracts dispossessed people, many of whom are of servile origin, and promotes the further development of agriculture. The soil is favourable, there is administrative encouragement to cultivate - and many settlers are by nature cultivators - and the Shari'a, more thoroughly applied here, provides an essentially urban code whose juridical ordinances are more appropriate to farming settlements than they are to nomadic tribal society. All these factors are contributory to the disintegration of the lineage structure as well as to the formation of jama'a farms. It is not surprising then that there is a constant drift towards the religious settlements and away from the tribes: that it is no greater must be ascribed to the nomad's contempt of cultivation and those who practise it. When these factors are considered it is clear that there are many opportunities for friction between tribe and adopted community. In all disputes the procedure followed is the same: the tribe claiming the land occupied by the community seeks to abrogate the mandate by which it is alleged to have been ceded. The conflicts which ensue are usually resolved by the intervention of the administration. A typical example of the type of dispute which is likely to arise is the following: In 1920 the Hawadle claimed the land which the community of Burdere occupied and which it was maintained had been granted to the community 38 years previously. The tribe held that the grant had been only provisional and that the ground was now required for its own use, especially since several Hawadle families had already settled in the lands of the jama'a. Since the head of the jama'a continued to ignore their requests tribesmen continued to move into the community's lands without admission to the Order. The sheik was then moved to protest to the Italian Administration claiming that the disputed lands had been obtained not from the Hawadle but from an adjacent tribe, the Baddi Addo. The case was solved by the government's forcing those Hawadle who had illegally joined the community to withdraw after the harvest of their crops. Sufism triumphed and the community's rights were upheld against those of the tribe. The position of jama'as has further been strengthened by the administration's policy of appointing qadis from the ranks of Sufi brethren (wadaad) (Cerulli, 1973. pp. 28-29, 32-4). But government policy does not always seem to have been consistent on the side of the Orders and it has doubtless frequently turned disputes between tribes and religious Orders to its own advantage (29). We have noted how the differences in ecology between the northern terrain occupied by the nomads and the southern occupied by semi-nomadic and sedentary cultivators govern the territorial disposition of jama'as. There is naturally a much higher proportion of permanent Sufi settlements in the south than in the north, and consequently a higher proportion of autonomousb communities freed from tribal allegiance. In the south jama'as occupy an interstitial position in the social structure parallel to their territorial distribution. It is hardly surprising then that the communities are generally more closely intertwined in the lineage structure of the northern nomads than in what remains of that of the southern cultivators. The ecological differences between the north and south of Somaliland are reflected in the retention of the lineage organization among the nomads and the necessity for communities to maintain tribal affiliations in the north, while in the south where the lineage structure is in active disintegration communities tend to exist as independent settlements. GENEALOGIES ASSIMILATION We have seen how Quraysh is the symbol of divine grace and how the genealogies of Sufi sheiks and khalifas vaunt connexion with the Prophet's lineage. As we have also seen how in its client status, and thus at some point in the history of every jama'a, the community is identified with its head and with his genealogy. It is the incorporation of such genealogies, I believe, which leads ultimately to the inclusive ascription of the Somali nation to the Qurayshitic lineage of the Prophet. The Orders as they to-day exist in Somaliland do not date from before the 15th century (the time of the introduction of the Qadiriya) but it is unlikely that they could have assumed their present constitution and strength without some earlier proto-tariqa organization of the development of Sufism in Morocco, Drague, 1951, pp. 9-ll7). It appears probable, therefore, that the Qurayshitic pattern of Somali genealogies has developed in step - with the formal emergence of the Orders in Somaliland. We emphasized earlier, tariqas are not alone responsible for the introduction of Qurayshitic genealogies. Many of the immigrant Arabs who established chiefly dynasties among the Somali and who naturally brought their Arabian genealogies with them were doubtless not all Sufi. Some of them may indeed, have been the true descendants of Quraysh. Nevertheless, it is significant that the Somali celebrate as the authors of their faith and venerate as they