Friday, February 3, 2012


DE RUEHNR #1732/01 2300533
R 180533Z AUG 09



E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/18/2019

B. B) NAIROBI 1552
C. C) IIR 6 854 0327 09

Classified By: Somalia Unit Counselor Bob Patterson for reasons 1.4 (b,

1. (C) Summary A TFG-backed Juba offensive, aimed at pushing
al-Shabaab out of Kismayo, appears to be moving forward, but
competing Ethiopian and/or Marehan clan interests could
complicate matters. TFG Minister of Defense "Gandi" reports
that the TFG is in contact with local players in Juba,
including Ras Kamboni leaders Ahmed Madobe and Ibrahim
Shukri, in an effort to reconcile differences and obtain
their cooperation. "Gandi" said President Sharif fully
supports the plan, which remains closely held within the TFG.
The force in Lower Juba will consist of Darod/Kabalah clan
militia but will not include Darod/Marehan militia from the
Gedo region. Madobe appears willing to cooperate with the TFG
if Lower Juba's autonomy would be assured. "Gandi" told us
that the TFG is in negotiations with the Government of Kenya
over support for the plan. Several of our Lower Juba contacts
tell us they think some Marehan leaders are attempting to
confuse the Kenyans by telling them that the Marehan have
agreed to cooperate with those in Lower Juba in order to take
Kismayo. End summary.

"Gandi's" Plan

2. (C) During an August 15 conversation with the Somalia
Unit, TFG Minister of Defense "Gandi" confirmed TFG
involvement in an evolving Darod/Kabalah/Obsame plan to take
Kismayo and consolidate control of Lower Juba (refs a,b).
"Gandi" said the TFG in March began to talk to local players
in Juba, to include Ras Kamboni leaders Ahmed Madobe and
Ibrahim Shukri, in an effort to reconcile differences and
obtain their cooperation. "Gandi" said that President Sharif
fully supports the plan, and that it remains closely held
within the TFG. "Gandi" said the offensive must take place
before mid-October in order to take advantage of current
weather conditions that complicate al-Shabaab's efforts to
re-supply through the port of Kismayo. The force in Lower
Juba will consist of Darod/Kabalah clan militia but will not
include Darod/Marehan militia from the Gedo region. Gandi
said Marehan involvement in the effort to take Kismayo would
be "horrible" and stated firmly "the Marehan can not go to
Kismayo." Ogaden militia, in cooperation with Marehan militia
leaders, might go to Gedo to assist Marehan militia against
al-Shabaab in that region, but "Gandi" said this would be a
last resort because of the long-standing tensions between the
two Darod subclans. "Gandi" said Ethiopian-backed Marehan
proxy Barre Hirale and Darod/Kabalah/Harti/Majerteen warlord
General Morgan are not involved in the TFG's plan in Gedo or
Lower Juba. "Gandi" said he had full confidence in Shukri's
commitment to the TFG but described Madobe as a "complex" but
militarily necessary participant. "Gandi" said that the TFG
is in negotiations with the Kenyans regarding support for the
plan. He declared that "the Kenyans are ready to help us,"
but said the plan would move forward with or without Kenyan
support (ref c). "Gandi" hoped that AMISOM might be able to
provide artillery or aerial support to the offensive.

Madobe's Version of Events Reveals
Ogaden-Centric Agenda

3. (C) On August 12 Somalia Unit PolOff met Abdi Ali Raghe, a
close contact and kinsman of Ahmed Madobe, who had just
returned from spending several days with Madobe in the Lower
Juba town of Dhobley. Raghe relayed to Poloff Madobe's
version of recent events. Approximately six months before
Madobe's late-March return to Lower Juba, Ras Kamboni leader
Hassan al-Turki orchestrated a power-sharing arrangement for
the Kismayo port between al-Shabaab and Ras Kamboni/Hisbul
Islam. (Note: Madobe was Governor of Kismayo under the
Council of Islamic Courts CIC) and was captured and
imprisoned by Ethiopian forces when the CIC fled Kismayo in
2006. He was released from jail after President Sharif
interceded on his behalf during his maiden visit to Addis
Ababa. Madobe was appointed an MP in Somalia's expanded
Parliament in January 2009. He resigned as MP in April 2009
and remained in Lower Juba. End note.) Turki had placed
non-Ogaden al-Shabaab in primary leadership positions in
Kismayo, forcing Ogaden-clan Ras Kamboni leaders into deputy
positions. This suggested to Madobe that Turki's primary

NAIROBI 00001732 002 OF 003

allegiance was to al-Shabaab. The Kismayo port agreement
called for revenues to be divided, with 30% going to
al-Shabaab, 30% to a joint Ras Kamboni/al-Shabaab
administration, 30% to Ras Kamboni, and 10% to the Anole
group. (Note: The Anole group is a faction of Hisbul Islam
comprised of Darod/Kabalah/Harti militia. End Note.) Ras
Kamboni in the end, however, received only about 2% of the
revenues over the following months and, as a result, Ogaden
clansmen defected to al-Shabaab.