do Sufi, saints, figures such as Sheiks Ishaaq and Daarood, who if not themselves historical personages are certainly the types of such. Sociologically it is apparent that the claim of descent from Quraysh is the necessary outcome of the application of the Somali lineage principle to the part played by Islam generally, and Sufism in particular, in the social structure. This consistency is made possible by the parallel functions of Sufi and Somali genealogies. That the nomads have stronger traditions of descent from Quraysh is to be expected, since, unlike the southern cultivators (Sab) whose arable lands facilitate the formation of autonomous independent Sufi communities, the jama'as of the northern nomads are seldom self-contained and are generally identified with the tribal structure. The same is genealogically true as we have seen. The closer genealogical assimilation among the nomadic population seems to explain why tribal families of the ' Soomaali ' group such as the Ishaaq and Daarood, as opposed to those of the ' Sab ', are referred to genealogically as though they represented vast Sufi communities. Such an interpretation is consistent with the role of Sufism among the Somali. The concluding sections of this essay (Part II), to be published in a later number of the Bulletin, win examine the religious assumptions which underlie this process of assimilation. Notes • I wish to acknowledge the help in the preparation of this paper which I have received from many scholars and to express my gratitude in particular to Ali Garaad Jama and Musa Haaji Isma'il Galaal of the British Somaliland Protectorate, to Mr. A. M. Abu Zaid, Mr. B. XV Andrzejewski, Dr. P. T. W. Baster, Professor E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Sir H. A. R. Gibb, Dr. G. Mathexv, and Professor R. B. Sergeant. • Orthography. In the transcription of Somali words I have wherever possible used the orthography of B. W. Andrzejewski as adopted by C. R. V. Bell in his work The Somali Language (Longmans), 1963. In this orthography vowel length is represented by doubling vowel letters, i.e. long a is written aa, etc. In some cases, however, I have had to adhere to the spellings given by my Italian authorities. Somali place-names, such as Mogadishu, are ' anglicized ' from the Italian. Arabic words are transliterated according to common usage, although certain words such as ' sheik ' which have well-known ' anglicized ' forms have been left in these forms. Thus the Prophet is referred to as ' Mohammed ', while in other proper names the transliteration 'Muhammad ' is given. • The same conclusion is reached by Drague in his masterly Esquisse d'Histoire Religieuse du Maroc, 1961, p. 8. • The authorities upon whose work this classification rests are cited in the Cushitic bibliography at the end of Part II of this paper. • By "Sufi genealogies" are meant, as indicated above, the personal genealogies of the sheikhs who are the founders and heads of the Somali Sufi Dervish Orders. • It is important to distinguish the ' Sab ' from the s outcast ' client peoples of Somaliland who have no independent tribal organization and do not own lands. These artisans and craftsmen have a clearly defined subject status and are written Sab (see Lewis, op. cit., pp. 51-5). It is not yet known whether Sab and Sab are linguistically identical or whether there are any ethnic connexions between the two peoples. • The Tunni are a tribal confederacy rather than a tribal family. • The Gedabuursi are of uncertain affiliation, they may belong to the Dir tribal family. • This division is, as Professor R. B. Sergeant has suggested to me, reminiscent of that between the northern and southern Arabs who trace descent from 'Adnan and Qahtan respectively. • Correctly as above indicated "Soomaali ". • Clients are called magan in the northern dialects; in the south 'arifa, and among the Digil, sheegad. • The extent of endogamy appears to vary from tribe to tribe, partly no doubt dependent upon size, and it is at present impossible to generalize definitively. • Contrast the classical definition of Ibn Khaldun, Prolegomenes, trs. de Slane, I, p. 382. • The generic word for any form of offering to God and for sacrifice in its widest sense is amongst the northern Somali Rabbibari, which Andrzejewski translates "beseeching God"; among the Hawiye of Somalia Waaq da'il "offering to the Sky God" is used according to Cerruli, op. cit. • Professor Sergeant's study of south Arabian ;MSS. has shown conclusively that the ' two great centres of diffusion of trade and the faith ' were Zeila and Mogadishu (personal communication). • Professor R. B. Sergeant, personal communication. • An account of his life is found in al-Shin;'s al-Mashra' al-Rawi (A.H. 1319, printed in the 'Amiryah Press), II, pp. 34-41. • Wadaad is the Somali equivalent of the ' marabout ' or ' mullah ', sometimes described as "hedge priest", found in all Muslim countries. His functions are manifold since as well a posted to The History of the Dir People.. at Sun Jan 01 11:02:01 EST 2006 by Agoon.

reply to this post


Add: Photo
Video