4. (C) When Madobe returned to Lower Juba in late-March he
was welcomed by Ogaden clan leaders. At that time,
al-Shabaab began a campaign to persuade Turki that Madobe
could not be trusted. Al-Shabaab urged Turki not to let
Madobe join the Ras Kamboni leadership for three months,
arguing that he may have been influenced by Ethiopia while in
captivity. For their part, Ogaden clan elders told Madobe he
must put clan interests before relations with al-Shabaab.
Madobe subsequently traveled to Kismayo to begin to mobilize
support among the subclans. In order to counter al-Shabaab's
accusations against him as he worked to mobilize Ogaden
support, Madobe resigned from the TFG. When al-Shabaab in
Kismayo began to take the "converted" Ras Kamboni militia to
Mogadishu to participate in the May offensive, Madobe's
Ogaden clan complained that al-Shabaab was using Ogaden
militia to ensure safe passage to Mogadishu, then was
abandoning them once there. Madobe believed their grievances
presented a good opportunity to convince his former militia
in Mogadishu to return to Lower Juba for an attack on
Kismayo. Madobe claimed that as many as 80% of his supporters
have returned to Lower Juba from Mogadishu. After a one month
meeting in Afmadow, Ras Kamboni restructured and appointed
Madobe its head and Shukri as head of internal affairs.
Madobe, Shukri and their allied militias claim to control
Afmadow (including Dhobley), Badadee, and west Jilib, and are
now in a position to defeat al-Shabaab in Kismayo, Jimaame,
and east Jilib.

5. (C) Madobe reportedly wants to push al-Shabaab out and win
leadership of an autonomous Lower Juba linked to the TFG.
According to Raghe, Madobe said he does not think the TFG
understands Madobe's decision to go to Mogadishu, even though
Madobe assured "Gandi" he did not go to Mogadishu to fight
the TFG. Raghe told us Madobe would accept a minister
position within the TFG, but would demand control of a
semi-autonomous Jubaland administration if he stayed in the
region after delivering Kismayo. Madobe said he does not want
to publicly announce his intention to join or support the
government too soon because it would give al-Shabaab
propaganda material, but told Raghe that Darod/Kabalah clan
militia will support his plan to do so once the port is taken
and the clan imperative met.

Evolving Jubaland Administration
Retains Cautious View Of Madobe

6. (C) On August 12 Darod/Kabalah clan leaders who had been
working toward a would-be Jubaland administration met with
PolOff and added nuance to earlier statements about their
relationship with Madobe (refs a,b). They said their goal is
a regional administration, linked to the TFG. They were
willing to have Madobe at its head if he was successful in
taking Kismayo. (Note: In earlier comments the same contacts
indicated to us that Madobe had already been appointed leader
of the evolving Jubaland Administration. End note.) The
Darod/Kabalah leaders said the day Madobe captures Kismayo he
will have to announce that he is part of and/or supports the
TFG or he will loose clan support. Ogaden leaders reportedly
believe that Ogaden-led control of Kismayo will translate
into greater Ogaden representation in the TFG at the
ministerial level and that political negotiations regarding a
greater Jubaland to include Gedo should for now remain

Growing Concern Over Ethiopian-Backed
Marehan Involvement

7. (C) "Gandi" told us he is worried that Ethiopia is giving
ammunition and support to Barre Hirale's troops. He said he
views recent meetings in Nairobi between General Morgan,
Barre Hirale, Ali Gedi and others as dangerous. "Gandi" urged
us to explain to Ethiopia that the TFG, like Ethiopia, wishes
to counter and defeat al-Shabaab. "Gandi" worried that
Ethiopian meddling could undercut the Kismayo offensive.

NAIROBI 00001732 003 OF 003

8. (C) Several of our contacts in Lower Juba tell us they
think that some Marehan leaders are attempting to confuse the
Kenyans by telling them that the Marehan have agreed to
cooperate with the Lower Juba players in an effort to take
Kismayo. (Note: A Marehan push toward Kismayo would almost
certainly be strongly rejected by Madobe, Shukri, and the
Darod/Kabalah clan base of Lower Juba, sparking intra-Darod
warfare in the Jubas. End note.)


9. (C) The Juba Offensive described by "Gandi," despite
obvious differences in emphasis and motivation, appears to
have in common with Madobe's initiative an understanding that
any push into Kismayo should be predominantly Ogaden-led.
"Gandi's" plan and reports from Juba contacts close to Madobe
and Shukri have much in common with Kenya's plans to support
a Juba offensive (ref c). The Kenyan plan, however, contains
the added element of an Ethiopian-backed Ahlu Sunnah Wal
Jama'a push into Baidoa that would be designed to draw
al-Shabaab out of Lower Juba and Gedo. This would be
followed by a Marehan pushback against al-Shabaab in Gedo
(ref c). That part of the plan does not appear to be in
conflict with the Lower Juba initiative. However, it appears
increasingly likely that Ethiopia is backing Darod/Marehan
proxies as insurance against an Ogaden-led Lower Juba.
Against this backdrop, it seems likely that parties
representing Marehan and/or Ethiopian interests are
presenting the Kenyans, who we believe have a limited
understanding of clan dynamics in Juba, with misinformation
about the likelihood of Marehan/Ogaden cooperation in an
effort to take control of Kismayo.

Wagosha Slam ongoing meeting of"Azania" in Kenya(WGM)

Submitted by SONNA on Sat, 07/30/2011 - 14:07

DaabacoSaaxib u dir
Wagosha slam ongoing meeting of "Azania" in Kenya (WGM)

The executive committee of the Wagosha Movement of Somalia, has strongly criticized the ongoing meeting on Kenyan soil trying to solidify the ill-advised establishment of the so called "Azania State" in Somalia.

The movement said it was unfortunate to see Kenya being used by individuals with clan interests and characterized it as a move that can undermine the stability in the Jubba regions of Southern Somalia and the whole continental region around the Horn of Africa.

The Chairman of the Wagosha Movement of Somalia, Eng Yarow Sharef Aden said Kenya was supposed to play a regional role in resolving the Somalia crisis, but instead some Ogaden clan individuals have been given a go ahead to create more trouble in Somalia.

The Executive Committee of Wagosha said Kenyan nationals like Abdirahman Olow, Mohamed Yusuf Haji, Farah Moalim, Ilyas Barre Shil, Nuradin Mohamed Yusuf Haji and others, who all hail from the same clan of the Ogaden become the ears, eyes and strong-arms of the Kenyan nation concerning the Jubbaland issues. Their only aim they are campaigning for, is to create an Ogaden entity in Jubbaland and cleanse the people from all other clans including the majority Bantu people of Wagosha and use this Somali region for their own selfish gains.

The people from the Ogaden clan and their region to the west of today's Somalia invaded the southern Jubbaland only after the second world war and could hold some positions with the help of the former government of strongman Siad Barre. "They lost their own homeland in the Ogaden to the Abyssinian government and do not want to go back despite having their own regional state there, and now they want to conquer our lands instead," explained Col. Mkomwa, the deputy chairman of the Wagosha Movement.

“We have been telling the world for a long time that the Ogaden clan in the North-Eastern Province of Kenya is harbouring Al-Shabab members. We revealed that senior members of Al-Shabab in Jubbaland and other parts in Somalia are from Garissa in Kenya. Today the UN monitoring group in its report has confirmed our claims”, added Eng Yarow Sharef Aden, who accused the Ogaden clan politicians of hiding the truth about how the districts they claim are used by Al-Shabab members.

Eng Yarow said Jubbaland will be the Soweto and Niger Delta of the Horn of Africa, if Mohamed Abdi Gandi, a French passport holder, does not stop his sick idea of conquering the land of the Wagosha people. Already the choice of the name " AZANIA " for his dreamed up, personal thiefdom shows the confusion of mind and the Wagosha people urge especially the French to withdraw their funding from this neo-colonial initiative.

Neither the South African Socialist Party of Azania (SOPA) under their leader Lybon Masaba , nor the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) of South Africa or the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), based in South Africa have anything to do with the ill-fated initiative of a single Somali man - pushed by his clan, foreign money and the political opponents of a united and strong Somalia.

This imperialist move by Mr. Mohamed Abdi, who was with French backing and funds for a short while defence minister of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia until he got sacked, is spearheaded by the Ogaden, seconded by Ethiopia and Kenya and bankrolled by French governmental and oil interests.

The Wagosha Movement has reiterated its decision of opposing any outcome from the so called "Azania" meeting in Kenya, adding that the movement will fight against the Ogaden invaders from Ethiopia, called Zone Five, and those from North East Province of Kenya or from the Puntland region of Somalia.

The Wagosha people call on the international community to take part in resolving the Somalia crisis and end the slavery of the Somali nationals of Bantu origin and the apartheid regime oppressing all Somali minorities in the Jubba regions and other parts of the country

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